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't 


ILEO  :^oPoM< 


LEO  THE  TENTH. 


'  {■        • '  ■  •*"«        '■  • 
••=  .-    i.r*..»     -,•-..-■''.,•. 


\ 

V 


v-^  M  J  \ 


THE 


LIFE 


AND 


PONTIFICATE 


OF 


LEO  THE  TENTH. 


IN  FOUR  VOLUMES. 


BY  WILLIAM  ROSCOE. 


VOL.  L 


Taeri  eiilm  eorum  memoriam,  quorum  meritamulta  in  homines 

etprjcclara  extiterunt,  aequitatis  et  justitiae  laudem  habet. 

yo.  Mich.  Brutus,  ad  Tingiiim. 


'  i'    >  >  >    >  > 


_    ,  .     RHILAIXELPHTA.: 

TRINT»D  AT  THE  LORE-XZO  PllESb  OF  E.  BRONSON. 

ISC'? 


v./ 


i,0i^''/'7 


A   »        «-       *.   • 

1,-    C        t     A     i«        ( 
«.'       «      «  «     1 


PREFACE. 

t  OR  almost  three  centuries  the  curiosity  of  man-- 
kind  has  been  directed  towards  the  age  of  Leo 
THE  Tenth.  The  history  of  that  period  has  not, 
however,  yet  been  attempted  in  a  manner  in  any 
degree  equal  to  the  grandeur  and  variety  of  the 
subject.  Nor  is  this  difficult  to  be  accounted 
for.  Attractive  as  such  an  undertaking  may  at 
first  appear,  it  will  be  found  on  a  nearer  inspec- 
tion to  be  surrounded  by  many  difficulties.  The 
magnitude  of  such  a  task ;  the  trouble  of  collecting 
the  materials  necessary  to  its  proper  execution ;  the 
long  devotion  of  time  and  of  labour  which  it  must 
unavoidably  require  ;  and  above  all,  the  apprehen- 
sions of  not  fulfilling  the  high  expectations  which 

Ag22ajt       6015  !•  ^^''^ 


PREFACE. 

have  been  formed  of  it,  are  some  of  those  circum- 
stances which  have  perhaps  prevented  the  accom- 
phshment  of  a  work  which  has  often  been  suggested, 
sometimes  closely  contemplated,  but  hitherto  cau- 
tiously declined. 

The  same  considerations,  which  have  deterred 
jothers  from  engaging  in  so  laborious  and  hazardous 
an  attempt,  would  in  all  probability  have  produced 
a  similar  effect  on  myself,  had  I  not  been  led  by 
imperceptible  degi'ees  to  a  situation  in  which  I 
could   scai'cely,    with  either  propriety  or  credit, 
have  declined  the  task.     The  history  of  the  life  of 
Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  the  father  of  Leo  X.  had 
opened  the  way  to  a  variety  of  researches,  not  less 
connected  with  the  events  of  the  ensuing  period, 
than  with  those  of  the  times  for  which  they  were 
immediately  intended;  and  even  that  work  was 
considered  by  many,  perhaps  not  unjustly,  as  only 
the  vestibule  to  a  more  spacious  building,  which 
it  would  be  incumbent  on  the  audior  at  some  future 
period  to  complete.     Since  tliat  publication,  the 
friendship  and  liberality   of  several  distinguished 
characters,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  have  supplied 
me  with  many  valuable  communications  and  origi- 
nal documents,  which  without  theii'  countenance 
and  favour,  it  would  not  have  been  in  my  power 

to 


PREFACE. 

to  have  obtained.  To  have  withlield  tliese  materials 
from  tlie  pubUck,  would  have  defeated  the  purpose 
for  which  they  were  communicated ;  and  to  have 
shrunk  from  the  task  under  such  circumstances, 
would  ha\'e  given  occasion  for  a  construction  almost 
as  unfavourable  to  myself  as  the  failure  of  success. 
These  reflections  have  induced  me,  amidst  the 
constant  engagements  of  an  acti^'e  life,  to  persevere 
in  an  undeitaking,  which  has  occasionally  called 
for  exertions  beyond  ^vhat  my  time,  my  talents, 
or  my  health  could  always  supply  ;  and  I  now 
submit  to  the  publick  the  result  of  the  labour 
of  many  years,  in  the  best  form  in  which,  under 
all  circumstances,  it  has  been  in  my  power  to 
offer  it  to  their  acceptance. 

Although  I  have  entitled  the  following  Mork 
The  Life  and  Pontificate  of  Leo  X.  yet  I 
have  not  only  thought  it  excusable,  but  even  found 
it  necessary,  to  enter  into  the  general  history  of  the 
times ;  without  which  it  would  ha.ve  been  impossible 
to  give  so  full  an  idea  of  the  character  and  conduct 
of  this  celebrated  pontiff*,  as  it  was  my  wish  to 
communicate.  Nor  can  I  regret  the  opportunity 
which  has  thus  been  afforded  me,  of  examining 
more  fully  than  has  perliaps  hitherto  been  done,  a 
period  productive  of  great  and  important  events, 

and 


8  PREFACE. 

and  which  exhibits  almost  every  diversity  of  human 
'  character.  Respecting  the  propriety  of  this  unioo 
of  individual  biography  with  general  history,  I  am 
well  aware,  that  doubts  have  been  entertained  by 
persons  of  considerable  eminence  in  literature. 
That  there  are  certain  limits  between  the  province 
of  the  historian  and  that  of  the  biogi'apher  may 
readily  be  admitted ;  yet,  as  these  branches  of  study 
are  equally  conversant  with  the  individuals  of  our 
own  species,  it  will  unavoidably  happen,  that  each 
of  them  will  at  times  encroach  upon  the  precincts 
of  the  other.  In  perusing  the  pages  of  Livy  or  of 
Tacitus,  of  Hume  or  of  Gibbon,  we  find  no  parts 
which  interest  us  more  than  the  private  and  per- 
sonal memorials  of  those  great  and  illustrious  men 
who  have  acted  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  publick 
events  of  the  age ;  whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  it 
would  be  impossible  to  form  a  correct  idea  of  the 
character  of  an  individual,  without  considering  him 
in  tliose  relations,  by  which  he  stands  connected 
with  the  general  transactions  of  the  times  in  ^vhich 
he  li^'ed,  and  which  in  truth  have  not  only  displayed, 
but  in  some  measure  formed  his  character.  That 
tliese  mutual  concessions  may  admit  of  abuse, 
cannot  be  doubted ;  }-et,  if  the  great  objects  of 
pleasure  and  utility  be  obtained,  that  criticism 
would  perhaps  be  too  rigid,  which  would  nar. 

rowly 


PREFACE. 

rowly  restrict  so  advantageous  an  interchange. 
In  tracing  the  history  of  a  people  through  any  con- 
siderable portion  of  time,  the  attention  is  weakened, 
and  the  feelings  are  blunted,  by  the  rapid  succession 
of  events  and  chai'acters,  in  M^hich  we  might  have 
been  more  deeply  interested,  if  our  information 
respecting  them  had  been  more  minute.  The 
history  of  mankind  may  be  compared  to  the  surface 
of  the  earth,  which  is  composed  of  wild  woods 
and  trackless  desaits,  interspersed,  however.  Math 
cultivated  spots,  and  peculiar  appearances  of  nature. 
The  traveller  passes  heedlessly  over  the  undiver* 
sified  prospect,  and  dwells  only  on  such  parts  as  for 
their  beauty,  sublimit)-,  or  singularity,  he  deems 
most  worthy  of  his  regard. 

These  observations,  it  is  hoped,  may  serve  as 
an  apolog)'  for  my  having  entered  so  much  at  large 
into  the  history  of  many  transactions,  which, 
although  they  were  not  influenced  in  any  eminent 
degree  by  the  personal  interference  of  Leo  X. 
greatly  affected  the  fortunes  of  his  early  years. 
Of  this  nature  is  the  narrative  of  the  irruption  of 
Charles  VIII.  into  Italy ;  an  enterprise  which,  as 
Mr.  Gibbon  asserts,  changed  the  face  of  Europe, 
and  of  which  he  at  one  time  meditated  a  distinct 
and  separate  historj-.  The  siege  of  Pisa,  as  long 
and  as  eventful  as  the  celebrated  siege  of  Troy,  is 
VOL.  I.  B  so 


If)  PREFACE. 

SO  closely  connected  with  all  the  political  events 
and  negotiations  of  the  time,  and  in  particular,  with 
the  fate  of  the  three  brothers  of  the  Medici,  as 
unavoidably  to  obtrude  itself  upon  our  frequent 
notice.  In  adverting  to  the  pontificate  of  Alexander 
VI.  it  is  impossible  to  avoid  being  forcibly  struck 
with  the  energy,  or  rather  the  atrocity  of  character 
by  which  that  pontiff  and  his  son,  Cesar  Borgia, 
were  distinguished ;  and  the  singulai'  ti-ansactions 
recorded  of  them,  must  occasionally  give  rise  to 
doubts,  which  the  labours  of  the  most  industrious 
and  impartial  inquirer  will  scarcely  be  adequate  to 
remo^•e.  With  tlie  fortunes  of  the  Medici,  the 
effects  of  the  memorable  league  of  Cambray, 
which  alone  has  been  the  subject  of  several  volumes j 
are  still  more  closely  connected  ;  whilst  the  con- 
quest of  Naples,  and  the  expulsion  of  the  royal 
family  of  Aragon  by  the  united  aims  of  Louis  XIL 
and  of  Ferdinand  of  Spain,  and  the  subsequent 
disagreement  and  contests  of  those  monarchs,  for 
the  dominion  of  that  kingdom,  claim  our  atten- 
tion, no  less  on  account  of  their  connexion  with 
our  principal  subject,  than  by  their  intiinsick 
importance.  H^ 

An  opinion  has  of  late  been  very  generally 
advanced  both  in  this  country  and  abroad,    that 

notwith- 


PREFACE.  11 

iiotwitlistaiiding  the  improvement  which  took  place 
in  Italy,  in  the  age  of  Leo  X.  a  very  moderate  por- 
tion of  it  is  to  be  attributed  to  the  personal  exertions, 
talents,  and  pati'onage  of  that  pontiff;  and  that  by 
giving  to  this  period  the  ostentatious  title  of  The 
Age  of  Leo  X.  we  deprive  the  other  eminent 
patrons  of  literature  who  flourished  during  the  same 
era,  of  that  praise  to  which  they  are  justly  entitled. 
I  ought  not  very  earnestly  to  oppose  an  opinion, 
which,  if  espoused  by  my  readers,  would  relieve 
me  from  a  great  part  of  my  responsibility-.  Yet, 
that  Leo,  during  his  short  pontificate  of  less  than 
nine  years,  exerted  himself  with  considerable  effect 
in  the  promotion  of  literature  and  the  restoration 
of  the  fine  aits,  cannot  be  doubted ;  and  as  his 
services  ha^•e  never  yet  been  sufficiently  appre^ 
ciated,  or  collected  into  one  point  of  view,  an 
attempt  to  supply  ^vhat  has  hitherto  been  wanting 
in  this  respect,  may  be  entitled  at  least  to  pai'don. 
The  effects  produced  by  Leo  on  the  character  of 
the  times,  will,  however,  be  better  estimated, 
when  the  transactions  of  his  life  shall  have  been 
more  fully  unfolded.  I  shall  afterguards  return  to 
this  impoitant  and  essential  part  of  my  subject,  and 
endeavour  to  ascertain  the  amount  of  the  obligations 
due  frbm  posterity  to  Leo  the  tenth, 


The 


12  PREFACE. 

The  earliest  professed  history  of  Leo  X.  is  that 
of  Paolo  Giovio,  better  known  by  his  Latin  appel- 
lation oiPaullus  Jo'vius.  This  author,  the  character 
of  whose  various  productions  is  sufficiently  known, 
had  every  opportunity  of  obtaining  the  most  exact 
and  authentick  information  on  the  subject  of  his 
history.  His  life  of  Leo  X.  written,  like  the  rest 
of  his  works,  in  Latin,  is  one  of  the  most  valuable 
of  his  productions,  containing  much  authentick 
information,  and  being  perhaps  less  tinctured  than 
the  generality  of  his  labours,  with  that  satirical 
spirit,  which  its  author  on  many  occasions  evinced. 

With  this  history  of  Leo  X.  by  Jovius,  and  the 
Italian  translation  by  Dominichi,  printed  at  Flo- 
rence in  1549,  the  learned  world  seems  to  have 
remained  satisfied  for  upwards  of  two  centuries. 
Many  incidental  anecdotes  and  brief  memoirs  of 
tliis  distinguished  pontiff,  were  in  the  mean  time 
given  to  the  publick ;  but  the  first  serious  intention 
of  connecting  the  life  of  Leo  X.  with  the  history  of 
the  revival  of  learning,  appears  to  have  arisen  in 
our  own  country^  where  the  elegant  and  pathetick 
poet,  William  Collins,  about  the  middle  of  the  last 
century,  is  said  to  have  published  proposals  for 
such  a  history.  "  I  have  heard  liim  speak  with 
"  great  kindness,"  says  Dr.  Johnson,  "  of  Leo  X. 

and 


PREFACE.  13 

"  and  with  keen  resentment  of  his  tasteless  suc- 
"  cessour ;  but  probably  not  a  page  of  the  history 
"  was  ever  written. "  Much  as  we  may  regi-et  the 
failure  of  this  enterprise,  those  whom  nature  has 
endowed  with  the  capacity  of  feeling  the  charm  of 
the  tender  and  impassioned  productions  of  this 
author,  will  regret  still  more  those  calamities  that 
prevented  him  from  increasing  the  number  of  his 
poetical  works,  which  have  justly  been  characteri- 
zed, as  exhibiting  "  a  luxuriance  of  imagination, 
"  a  wild  sublimity  of  fancy,  and  a  felicity  ofexpres- 
*'  sion  so  extraordmary,  that  they  might  be  sup- 
*'  posed  to  be  suggested  by  some  superiour  power, 
**  rather  than  to  be  the  effect  of  human  judgment 
"  or  capacity." 

Among  the  friends  of  Collins,  who  seem  to 
have  shared  his  confidence  and  his  studies,  was 
Mr.  Thomas  Warton,  by  whom  the  design  of 
giving  a  history  of  the  restoration  of  letters  in 
Europe,  was  continued,  or  revived.  In  the  excel- 
lent Essay  of  his  brother.  Dr.  Warton,  on  the  life 
and  writings  of  Pope,  is  the  following  passage. 
*'  Concerning  the  particular  encouragement  given 
"  by  Leo  X.  to  literature  and  the  fine  arts,  I  for- 
ebear to  enlarge ;  because  a  friend  of  mine  is  at 
"  present  engaged  in  writing  the  History  of  the 

"  AGE 


14  PREFACE. 

"  AGE  OF  Leo  the  tenth.  It  is  a  noble  period, 
"  and  full  of  those  most  important  events,  w^hich 
"  have  had  the  greatest  influence  on  human  affairs. 
"  Such  as  the  discovery  of  the  West  Indies  by  the 
"  Spaniards,  and  of  a  passage  to  the  East  by  the 
"  Portuguese  ;  the  invention  of  printing ;  the  refor- 
*'  mation  of  religion ;  with  many  others ;  all  of 
"  which  will  be  insisted  upon  at  large,  and  their 
"  consequences  displayed."  As  the  Essay  which 
contains  this  passage,  \vas  first  published  in  1756, 
the  same  year  in  which  Collins  died,  it  is  possible 
that  this  notice  was  intended  to  refer  to  his  under- 
taking ;  but  it  is  also  certain,  that  on  his  death, 
tlie  design  was  not  abandoned  by  his  surviving 
friends.  In  a  conversation  which  I  had  the  pleasure 
of  enjoying  with  Dr.  Warton,  in  the  year  1797, 
the  progress  made  in  an  undertaking  which  had 
been  so  long  announced  to  the  publick,  became 
an  object  of  my  inquiry.  By  him  I  was  informed 
that  it  had  been  the  intention  of  himself,  his  brother, 
and  several  of  their  literaiy  friends,  to  give  a  his- 
tory of  the  revival  of  letters,  not  only  in  Italy,  but 
in  all  the  principal  countries  of  Europe ;  and  that 
the  history  of  English  Poetry  by  Mr.  Thomas 
Warton,  was  only  a  part  of  this  great  design. 
When  we  advert  to  the  various  and  excellent  criti- 
CLil  productions  of  these  liberal  and  learned  brothers, 

and 


PREFACE.  15 

and  consider  that  among  the  names  of  their  coad- 
jutors, would  probably  have  been  found  those  of 
West,  of  Walpole,  of  Mason,  and  of  Gray,  we 
cannot  sufficiently  lament  the  want  of  publick  en- 
couragement, which  was,  in  all  probability,  the 
chief  cause  that  prevented  this  noble  and  extensive 
undertaking  from  being  carried  into  complete 
execution. 

In  Italy  the  life  and  transactions  of  Leo  X.  have, 
within  these  few  years,  been  the  subject  of  a  work 
of  no  inconsiderable  merit.  To  the  \^Titings  of 
the  late  much  lamented  and  learned  Monsignore 
Angelo  Fabroni,  Pro'u'ueditore,  or  Principal,  of  the 
imiversit}-  of  Pisa,  I  have  before  been  indebted  for 
many  important  facts  in  the  Life  of  Lorenzo  de' 
Medici ;  some  of  which  I  have  examined  with  that 
freedom,  which,  to  some  authors,  would  have  been 
a  cause  of  offence,  but  which  a  liberal  mind  will 
always  prefer  to  the  vain  homage  of  indiscriminate 
applause.  The  attempt  which  I  then  made  to  illus- 
trate a  period  of  history,  which'  had  been  the 
peculiar  object  of  his  inquiry,  had  the  good  fortune 
to  obtain  his  approbation.  Under  his  auspices,  the 
English  Life  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  m  as  elegantly 
translated  into  Italian,  by  the  Cavaliero  Mecherini, 
and  pubUshed  at  Pisa  in  the  year  1799.  I  was 
•    — '-i  —  after- 


IS  PREFACE. 

afterwards  honoured  by  the  correspondence  of 
Monsignore  Fabroni,  which  was  continued  until 
the  time  of  his  death  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
year  1803  ;  and  in  the  course  of  which  he  trans- 
mitted to  me  his  "  Life  of  Leo  X."  written  in 
Latin,  and  published  at  Pisa  in  the  year  1797. 
In  this  work  the  learned  author  has  not  confined 
himself  to  the  account  given  of  Leo  X.  by  Jo- 
vius,  but  has  collected  much  original  informa- 
tion respecting  this  pontiff,  and  the  age  in  which 
he  lived.  By  the  aid  of  these  resources  he  was 
enabled  to  tlirow  additional  light  on  his  subject ; 
whilst  the  valuable  collection  of  documents  pub- 
lished by  him  at  the  close  of  his  work,  not  only 
confirm  his  nanntive,  but  supply  important  mate- 
rials for  future  historians.  As  the  work  was  not, 
however,  intended  by  the  author,  so  it  must  not 
be  expected  by  the  publick,  to  contain  a  very  full 
and  extensive  account  of  the  progi^ess  made  during 
the  pontificate  of  Leo  X.  in  the  departments  of 
science,  of  literature,  or  of  art ;  or  of  those  very 
numerous  and  distinguished  men,  to  whose  writings 
and  labours  tlie  reign  of  that  pontiff  is  indebted  for 
its  principal  lustre. 

But  besides  these  professed  histories  of  Leo  X. 
several  works  have  appeared,  which  are  chiefly 
confined  to  the  elucidation  of  some  particular  parts 

of 


PREFACE.  17 

of  his  life,  or  of  those  of  the  times  in  which  he 
hved.  Among  these  are  the  history  of  the  League 
of  Cambray,  by  some  attributed  to  the  pen  of  car- 
dinal  Polignac ;  the  narrative  of  the  battle  of  the 
Taro,  between  Charles  VIII.  and  the  allied  army 
of  Italy,  by  Benedetti ;  the  lives  of  Alexander  VI. 
and  his  son  Cesai'  Borgia,  by  Gordon;  the  dialogue 
of  RafFaello  Brandolini,  entitled  Leo;  and  the 
commentary  of  Galeazzo  Capella,  on  the  efforts 
made  for  the  restoration  of  Francesco  Sforza  to  the 
dutchy  of  Milan ;  w  ith  many  other  publications  of 
a  similar  nature,  of  wliich  it  will  appear  that  I 
have  frequently  availed  myself,  in  the  course  of  the 
following  work. 

The  detached  and  particular  histories  to  which 
I  have  before  adverted,  contain,  however,  but  a 
small  portion  of  that  immense  mass  of  information 
which  remains  to  tlie  present  times,  respecting  the 
publick  and  private  chai'acter  and  conduct  of  Leo 
X.  From  the  high  dignity  which  he  enjoyed, 
both  as  a  secular  and  an  ecclesiastical  potentate, 
and  from  the  active  part  wliich  he  took  in  all  the 
transactions  which  affected  the  state  of  Europe,  his 
life  is  intimately  connected  with  the  general  history 
of  the  age ;  insomuch  that  there  is  not  an  author  w-ho 
has  had  occasion  to  treat  on  the  events  of  this  period, 

VOL.  I.  c  in 


IS  PREFACE. 

in  whose  work  he  does  not  occupy  a  conspicuous 
station* 

To  these,  the  recorders  of  the  poUtical^  civil, 
and  miUtary  events  of  the  times,  I  might  add  a  long 
train  of  literary  historians,  to  whom  I  have  been 
greatly  indebted  for  that  department  of  the  following 
work,  Avhich  is  intended  to  illustrate  the  state  of 
letters  and  of  science.  Am.ong  these,  must  be  distin- 
guished the  immortal  work  of  Tiraboschi ;  the 
noblest  specimen  of  that  species  of  composition 
which  any  age  or  country  has  produced ;  and  the 
accurate  and  comprehensive  account  of  the  writers 
of  Italy,  by  Mazzuchelli,  who,  in  grasping  at  an 
object  too  extended  for  human  talents,  or  human 
life,  has  executed,  in  six  volumes  in  folio,  a  com- 
paratively small  portion  of  his  colossal  attempt. 

I  shall  not,  on  this  occasion,  M'cary  the  reader 
by  enumerating  the  many  other  various  and  excel- 
lent authors,  either  in  this  department,  or  in  that 
of  the  fine  arts,  in  which  the  Italians  abound  beyond 
any  other  country,  v/ho  have  afforded  their  assist- 
ance in  the  following  pages  ;  but  I  must  avail  myself 
of  this  opportunity  finally  to  observe,  that  I  have 
made  it  an  invariable  rule,  in  the  accounts  which  I 
have  foimd  it  necessaiy  to  give  of  the  \\Titings  and 

characters 


PREFACE.  19 

chai'acters  of  men  of  literan^  eminence,  to  resort 
for  information  to  their  oami  ^^orks,  as  fai'  as  my 
opportunities  Avoiild  permit,  and  to  found  my 
opinions  and  dra^v^  my  deductions  from  them, 
rather  tlian  from  those  of  any  subsequent  A\Titcr. 
How  far  I  have  been  enabled  thus  to  deri\'e  my 
intelhgence  from  its  primiti\'e  channels,  will  suffi- 
ciently appear  in  the  course  of  my  ^\'ork  ;  in  ^\"hich 
it  has  been  my  practice  to  refer  to  the  author 
from  \vhom  I  have  actually  quoted;  and  who 
must  be  considered  as  answerable  for  the  accuracy 
of  the  citation,  when  the  original  has'not  fallen  in 
my  way. 

Such  are  the  ^vorks  relating  to  the  life  of  Leo  X. 
and  the  times  in  which  he  lived,  which  have  already 
been  published,  and  of  which  I  have  availed  myself 
in  the  course  of  the  ensuing  naii'ative  ;  but,  besides 
tliese  more  ostensible  sources  of  information,  I 
liave,  during  a  series  of  yeai's,  been  enabled  to  col- 
lect many  original  documents,  a\  hich  have  served 
to  tlirow  considerable  light  on  the  times  to  ^^•hich 
the  follo\\ing  pages  relate.  Of  these,  one  of  the 
most  important  acquisitions  consists  of  a  series  of 
letters  and  papers,  copied  from  the  originals  in  the 
archives  of  the  Palazzo  Vecchio  at  Florence,  and 
forming  two  volumes  in  folio,  of  about  thi-ee  hun- 

di-ed 


20  PREFACE. 

dred  pages  each.  -  For  this  valuable  collection  I  am 
indebted  to  tlie  obliging  and  disinterested  interfe- 
rence of  a  nobleman,  wlio  adds  dignity  to  his 
station,  not  only  by  the  firm  and  consistent  tenour 
of  his  publick  conduct,  but  by  his  encouragement 
of  those  literary  studies,  in  which  he  has  himself 
made  so  distinguished  a  proficiency.  The  liberal 
views  of  Lord  Holland  were  seconded  by  the  kind 

t 

assistance  of  Mr.  Penrose,  the  late  British  resident 
at  Florence,  and  were  caiTied  into  complete  effect 
by  the  generosity  of  the  Grand  Duke ;  who  directed 
that  access  should  be  had  at  all  times  to  the  original 
state  papers,  anxl  every  possible  facility  given  to 
these  researches.  The  first  part  of  this  collection 
consists  chiefly  of  letters,  written  by  the  great 
Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  father  of  the  pontiff",  relating 
principally  to  the  promotion  of  his  son  to  the  rank 
of  cai'dinal.  From  these  letters,  which  have  ena- 
bled me  to  place  this  event  in  its  fullest  light,  I 
might  have  given  much  larger  extracts ;  but  as  they 
elucidate  only  this  single  circumstance,  it  will  per- 
haps be  thought  that  I  have  been  sufficiently  copious 
in  my  authorities  on  this  head.  This  collection  also 
comprises  a  series  of  letters  MTitten  by  Balthazar 
Turini,  commonly  called  Balthazar  or  Baldassare 
da  Pescia,  then  at  Rome,  to  Lorenzo  de'  Medici, 
the  nephew  of  the  pontiff",  who  resided  at  Florence 

during 


PREFACE. 


21 


during  the  early  part  of  the  pontificate  of  Leo  X. 
From  these,  none  of  which  have  heretofore  been 
printed,  it  appears  that  the  wTiter  was  appointed 
assistant  Datary,  or  Secretary,  to  transmit  to  Flo- 
rence the  fullest  information  on  every  event  that 
took  place  at  Rome,  not  only  with  respect  to  pub- 
lick  transactions,  but  to  the  private  concerns  of 
eveiy  branch  of  the  family  of  the  Medici.  In  the 
execution  of  this  office  he  seems  to  have  acted , 
under  the  immediate  directions  of  the  Cardinal 
Giulio  de'  Medici,  afterwards  Clement  VII.  who 
was  intrusted  by  Leo  X.  with  the  superintendence 
of  the  government  of  the  Florentine  state,  and  to 
whose  suggestions  Lorenzo  was  expected  implicit- 
ly to  conform.  These  letters,  although  they  extend 
only  from  the  month  of  March  to  the  month  of 
September,  in  tlie  second  year  of  the  pontificate  of 
Leo  X.  (1514)  throw  considerable  light  on  the 
characters  of  the  persons  there  mentioned,  and  sug- 
gest or  illustrate  many  curious  and  important 
circumstances ;  but  besides  tliese,  the  most  mate- 
rial subjects,  this  collection  of  papers  is  interspersed 
with  other  documents  of  considerable  interest,  not 
heretofore  published,  and  which  will  be  more  par- 
ticularly noticed  in  the  course  of  the  following 
work. 


In 


22  PREFACE. 

In  adverting  to  the  assistance  wliich  I  have 
derived  from  the  city  of  Florence,  that  cradle  of 
the  arts  in  modem  times,  I  must  not  omit  to 
notice  the  favours  conferred  on  me  by  the  late 
venerable  and  learned  Canonico  Angelo  Maria 
BandinI,  late  principal  librarian  of  the  Laurentian 
library  there.  Of  a  character  so  well  known  in  the 
literary  world,  any  commendation  of  mine  would 
be  supei-fluous  ;  yet  I  cannot  avoid  remarking  it  as 
an  extraordinaiy  circumstance,  that  he  maintained 
a  high  rank  among  the  scholars  of  Italy  during  the 
long  space  of  sixty  years,  and  that  the  history  of 
his  life,  with  an  account  of  his  literaiy  productions, 
was  given  in  the  great  work  of  Mazzuchelli,  the 
publication  of  which  he  survived  nearly  half  a 
century.  During  this  period  he  continued  to  en- 
rich tlie  republick  of  letters  by  many  other  works ; 
some  of  which,  as  they  beai'  a  particular  reference 
to  the  history  of  the  Medici,  will  be  referred  to  in 
the  following  pages.  To  this  eminent  man,  who 
retained  his  early  and  aixlent  love  of  literature  to 
tlie  close  of  his  days,  I  am  also  indebted  for 
the  communication  of  several  scarce  and  valuable 
documents,  both  printed  and  manuscript,  as  well 
as  for  vai'ious  letters,  indicating  to  me,  with  the 
utmost  attention  and  minuteness,  those  sources  of 
information  which  his  long  and  intimate  acquaint- 
ance 


PREFACE.  2 

ance  with  the  subjects  of  the  folloAving  volumes  had 
enabled  him  to  point  out. 

In  the  prosecution  of  this  work,  I  was,  however, 
well  aware'that  the  most  important  information  for 
my  purpose  might  be  deriA-ed  from  the  immense 
collections  of  the  Vatican,  and  could  not  but  regi'et, 
that  from  the  calamitous  state  of  publick  affairs,  the 
distance  of  my  own  situation  from  these  records, 
and  other  circumstances,  there  was  little  probability 
that  I  should  be  able  to  surmount  the  formidable 
obstacles  that  presented  themselves  to  its  attainment. 
From  this  state  of  despondency  I  was  however  for- 
tunately relieved,  by  the  unsolicited  kmdness  of 
John  Johnson  Esquire,  then  on  his  travels  through 
Italy,  who,  with  a  liberality  which  demands  my 
warmest  acknowledgments,  obtained  for  me,  by  , 
means  of  his  acquaintance  with  the  Abate  Gaetano 
Marini,  the  leai'ned  Prefect  of  the  archives  of  the 
Vatican,  a  considerable  number  of  important  docu- 
ments, copied  as  well  from  the  manuscripts  in  that 
collection,  as  from  printed  Avorks  of  extreme  rai'ity, 
which  relate  to  the  affairs  of  the  Roman  court  in  the 
time  of  Leo  X.  and  which  are,  for  the  most  part, 
to  be  found  only  in  that  collection.     Among  the 
former  is  the  fragment  of  an  unpublished  life  of 
Leo  X.  WTitten  in  Latin,  with  considerable  elegance, 

and 


fi 


24  PREFACE. 

and  brought  do^^  n  to  the  year  1516.  The  printed 
works  consist  principally  of  letters  and  orations  of 
the  ambassadours  of  foreign  states  to  Leo  X.  and 
were  probably  only  printed  for  the  exclusive  use  of 
the  Roman  court.  Besides  these,  I  had  also  tha 
pleasure  of  receiving  an  entire  copy  of  the  very 
scaixe  and  curious  tract  of  Jacopo  Penni,  contain- 
ing the  most  particulai'  account  which  now  remains 
of  the  ceremonies  and  splendid  exhibitions  that 
took  place  in  Rome  on  the  elevation  of  Leo  X. 

To  the  continued  favour  and  friendly  recommen- 
dations of  the  same  gentleman  during  his  progress 
through  Italy,  I  am  also  indebted  for  my  literary 
intercourse  with  the  celebrated  Abate  Jacopo  Mo- 
relli,  libraiian  of  S.  Marco  at  Venice,  well  known 
to  the  leai'ned  world,  as  the  author  of  many  estima- 
ble works.  From  him  I  have  received  much  useful 
information  respecting  the  publications  necessary 
for  my  pui'pose,  accompanied  by  some  scarce  tracts, 
and  by  his  own  judicious  and  interesting  remarks. 
I  am  sensible  that  in  thus  paying  the  tribute  of  gra- 
titude to  the  most  illustrious  scholai's  of  Italy,  I 
may  be  suspected  of  endeavouring  to  support  my 
own  weak  endeavours  upon  the  established  repu- 
tation of  their  names  ;  but  I  have  not  been  deterred 
by  this  consideration  from  discharging ^vhat  I  esteem 

to 


PREFACE. 


25 


to  be  an  indispensable  obligation  to  the  living,  and 
a  sacred  duty  to  the  dead ;  being  well  convinced 
that  the  favours  conferred  upon  me,  can  no  more 
excuse  the  imperfections  of  my  vv^ork,  than  those 
imperfections  can  detract  from  the  high  character 
which  the  persons  to  whom  I  have  referred  have  so 
justly  and  so  universally  obtained. 

Respecting  the  private  lives  of  Leo  X.  and  his 
predecessors  Alexander  VI.  and  Julius  II.  consi- 
derable information  is  derived  from  the  diaries  of 
the  successive  officers  of  the  Roman  court,  who 
were  styled  masters  of  the  ceremonies  of  the  pope's 
chapel,  and  who  seem  to  have  considered  it  as  part 
of  their  duty  to  keep  a  register  of  such  transactions 
as  occurred  under  their  o-wn  eye,  or  came  to  their 
knowledge.  The  first  of  these  officers  whose  labours 
appear  to  have  been  preserved,  is  Giovani  Burcardo 
Broccardo,  or  as  he  is  more  usually  called,  Bur- 
chard,  a  native  of  Strasbourg,  and  dean  of  the 
church  of  St.  Thomas  in  that  city.     He  afterwards 
transferred  his  residence  to  Rome,  where  he  obtained 
several  ecclesiastical  preferments,  and  was  appointed 
master  of  the  ceremonies  on  the  twenty  first  day  of 
December  1483,  under  the  pontificate  of  Sixtus 
IV.     A  few  months  afterwards  he  commenced  his 
journal,  which,  during  the  life  of  Sixtus  IV.  was 

VOL.  I.  D  confined 


26  PREFACE. 

confined  to  a  few  slight  and  unimportant  minutes. 
On  the  death  of  that  pontiff  he  extended  his  plan, 
and  has  occasionly  enriched  it  with  anecdotes,  and 
adverted  to  circumstances  not  strictly  confined  to 
the  limits  of  his  office.  His  diary  is  written  in  Latin, 
in  a  pedestrian  and  semi-barbarian  style,  but  with 
an  apparent  accuracy  and  minuteness  as  to  facts, 
which,  notwithstanding  the  singular  circumstances 
related  by  him,  give  it  an  air  of  veracity.     Such 
part  as  adverts  to  the  life  of  Alexander  VI.  has 
been  published  almost  entire.    Large  extracts  from 
it  have  also  been  given  by  several  authors  who  have 
been  inclined  to  expatiate  on  the  enormities  of  this 
pontiff,  and  paiiicularly  by  Gordon,  in  his  life  of 
Alexander  VL  and  his  son  Cesai'  Borgia,  printed 
at  London  in  1729.    After  the  death  of  Alexander, 
Burchard  was  appointed  by  Julius  IL  bishop  of 
Horta,  in  the  possession  of  which  dignity  he  died 
on  the  16th  day  of  May,  1506. 

About  two  years  before  the  death  of  Burchard, 
he  had  a  colleague  or  assistant  in  Paris  de  Grassis, 
who  also  succeeded  him  as  master  of  the  ceremo- 
nies. This  officer  has  also  kept  a  diary,  which 
commences  on  the  twelfth  day  of  May,  1504,  and 
is  continued  throughout  the  rest  of  the  pontificate 
of  Julius  IL  and  tlie  whole  of  that  of  Leo  X.     It 

has 


PREFACE.  27 

has  never  been  printed  entire,  but  some  detached 
parts  have  been  pubUshed ;  and  it  has  also  been 
consulted  by  several  writers,  ^^'ho  have  given  ex- 
tracts from  it  in  their  works. 

From  the  nan-ative  of  Pai-is  de  Grassis,  it  ap- 
pears, that  he  was  a  native  of  Bologna,  of  a  respect- 
able family.  His  brotlier  Achilles  was,  in  the  year 
1511,  raised  by  Julius  II.  to  the  dignity  .of  the 
purple,  and  was  one  of  the  most  learned  and  respect- 
able members  of  the  college.  Another  brother, 
Agamemnon  (for  the  family  names  seem  to  have 
been  sought  for  in  Homer,  rather  than  in  the  books 
of  the  Old  and  New  Testament)  was  in  the  year 
1510,  ambassadour  from  the  city  of  Bologna  to 
the  Pope.  The  assiduities  of  Paris,  as  master  of 
the  ceremonies,  could  not  conciliate  the  favour  of 
that  austere  pontiff  Julius  II.  but  in  the  vacancy  of 
the  holy  see,  which  occurred  on  the  death  of  that 
pope,  he  obtained  from  the  sacred  college,  as  a  re- 
ward for  his  services,  the  promise  of  the  bishoprick 
of  Pesaro  united  with  the  abbey  of  Santa  Croce. 
These  dignities  were  afterw^ards  confirmed  to  him 
by  Leo  X.  who  also  nominated  him  a  prelate  of  the 
palace,  and  appointed  his  nephew  to  be  his  coadju- 
tor in  tlie  office  of  master  of  tlie  ceremonies.     He 

survived 


28  PREFACE. 

survived  that  pontiff,  and  died  at  Rome  on  the  tenth 
day  of  June,  1528. 

The  style  of  Pai'is  de  Grassis,  like  that  of  his 
predecessor,  has  little  pretensions  to  elegance.  It 
is,  however,  rendered  interesting  by  its  simplicity, 
which  gives  to  his  narration  a  character  of  fidelity. 
In  the  exercise  of  his  functions  he  seems  to  have 
been  a  more  rigid  disciplinarian  than  even  Burchard 
himself,  and  it  is  not  unamusing  to  observe  the 
importance  which  he  frequently  attaches  to  his 
'  office,  and  the  severity  with  which  he  reproves 
those  relaxations  from  the  dignity  of  his  high  rank, 
in  which  Leo,  on  some  occasions,  indulged  himself. 

Among  the  objects  of  my  earnest  inquiry,  was 
the  unpublished  part  of  the  diary  of  Paris  de  Grassis, 
which  yet  exists  in  the  library  of  the  Vatican,  and  of 
which  copies  are  also  found  in  the  national  library 
at  Paris.  Of  this  diary,  as  well  as  of  that  of  Bur- 
chard, some  of  the  most  interesting  particulars  have 
already  been  given  to  the  publick,  in  the  work 
entitled.  Notices  et  Extraks  dcs  Manuscrits  de  la 
BibliothJeque  du  Roi,  which  has  been  continued 
under  the  title  of  Notices  et  Extraits  des  Manuscrits 
de  la  Bihliotheque  Nationale ;  but  as  the  extracts 
thus  made  are  not  in  general  given  in  the  original 

Latin, 


PREFACE.  2D 

Latin,  but  ai"e  for  the  most  part  abridged,  and  tran- 
slated into  French,  I  have  not  derived  from  this 
work  the  advantages  w^hich  I  might  othervvise  have 
obtained.  It  happened,  however,  fortunately  for 
my  puqDOse,  that  in  the  summer  of  the  yeai'  1802, 
my  pai'ticular  friend  and  neighbour  the  Reverend 
Mr.  Shepherd,  well  known  as  the  author  of  T/ie 
Life  of  Poggio  Bracciolini,  paid  a  visit  to  Paris. 
On  this  occasion  I  scrupled  not  to  request  his  assist- 
ance in  examming  for  me  the  different  manuscripts 
of  the  diary  of  Paris  de  Grassis,  and  making  such 
extracts  from  them,  in  the  original,  as  he  conceived 
would  be  most  interesting.  As  no  one  can  be 
better  qualified  for  such  a  task,  so  no  one  could 
have  entered  upon  it  with  greater  alacrity.  During 
his  stay  at  Paris,  a  considerable  portion  of  his  time 
was  passed  in  these  researches,  in  which  he  met 
with  every  possible  facility  from  the  librarians ;  and 
on  his  return  he  brought  Vv  ith  liim  several  curious 
extracts,  wliich  have  enabled  me  to  tlirow  additional 
light  on  the  history  of  Leo  X.  and  particularly  on 
the  singular  circumstances  attending  his  death. 

Nor  have  I,  in  the  course  of  my  inquiries,  wholly 
omitted  the  opportunities  which  even  this  country 
affords,  of  collecting  information  from  unpub- 
lished documents  respecting  the  times  in  question, 

Amono: 


30  PREFACE. 

Among  the  Cottonian  Manuscripts  in  the  British 
Museum,  are  contained  many  original  letters  from 
the  Roman  court  and  the  Enghsh  ambassadours 
resident  there,  to  Henry  VIII.  and  liis  ministers, 
explanatory  of  the  political  transactions  of  the  age. 
I  had  not  an  opportunity  of  examining  these  papers, 
until  my  work  was  considerably  advanced  ;  but  by 
the  kind  assistance  of  my  highly  respected  friend 
John  Walker,  Esq.  of  Bedford  Square,  and  by 
the  obliging  attention  of  Mr.  Planta,  principal  libra- 
rian of  the  British  Museum,  I  have  been  enabled 
to  inform  myself  of  such  documents  as  were  more 
particularly  applicable  to  my  purpose,  some  of 
which  the  reader  will  find  referred  to  in  the  course 
of  the  work. 

Although  I  have  for  several  years  endeavoured, 
at  great  expense,  and  with  considerable  success,  to 
collect  such  printed  works  as  appeared  to  be  neces- 
sary for  the  present  undertaking,  yet  I  have  not 
neglected  to  solicit  the  assistance,  or  to  avail  myself 
of  die  offers  of  several  persons,  on  whose  friendship 
and  liberality  I  could  rely,  to  furnish  me  with  such 
publications  as  I  had  not  had  the  good  fortune 
elsewhere  to  obtain.  To  the  very  obliging  libera- 
lity of  Richard  Heber,  Esq.  of  Hodnet,  whose 
library  is  particularly  enriched  by  the  early  editions 

of 


11 

PREFACE.  ""^ 

of  the  works  of  the  modern  \vriters  of  Latin  poetry, 
I  am  indebted  for  the  use  of  many  of  the  scarce 
publications  in  that  department,  referred  to  in  the 
following  volumes,  which  have  enabled  me  to  dis- 
cuss the  subjects  to  which  tliey  relate,  with  greater 
confidence  than  I  could  possibly  have  done  through 
tlie  secondary  medium  of  other  writers.     The  very 
select  library  of  my  early  literary  associate,  and  long 
valued  friend,  WiUiam  Clarke,  Esquire,  of  Everton, 
has  also  been  of  frequent  use  to  me  in  the  course  of 
my  researches,  during  which  I  have  derived  addi- 
tional assistance  from  his  extensive  learning,  and 
very  particular  acquaintance  with  the  literary  history 
of  Italy.     My  acknowledgments  are  also  due  for 
the  use  of  scarce  books  and  manuscripts,  or  for 
other  favours  in  the  course  of  my  work,  to  Dr. 
James  Currie,  late  of  Liverpool,  but  now  of  Bath, 
well  known  by  his  many  valuable  publications,  both 
on  scientifick  and  literary  subjects,  and  whom  I 
am  proud  to  record  on  this  occasion,  as  my  long 
esteemed  and  excellent  friend ;  the  Reverend  Wil- 
liam Parr  Greswell,  author  of  Memoirs  of  Italian 
Scholars  ijoho  haije  written  Latin  Poetry  ;  Sir  Isaac 
Heard,  Knight,  Garter  principal  King  of  Arms ; 
Mr.  William  Smyth,  Fellow  of  Peter  House,  Cam- 
bridge ;    Henry  Brown,    Esq.   of  Liverpool ;  the 
Reverend  Mr.  Hinckes,  of  Cork  ;  the  Reverend 

Mr. 


o2  PREFACE. 


Mr.  Craiie,  Vicar  of  Over,  in  Cheshire ;  the  Reve- 
rend John  Greswell,  of  the  college,  Manchester  ; 
and  to  several  other  persons,  who  will,  I  hope,  ex- 
cuse a  more  particulai^  acknowledgment,  in  the  con- 
fidence that  I  am  not  insensible  of  their  favours. 

With  respect  to  the  execution  of  the  following 
A\'ork,  I  camiot  but  be  well  aware,  that  many  cir- 
cumstances and  characters  will  be  found  repre- 
sented in  a  light  somewhat  different  fi-om  that  in 
which  they  have  generally  been  viewed,  and  that  I 
may  probably  be  accused  of  having  suffered  myself 
to  be  induced  by  the  force  of  prejudice,  or  the 
affectation  of  novelty,  to  remove  wliat  have  hitherto 
been  considered  as  the  landmarks  of  history.  To 
imputations  of  this  kind,  I  feel  the  most  perfect 
indifference.  Truth  alone  has  been  my  guide,  and 
whenever  she  lias  steadily  diffused  her  light,  I  have 
endeavoured  to  delineate  the  objects  in  their  real 
form  and  colour.  History  is  the  record  of  the 
experience  of  mankind,  in  their  most  important 
concerns.  If  it  be  impossible  for  human  sagacity 
to  estimate  the  consequences  of  a  falsehood  in  pri- 
vate life,  it  is  equally  impossible  to  estimate  the 
consequences  of  a  false,  or  partial  representation  of 
the  events  of  former  times.  The  conduct  of  the 
present  is  regulated  by  the  experience  of  the  past. 

The 


PREFACE.  ,33 

The  circumstances  which  have  led  the  way  to  the 
-prosperity  or  destruction  of  states,  will  lead  the 
way  to  the  prosperity  or  destruction  of  states  in  all 
future  ages.  If  those  in  high  authority  be  better 
informed  than  others,  it  is  from  this  source  that 
then-  information  must  be  drawn ;  and  to  pollute  it, 
is  therefore  to  poison  the  only  channel  through  which 
we  can  derive  that  knowledge,  which,  if  it  can  be 
lobtained  pure  and  unadulterated,  cannot  fail  in  time 
to  purify  the  intellect,  expand  the  powers,  and 
jmprove  the  condition  of  the  huinan  race. 

As  in  speaking  of  tlie  natural  world,  there  are 
some  persons  who  are  disposed  to  attribute  its  crea- 
tion to  chance,  so  in  speaking  of  the  moral  world, 
[there  ai'c  some  who  are  inclined  to  refer  the  events 
and  fluctuations  in  human  aflfairs  to  accident,  and 
,are  satisfied  with  accounting  for  them  from  the  com- 
mon course  of  things,  or  the  spirit  of  the  times. 
;But  as  chance  imd  accident^  if  they  have  any  mean- 
ring  whatever,  can  only  mean  the  operation  of  causes 
not  hitherto  fully  investigated,  or  distinctly  under, 
stood,  so  the  spirit  of  the  tunes  is  only  another 
phi'ase  for  causes  and  circumstances,  which  have 
not  hitherto  been  sufficiently  explained.  It  is  the 
province  of  the  historian  to  trace  and  to  disco^•er 
these  causes,  and  it  is  only  in  proportion  as  he 

VOL.  I.  E  aecom- 


84  PREFACE. 

accomplishes  this  object,  that  his  labours  are  of 
any  utility.  An  assent  to  the  former  opinion  may 
indeed  gratify  our  indolence,  but  it  is  only  from 
the  latter  method  that  we  can  expect  to  acquire  true 
knowledge,  or  to  be  able  to  apply  to  future  conduct 
the  information  derived  from  past  events. 

There  is  one  peculiarity  in  the  following  work, 
which  it  is  probable  may  be  considered  as  a  radical 
defect.  I  allude  to  the  frequent  introduction  of 
quotations  and  passages  from  the  poets  of  the  times, 
occasionally  interspersed  tlirough  the  narrative,  or 
inserted  in  the  notes.  To  some  it  may  appeal'  that 
the  seriousness  of  history  is  thus  impertinently  bro- 
ken in  upon,  whilst  others  may  suppose,  that  not 
only  its  gravity,  but  its  authenticity  is  impeached 
by  these  citations,  and  may  be  inclined  to  consider 
this  work  as  one  of  those  productions,  in  which 
truth  and  fiction  are  blended  together,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  amusing  and  misleading  the  reader.  To 
such  imputations  I  plead  not  guilty.  That  I  have 
at  times  introduced  quotations  from  the  works  of 
the  poets,  in  proof  of  historical  facts,  I  confess ;  nor, 
when  they  proceed  from  contemporary  authority, 
do  I  perceive  that  their  being  in  verse  invalidates 
their  credit.  In  this  light,  I  have  frequently  cited 
the  Decennale  of  Machiavelli,  and  the  Fergier  d* 

honneup 


PREFACE.  35 

Jionneur  of  Andre  de  la  Vigne,  which  ai'e  m  fact 
htde  more  dian  versified  iuinals  of  the  events  of  the 
times;  but  in  general,  I  have  not  adduced  such 
extracts  as  evidences  of  facts,  but  for  a  purpose 
wholly  diflferent.     To  those  who  ai^e  pleased  in  ti'a- 
cing  the  emotions  and  passions  of  the  human  mind 
in  all  ages,  nothing  can  be  more  gratifying  than  to 
be  informed  of  the  mode  of  thinking  of  the  publick 
at  lai'ge,  at  interesting  periods,   and  in  important 
situations.     Whilst  war  and  desolation  stalk  over  a 
countr}^,  or  vv^hilst  a  nation  is  struggling  for  its  liber- 
ties or  its  existence,  the  opinions  of  men  of  genius, 
ability,  and  learning,  who  have  been  agitated  with 
all  the  hopes  and  fears  to  which  such  events  have 
given  rise,  and  have  frequently  acted  a  personal 
and  important  part  in  them,  ai'c  the  best  and  most 
instructive  comment,     By  such  means,  we  seem 
to  become  contemporaiies  with  those  whose  history 
we  peruse,  and  to  acquire  an  intimate  knowledge, 
not  only  of  the  facts  themselves,  but  of  the  judg- 
ment formed  upon  such  facts  by  those  who  were 
most  deeply  interested  in  them.     Nor  is  it  a  slight 
advantage  in  a  work  wliich  professes  to  ti'eat  on 
the  literature  of  the  times,  that  the  publick  events, 
and  the  works  of  the  eminent  scholai's  and  WTiters 
of  that  period,  thus  become  a  mutual  comr^ent,  an4 

ser\'e 


36  PREFAGE. 

serve  on  many  occasions  to  explain  and  to  illustrate 
each  other. 

'  The  practice  which  I  have  heretofore  adopted  of 
designating  the  scholars  of  Italy  by  tlieir  national 
appellations,  has  given  rise  to  some  animadversions. 
In  answer  to  which  I  beg  to  remark,  that  whoever 
is  conversant  with  history,  must  frequently  have  ob- 
served the  difficulties  which  arise  from  the  wanton 
alterations,  in  the  names  of  both  persons  and  places, 
by  authors  of  different  countries,  and  particularly  by 
the  French,  who,  without  hesitation,  accommodate 
every  tiling  to  the  genius  of  their  own  language. 
Hence  the  names  of  all  the  eminent  men  of  Greece, 
of  Rome,  or  of  Italy,  are  melted  down,  and  appear 
again  in  such  a  form  as  would  not  in  all  probability 
have  been  recognised  by  their  proper  o^vners ; 
Dionysius  is  Denys^  Titus  Livius  Tite  Lhe^ 
Horatius  Horace^  Petrarca  Petrarque^  and  Pico  of 
Mirandola  Pic  de  Mirandole.  As  tlie  literature 
which  this  country  derived  from  Italy  was  first 
obtained  through  the  medium  of  the  French,  our 
earljT^  authors  followed  them  in  this  respect,  and 
thereby  sanctioned  those  innovations  which  the 
nature  of  our  own  language  did  not  require.  It  is 
still  more  to  be  regretted  that  we  ai'e  not  uniform, 
even  in  our  abuse.   The  name  of  Horace  is  familiar 

to 


PREFACE. 

to  the  English  reader,  but  if  he  were  told  of  the 
three  Horaces^  he  ^vould  probably  be  at  a  loss  to 
discover  the  persons  meant,  the  authors  of  otior 
countr}"  having  commonly  given  them  the  appel- 
lation of  the  Horatii.  In  the  instance  of  such  names 
as  are  familiar  to  our  early  literature,  we  adopt  with 
the  French  the  abbreviated  appellation ;  but  in  latter 
times  we  usually  employ  proper  national  distinc- 
tions, and  instead  o^Arioste,  or  Metastases  we  write, 
without  hesitation,  Ariosto,  or  Metastasio.  This 
inconsistency  is  more  sensibly  felt  when  the  abbre- 
viated appellation  of  one  scholar  is  contrasted  with 
the  national  distinction  of  another,  as  when  a  letter 
is  addressed  by  Petrarch  to  Coluceio  Salutati,  or  by 
Politian  to  Ermolao  Barbara,  or  Baccio  Ugolini. 
For  the  sake  of  uniformity,  it  is  surely  desira- 
ble that  every  writer  should  conform  as  much  as 
possible  to  some  general  rule,  which  can  only  be 
found  by  a  reference  of  every  proper  name  to  the 
standard  of  its  proper  country.  This  method  would 
not  only  avoid  the  incongruities  before  mentioned, 
but  would  be  productive  of  positive  advantages,  as 
it  would  in  general  point  out  the  nation  of  the  per- 
son spoken  of,  without  the  necessity  of  further 
indication.  Thus,  in  mentioning  one  of  the  monarchs 
of  France,  who  makes  a  conspicuous  figure  in  the 
ensuing  pages,  I  have  not  denominated  him  Lodo- 

li'lCO 


38  PREFACE. 

mco  XII.  with  the  Italians,  nor  Lewis  XII.  with 
the  English,  but  Louis  XII.  the  name  which  he 
himself  recognised.  And  thus  I  have  also  restored 
to  a  celebrated  Scottish  general,  in  the  service  of 
the  same  monarch,  his  proper  title  of  d''Aubignyy 
instead  of  that  of  Ohigni^  usually  given  him  by  the 
historians  of  Italy. 

I  caimot  deliver  this  work  to  the  publick  witliout 
a  most  painful  comdction,  that  notwithstanding  my 
utmost  endeavours,  and  tlie  most  sedulous  atten- 
tion which  it  has  been  in  my  power  to  bestow  upon 
it,  many  defects  will  still  be  discoverable,  not  only 
from  the  omission  of  much  important  information, 
which  may  not  have  occurred  to  my  inquiries,  but 
fi'om  an  erroneous  or  imperfect  use  of  such  as  I  may 
have  had  the  good  fortime  to  obtain.  Yet  I  trust, 
that  when  the  extent  of  the  a\  ork,  and  the  great 
variety  of  subjects  which  it  comprehends  are  con- 
sidered, die  candid  and  judicious  will  make  due 
allowance  for  those  inaccuracies  against  which  no 
vigilance  can  at  all  times  effectually  guard.  With 
this  publication,  I  finally  relinquish  all  intention  of 
prosecuting,  with  a  view  to  the  publick,  my  re- 
seaiThes  into  the  histor}-  and  literature  of  Italy. 
That  I  have  devoted  to  its  completion  a  considera- 
ble portion  of  time  and  of  labour  will  sufficiently 

appeal' 


PREFACE. 

appear  from  the  perusal  of  the  following  pages,  and 
it  may  therefore  be  presumed  that  I  cannot  be  indif- 
ferent to  its  success.  But  whatever  inducements  I 
may  have  found  in  the  hope  of  conciliating  the  in- 
dulgence, or  the  favour  of  the  publick,  I  must 
finally  be  permitted  to  avow,  that  motives  of  a  dif- 
ferent, and  perhaps  of  a  more  laudable  nature,  have 
occasionally  concurred  to  induce  me  to  persevere 
in  the  present  undertaking.  Among  these,  is  an 
earnest  desire  to  exhibit  to  the  present  times  an 
illustrious  period  of  society ;  to  recall  the  publick 
attention  to  those  standai-ds  of  excellence  to  which 
Europe  has  been  indebted  for  no  inconsiderable 
portion  of  her  subsequent  improvement ;  to  unfold 
the  ever  active  effect  of  moral  causes  on  the  acquire- 
ments and  the  happiness  of  a  people ;  and  to  raise 
a  barrier,  as  far  as  such  efforts  can  avail,  against 
that  torrent  of  a  corrupt  and  vitiated  taste,  which  if 
not  continually  opposed,  may  once  more  overwhelm 
the  cultivated  nations  of  Europe  in  barbarism  and 
degradation.  To  these  great  and  desirable  aims,  I 
could  wish  to  add  others,  yet  more  exalted  and  com- 
mendable; to  demonstrate  the  fatal  consequences 
of  an  ill  directed  ambition,  and  to  deduce,  from 
the  unperverted  pages  of  history,  those  maxims  of 
true  humanity,  sound  wisdom,  anu  political  fidelity, 

which 


39 


40  PREFACE. 


which  have  been  too  much  neglected  in  all  ages, 
but  which  are  the  only  solid  foundations  of  the 
repose,  the  dignity,  and  the  happiness  of  mankind. 


Allerton, 
2>th  March,   1805. 


CHAP.  I. 

1475_1493. 

BIRTH  of  Giovanni  de'  Medici  afterwards  Leo  X.— So- 
vereigns of  Christendom — Political  state  of  Europe — 
Peculiai'ities  of  the  papal  Government — Temporal 
power  of  the  popes — Union  of  the  spiritual  and  tem- 
poral authority — Advantages  of  the  papal  Government 
— Destination  of  Giovanni  de'  Medici  to  the  church — 
His  early  preferments — His  father  endeavours  to  raise 
him  to  the  rank  of  a  Cardinal — Marriage  of  Francesco 
Cibo  and  Madalena  de'  Medici — Giovanni  raised  to  the 
dignity  of  the  purple — Letter  from  Politiano  to  the 
pope — Studies  of  Giovanni — Bernardo  Dovizio  da  Bib- 
biena — Defects  in  the  character  of  Giovanni  accounted 
for — His  father  endeavours  to  shorten  the  term  of  his 
probation — Giulio  de'  Medici  afterwards  Clement  VIL 
— Giovanni  invested  with  the  insigna  of  his  rank — Quits 
Florence  to  reside  at  Rome — Eminent  Cardinals  then 
in  the  college — Zizim  brother  of  the  Sultan  Bajazet 
delivered  into  the  custody  of  the  pope — Ermolao  Bar- 
baro  patriarch  of  Aquileja — Rumours  of  approacliing 
calamities. 

Giovanni  DE'   MEDICI,    afterwards   sii-  CHAP. 
preme  pontiff  by  the  name  of  Leo  the  Tenth,       J- 
was  the  second  son  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  called     hts. 
the  Magnificent,  by  his  wife  Clarice,  the  daughter  f;;;J;f  .^J;;: 
of  Giacopo  Orsino.     He  \\-as  born  at  Florence,  on  "i'"'  f f^'^- 

■^  '  wards  Leo 

VOL.  I.  F  the  X. 


42  LIFE   AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  the  eleventh  day  of  December,  1475;  and  most  pro- 
!♦  .     bably  received  his  baptismal  name  after  his  paternal 
i'4r5.    great  uncle,  Gio^'anni,  the  second  son  of  Cosmo 
de'  Medici,  who  died  in  the  year  1461 ;  or  from 
Giovanni  Toniabuoni,  the  brother  of  Lucretia,  mo- 
ther of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  who  was  then  living. 

At  the  time  of  the  birth  of  Giovanni,  the  age  of 
portents  was  not  yet  past ;  and  it  has  been  recorded 
with  all  'the  gravity  of  history,  that  prior  to  that 
event,  his  mother  dreamt  tliat  she  was  delivered  of 
an  enonnous,  but  docile  lion ;  which  was  supposed 
to  be  a  certain  prognostick,  not  only  of  the  future 
eminence  of  her  son,  but  also  of  the  name  which 
he  was  to  assume  on  arriving  at  the  papal  dignity.* 
Whether  the  dieam  gave  rise  to  the  appellation, 
or  the  appellation  to  the  dream,  may  admit  of 
doubt ;  but  although  nothing  appears  in  liis  infancy 
to  justify  his  being  compared  to  a  lion,  in  his  early 
docility  he  seems  at  least  to  liave  realized  tlie 
supposed  prognosticks  of  his  mother. 

The  year  in  which  Giovanni  was  bom  is  dis- 
tinguished in  the  annals  of  Italy  as  a  year  of  peace 
and  tranquillity,  whilst  almost  all  the  rest  of 
Europe  was  involved  in  the  calamities  of  internal 
commotions  or  of  foreign  war.  It  was  also  solem- 
nized 


^  Jovii,  vita  Leojiis  x.  lib.  \.  Ammirato^  ritratto  di  Leoi\e 
X.  in  O/iuec.  iii.  62. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  43 

nized  as  the  year  of  Jubilee,  which  ^^-as  thence,-  chap. 
forwards  celebrated  once  in  twenty  five  years,  ., hi 

1475. 

At  this  period  the  pontifical  chair  was  filled  by  sovereigns  rf 

^  *  •'     Europe  at 

Sixtus  IV.  who  had  not  yet  evinced  that  turbulent  tiiattimc. 
disposition  which  M'as  afterwards  so  troublesome, 
not  only  to  the  family  of  the  Medici  and  the  city 
of  Florence,  but  to  all  the  states  of  Italy.  The 
kingdom  of  Naples  was  governed  by  Ferdinand, 
the  illegitimate  son  of  Alfonso,  king  of  Naples, 
Ai'agon,  and  Sicily ;  who  had  bequeathed  the  first 
of  these  kingdoms  to  his  son,  but  was  succeeded 
in  the  two  latter  by  his  brother  John  II.  the  father 
of  another  Ferdinand,  who  now  enjoyed  them,  and 
by  his  marriage  with  Isabella,  the  daughter  of 
Henry  IV.  of  Castile,  united  the  kmgdoras  of 
Aragon  and  Castile  under  one  dominion.  The 
states  of  Milan  were  yet  held  by  Galeazzo  Maria, 
the  son  of  the  great  Francesco  Sforza.  Frederick 
IIL  had  long  worn  the  imperial  crowTi.  Louis  XI. 
was  king  of  France  ;  Edward  IV.  of  England ;  and 
the  celebrated  Mattia  Cor\'ino,  had  lately  been 
elected  by  tlie  free  ^ oice  of  his  countr}men  to  the 
supreme  dominion  of  Hungary'. 

The  political  system  of  Europe  was  as  yet 
unformed.  The  despotick  sovereign,  governing 
a  half  civilized  people,  had  in  general  only  two 
principal  ends  in  view — the  supporting  his  autho- 
rity^ at  home  by  the  depression  of  his  powerful 
nobles,  and  the  extending  his  dominion  abroad  by 

the 


44  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  the  subjugation  of  his  weaker  neighbours.  Devoted 
!•  to  these  objects,  which  frequently  required  all  their 
1475.  talents  and  all  their  resources,  the  potentates  of 
Europe  had  beheld  with  the  utmost  indifference  the 
destruction  of  the  eastern  empire  and  the  abridg- 
ment of  the  christian  territory,  by  a  race  of  barl^a- 
rians,  who  were  most  probably  prevented  only  by 
their  own  dissensions,  from  establishing  themselves 
in  Italy,  and  desolating  the  kingdoms  of  die  west. 
It  was  in  vain  that  Pius  II.  had  called  upon  the 
European  sovereigns  to  unite  in  the  common  cause. 
The  ardour  of  the  crusades  was  past.  A  jealousy 
of  each  other,  or  of  their  own  subjects,  was  an 
insuperable  obstacle  to  his  entreaties ;  and  the  good 
pontiff  was  at  length  convinced  that  his  eloquence 
would  be  better  employed  in  prevailing  on  the 
Turkish  emperour  to  relinquish  his  creed  and 
embrace  cliristianity,  than  in  stimulating  the  princes 
of  Europe  to  resist  his  arms.'' 

^he'r^p^i go-  The  establishment  and  long  uninterrupted  con- 
tinuance of  the  papal  government,  may  justly  be 
considered  as  among  the  most  extraordinary  cir- 
cumstances in  the  histoiy  of  mankind.  To  the 
sincere  catholick  this  indeed  is  the  great  evidence 
of  the  truth  of  the  religion  which  he  professes,  tlie 

perpetual 


b  Pii.  ii.  Ejiist.  ad  Illustrissinmm  Mahmnetem  Turcorwn 
/irincipem,  inter  ejus  E^i.  imfi.  Jier  A7itfjniiim  Zarothum. 
Mediolan.  1487. 


veriiment. 


OF  LEO   THE   TENTH.  45 

peq^etual  miracle,  M^hich  proves  a  constant  extcn-  chat. 
sion  of  the  divine  favour  to  that  church,  against  .  i- 
which  the  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail ;  but  they  1475. 
who  conceive  that  this  phenomenon,  Hke  other 
events  of  the  moral  world,  is  to  be  accounted  for 
from  secondar}-  causes  and  from  the  usual  course 
of  nature,  will  perhaps  be  inclined  to  attribute  it 
to  the  ductility  and  habitual  subservience  of  the 
human  mind,  which,  when  awed  by  superstition 
and  subdued  by  hereditary  prejudices,  can  not 
only  assent  to  the  most  incredible  propositions, 
but  can  act  in  consequence  of  these  convictions 
with  as  much  energ}-  and  perseverance,  as  if  they 
were  the  clearest  deductions  of  reason  or  the  most 
evident  dictates  of  truth.  Whilst  the  other  sove- 
reigns of  Europe  held  their  dominions  by  lineal 
succession,  by  choice  of  election,  or  by  what 
politicians  have  denominated  the  right  of  conquest ; 
the  Roman  pontiff  claimed  his  power  as  the  im- 
mediate vicegerent  of  God ;  and  experience  has 
shown,  that  for  a  long  course  of  ages  his  title  was 
considered  as  the  most  secure  of  any  in  Europe. 
Nor  has  the  papal  government,  in  later  times, 
received  any  great  trouble  from  the  turbulence  of 
its  subjects,  who,  instead  of  feeling  themselves 
degraded,  were  perhaps  gratified  in  considering 
themselves  as  the  peculiar  people  of  a  sovereign, 
whose  power  was  not  bounded  by  the  limits  of  his 
o\\ii  dopiuiions,  but  A\'as  as  extensive  as  cliristiiuiit} 
itself. 

Without 


>)Opes. 


46  LU'E  AND  PONTinCATE 

CHAP.        Without  entering  upon  a  minute  inquiry  into 
^'       the  origin  of  the  temporal  autliority  of  the  Roman 
1475.    pontiffs,  it  may  be  sufficient  to  observe,  that  even 
after  they  had  emerged  from  their  pristine  state  of 
poverty  and  humility,    they  remained  for  many 
ages   in    an  acknowledged  subordination  to  the 
Roman    emperours,   and  to  their  delegates,    the 
exarchates  of  Ravenna,  to  whom,  when  the  seat 
of  empu'e  w^as  transferred  to  Constantinople,  the 
government  of  Italy  ^vas  intrusted.     As  the  power 
Origin  (f  the  of  thc  cmpcrours  declined,  that  of  the  popes  in- 
power  of  the  crcascd ;   and  in  the  contests  of  the  middle  ages, 
during  which  the  Huns,  the  Vandals,  the  Imperi- 
alists, and  the  Franks,  were  successively  masters 
of  Italy,  a  common  veneration  among  these  fero- 
cious conquerors  for  the  father  of  the  faithful,  and 
die  head  of  the  christian  church,  not  only  secured 
his  safet}-,  but  enlarged  his  authority."     From  the 

time 


<^  The  coining  of  money  by  the  Roman  pontiffs  may  be 
considered  as  a  mark  of  sovereign  and  independent  autho- 
t'lty ;  but  at  what  precise  period  they  began  to  exercise 
this  right,  is  not  easily  ascertained.  Muratori,  in  his 
Annali  d'  Italia,  vol.  iv./i.  464,  informs  us,  that  the  popes 
coined  money,  in  gold,  silver,  and  copper,  from  the  time 
of  Charlemagne  (about  the  year  800)  and  that  the  city  of 
Rome  had  enjoyed  that  privilege  ab  antiquo.  Other  wri- 
ters have  assigned  an  earlier  date,  which  opinion  they  have 
founded  on  a  coin  of  Zacharia,  who  filled  the  pontifical 
chair  from  the  year  740  to  751 — v.  Dissertaz.  del  Conte 
Giacomo  Acami   dell-  origine  ed  antichita  della  Zecca  Ponti- 

ficia^ 


OF  LEO   THE   TENTH.  .  47 

time  of  the  emperour  Constantine,  vai'ious  grants,  chap. 
endowments,  and  donations  of  extensive  territories,       ^' 
are  said  to  have  been  conferred  by  different  princes     1475. 
on  the  bishops  of  Rome ;  insomuch  that  there  is 
scarcely  any  part  of  Italy  to  which  they  have  not 
at  some  period  asserted  a  claim.     That  many  of 
these  grants  are  supposititious,  is  generally  acknow- 
ledged ; '^  whilst  the  validitj^  of  others,  v^hich  are 

admitted 


Jicia^fi.  8,  Ed.  Rom.  1752.  This  subject  has  given  rise  to 
serious  controversy,  even  among  the  firmest  adherents  to 
the  church.  Muratori  and  Fontanini  have  embraced  differ- 
ent opinions,  Avhich  they  have  endeavoured  to  support  in 
several  learned  publications,  in  which  the  ancient  rights 
of  the  emperours  and  the  popes  to  various  parts  of  Italy 
are  particularly  discussed.  All  collectors  however  agree  in 
commencing  their  series  from  Adrian  I.  created  pope  in 
782,  from  which  time  Acami  has  given  a  succession  of 
thirty  four  coins  of  different  pontiffs,  some  of  which,  are 
however  supposed,  to  have  issued  from  the  metropolitan 
sees  of  England,  for  the  purpose  of  paying  tribute  to 
Rome. 

''  The  donation  of  Constantine,  is  humorously,  but. 
boldly  placed  by  Ariosto,  with  the  trumpery  which,  being 
lost  on  earth,  was  found  by  Astolfo  stored  up  in  the  moon, 
among  the  prayers  of  the  wicked,  the  sighs  of  lovers, 
the  crowns  of  forgotten  sovereigns,  and  the  verses  written 
in  praise  of  great  men. 

"  Dl  varj  fiori  ad  un  gran  monte  passa ; 
"  Ch'ebbe  giit  buono  odore,  or  puzza  forte ; 


48  LII-E   AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  admitted  to  have  existed,  frequently  rests  merely 
I.       on  the  temporary  right  of  some  intruder,  whose 
1475.     only  title  was  his  sword,  and  who,  in  many  instances, 
gave  to  the  pontiff  what  he  could  no  longer  retain 
for  himself.     Under  the  colour  however  of  these 
donations,  the  popes  possessed  themselves  of  dif- 
ferent parts  of  Italy,  and  among  the  rest,  of  the 
whole  exarchate  of  Ravenna,   extending  along  a 
I  considerable  pail  of  the  Adriatick  coast,  to  which 

they  gave  the  name  of  Romania,  or  Romagna." 
The  subsequent  dissensions  between  the  popes  and 
the  emperours,  the  frequent  schisms  which  occur- 
red in  the  church,  the  unwarlike  nature  of  the 
papal  government,  and  above  all  the  impolitick 

ti-ansfer 


"  Questo  era  il  dono,  se  pero  dir  lece, 
"  Che  Costantino  al  buon  Silvestro  fece." 

Orl.  Fur.  cant.  34.  st.  80. 

=  The  validity  of  these  donations,  and  particularly  those 
of  Pepin,  king-  of  France,  and  of  his  son  Charlemagne,  is 
strongly  insisted  on  by  Ammirato,  who  attempts  to  show, 
that  the  authority  of  the  popes  extended  far  beyond  the 
limits  of  Italy  ;  but  as  he  appears  not  to  have  distinguished 
between  their  temporal  and  their  ecclesiastical  power,  lit- 
tle reliance  is  to  be  placed  on  his  opinion.  Ammir.  Discorso 
come  la  Chiesa  Romana  sia  cresciuta  ne*  beni  temjiorali. 
Opusc.  V.  ii.  /2.  67.  Those  readers  who  are  inclined  to 
examine  more  particularly  into  this  subject  may  consult 
the  Facciculus  rerum  Exjietcmlarum  is^  Fu^iendariw!,  t07n- 
i.fi.  124,  ^ 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  49 

transfer  of  the  residence  of  the  supreme  pontiffs  from  chap. 
Rome  to  Avignon,  in  the  fourteenth  century,  com-  ^' 
bined  to  weaken  the  authority  which  the  popes  1*7 s. 
had  in  the  course  of  so  many  ages  acquired ;  and 
in  particular  the  cities  of  Romagna,  throwing  off 
their  dependence  on  the  papal  see,  either  formed 
for  themselves  peculiar  and  independent  govern- 
ments, or  became  subject  to  some  successful 
adventurer,  who  acquired  his  superiority  by  force 
of  arms.  No  longer  able  to  maintain  an  actual 
authority,  the  Roman  pontiffs  endeavoured  to  re- 
serve at  least  a  paramount  or  confirmatory  right ; 
and  as  tlie  sanction  of  the  pope  was  not  a  matter  of 
indifference  to  these  subordinate  sovereigns,  he 
delegated  to  them  his  power  on  easy  conditions, 
by  investing  them  with  tlie  title  of  vicars  of  the 
church/  It  was  thus  the  family  of  Este  obtained 
the  dominion  of  Ferrara,  which  they  had  extended, 
in  fact,  to  an  independent  principality.  Thus  the 
cities  of  Rimini  and  Cesena  were  held  by  the  family 
of  Malatesta ;  Faenza  and  Imola  by  the  Manfredi ; 
and  many  other  cities  of  Italy  became  subject  to 
petty  sovereigns,    who  governed  with  despotick 

authority 


^  Guicciardinif  Historia.  d'  Italia  lib.  iv.  The  passage 
here  referred  to,  in  which  the  historian  has  traced  with 
great  ability  the  rise  and  vicissitudes  of  the  temporal  autho- 
rity of  the  popes,  is  omitted  in  the  general  editions  of  his 
works,  and  even  in  that  of  Torrentino,  Flor.  I561,y&.  but 
may  be  found  in  those  of  Stoer,  1636,   1645.  Gfnrva. 

VOL.  I.  G 


So  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  authority,  and  by  their  dissensions  frequently  ren- 
^,..jv      dered  that  fertile,  but  unhappy  country,  the  theatre 
1475.     of  contest,  of  rapine,  and  of  blood. 

From  this  period  the  temporal  authority  of  the 
popes  was  chiefly  confined  to  the  district  entitled 
the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  with  some  detached 
parts  of  Umbria,  and  the  Marca  d*  Ancona.  The 
claims  of  the  church  were  not  however  suffered  to 
remain  dormant,  whenever  an  opportunity  of  enfor- 
cing them  occuiTed,  and  the  recovery  of  its  ancient 
possessions  had  long  been  considered  as  a  duty 
indispensably  incumbent  on  the  supreme  pontiff. 
But  aldiough  for  this  purpose  he  scrupled  not  to 
avail  himself  of  the  arms,  the  alliances,  and  the 
treasures  of  the  church,  yet,  when  the  enterprise 
proved  successful,  it  generally  happened  that  the 
conquered  territory  only  exchanged  its  former 
lord  for  some  near  kinsman  of  the  reigning  pon- 
tiff, who  during  tlie  life  of  his  benefactor,  endea- 
voured to  secure  and  extend  his  authority  by  all 
the  means  in  his  power. 

The  Roman  pontiffs  have  always  possessed  an 

advantage  over  the  other  sovereigns  of  Europe, 

Union  of  the  from  thc  siugular  union  of  ecclesiastical  and  tem- 

spiritual  and  ,  .  .  i  •    i       i 

temporal  au.  poral    powcr  in    the    same    person,   which  long 
thonty.       experience  had  taught  them  to  use  with  the  same 
dexterity,    with   which  the    heroes  of  antiquity 
availed  themselves  by  turns  of  the  shield  and  the 
spear.     When  schemes  of  ambition  and  aggran- 
dizement 


OF  LEO   THE   TENTH.  5^. 

clizement  were    to  be  pursued,    the    pope,  as  a  c  h  a  p; 
temporal  prince,  could  enter  into  alliances,  raise       ^' 
supplies,  and  furnish  his  contingent  of  troops,  so     i^rs. 
as  effectually  to  cany  on  an  offensive  war ;  but  no 
sooner  was  he  endangered  by  defeat,  and  alai-med 
for  the  safety  of  his  own  dominions,  than  he  resorted 
for  shelter  to  his  pontifical  robes,  and  loudly  called 
upon  all  Christendom  to  defend  from  violation  the 
head  of  the  holy  church.^     That  these  characters 
were  successi\  ely  assumed  with  great  address  and 
advantage,  will  sufficiently  appear  from  the  follo\\'- 
ing  pages;  and  although  some  difficulties  might 
occasionally  ai'ise  in  the  exercise  of  them,  vet  not- 
withstanding  the  complaint  of  one  of  the  ablest 
apologists  of  the  Roman  Pontiffs,''  the  \\-orld  has, 

upon 


K  Bayle,  in  his  dictionary,  jirt,  Leon  x.  note  p.  has 
some  observations,  rather  more  fanciful  than  solid,  on  this 
union  of  spiritual  and  temporal  authority  in  the  same  per- 
son ;  which  he  concludes  by  relating  the  story  of  a  German 
bishop,  who  Avas  also  a  count  and  baron  of  the  empire,  and 
who  having  attempted  to  justify  to  a  peasant  the  extraor- 
dinary pomp  which  he  assumed,  by  adverting  to  his  tem- 
poral dignity,  yes,  replied  the  rustick,  Sut  nvhen  my  lord  t 
the  count  and  baron  is  sent  to  hell,  tvhere  will  then  be  my  lord 
the  bishop  ? 

^  "  Oltre  a  cio,  e  si  difficile  V  empier  con  gli  altrj 
"  principi  insieme  le  parti  di  Padre  nello  spirituale,  e  di 
"  competitore  spesso  nel  temporale,  che  talora  son  ripresi 
"  dalla  fama  come  troppo  interessati,    6  poco   caritativi 

"  i  pon- 


52  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  upon  the  whole,   been    sufficiently    indulgent   to 
I-       their  situation ;  nor  has  even  the  shedding  of  chris- 
1475.    tian  blood  been  thought  an  invincible  objection  to 
the  conferring  on  a  deceased  pontiff  the  honour  of 
adoration,  and  placing  him  in  the  highest  order  of 
sainthood  conferred  by  the  church,' 

snmeadvan.        j^  j^  ^^^^  howcvcr  to  bc  denied,  that  the  papal 

tages  or  the  '  ■•     -^ 

papal  Go-  government,  although  founded  on  so  singular  a 
basis,  and  exercised  with  despotick  authority,  has 
been  attended  with  some  advantages  peculiar  to 
itself,  and  beneficial  to  its  subjects.  Whilst  the 
choice  of  the  sovereign,  by  the  decision  of  a  peculiar 
body  of  electors,  on  the  one  hand  preserves  the 
people  from  those  dissensions  which  frequently 
arise  from  tlie  disputed  rights  of  hereditary  claim- 
ants ;  on  the  other  hand,  it  prevents  those  tumul- 
tuous debates  which  too  frequently  result  from 
the  violence  of  a  popular  election.  By  this  system 
the  dangers  of  a  minority  in  the  govemour  are 
avoided,  and  the  sovereign  assumes  the  command 
^t  a  time  of  life,  when  it  may  be  presumed  that 
passion  is  subdued  by  reason,    and    experience 

matured 


"  i  pontefici,  perche  hanno  6  difesi  6  ricuperali  quel  sudditi 
"  alia  cui  protezione  gli  obliga  il  patto  scambievole  tra'l 
"  signore  e'l  vassallo." 

jPallavicini,  Istoria  del  Cone,  di  Trento.  c.  i.fi.  47.  Ed, 
Rom.  1665. 

^  San  Leon£  IX, 


or  LEO  THE  TENTH. 


53 


matured    into   wisdom.      The    qualifications  by  c  h  a  p. 
which  the  pope  is  supposed  to  have  merited  the        ^' 
supreme  authority,  are  such  as  would  be  most     1475. 
likely  to  direct  him  in  the  best  mode  of  exercismg 
it.    Humility,  chastity,  temperance,  vigilance,  and 
learning,  are  among  the  chief  of  these  requisites ; 
and  although  some  of  them  have  confessedly  been 
too  often  dispensed  with,  yet  few  individuals  have 
ascended  the  pontifical  throne  without  possessing 
more  than  a  common  shai-e  of  intellectual  endow'- 
ments.    Hence  the  Roman  pontiffs  have  fiequently 
displayed  examples  highly  worthy  of  imitation,  and 
have  signalized  themselves,  in  an  eminent  degree, 
as  patrons  of  science,  of  letters,  and  of  art.     Culti- 
vating, as  ecclesiasticks,  those  studies  which  were    v/ 
prohibited  or  discouraged  among  the  laity,  they 
may  in  general  be  considered  as  superiour  to  the 
age  in  which  they  have  lived ;  and  among  the  pre- 
decessors of  Leo  X.  the  philosopher  may  contem- 
plate with  approbation  the  eloquence  and 'courage 
of  Leo  L  who  preserved  the  city  of  Rome  fi-om 
the  ravages  of  the  barbai-ian  Attila ;    the  benefi- 
cence, candour,  and  pastoral  attention  of  Gregory 
1.  unjustly  charged  with  being  tlie  adversary  of 
liberal  studies;   the  various  acquirements  of  Sil- 
vester n.  so  extraordinary  in  the  eyes  of  his  con-, 
temporaries  as  to  cause  him  to  be  considered  as  a 
sorcerer ;  the  industr}^,  acuteness,  and  learning  of 
Innocent  HL  of  Gregory  IX.  of  Innocent  IV.  and 
of  Pius  II.  and  the  munificence  and  love  of  lite- 
rature 


54  LIF^  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  rature  so  strikingly  displayed  in  the  character  of 
!•       Nicholas  V. 


1475. 

Cauics  of  the 
ilestination 


Notwithstanding  the  extensive  influence  acquired 
of  Giovanni   by  thc  Rottian  scc,  that  circumstance  had  not,  for 

de'  Medic",  to       '  .  .  i  •  «• 

the  church,  a  long  course  of  time,  induced  the  prmces  of 
Europe  to  attempt  to  vest  the  pontifical  authority 
in  any  individual  of  their  o^vn  family.  Whether 
this  forbearance  was  occasioned  by  an  idea  that  the 
long  course  of  humiliation  by  which  alone  this  dig* 
nity  could  be  obtained,  was  too  degrading  to  a 
person  of  royal  birth,  or  by  a  contempt  for  every 
profession  but  that  of  arms,  may  be  a  subject  of 
doubt ;  but  from  whatever  cause  it  aiose,  it  appears 
to  have  been,  in  the  fifteenth  century,  completely 
removed;  almost  every  sovereign  in  Italy,  and 
perhaps  in  Europe,  striving  with  the  utmost  ardoiu* 
to  procure  for  their  nearest  relations  a  seat  m  the 
sacred  college,  as  a  necessary  step  to  the  pontifical 
chair.  What  the  European  princes  endeavoured 
to  accomplish  in  the  persons  of  their  own  kindred, 
the  popular  governments  attempted  in  those  of 
their  most  illustrious  citizens  ;  and  the  favours  be- 
stowed by  Paul  II.  upon  his  countrymen  the  Vene- 
tians, may  reasonably  be  supposed  to  have  operated 
upon  the  sag-acious  and  provident  mind  of  Lorenzo 
de'  Medici,  to  induce  him  to  attempt  the  establish- 
ment of  the  chief  ecclesiastical  dignity  in  one  of  his 
own  family.  Nor  is  it  improbable,  that  whilst  he 
was  actuated  by  diis  motive,  he  was  impelled  by 
another  of  no  less  efficac}-.     By  the  resentment  of 

the 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  55 

the  papal  see  he  had  lost  a  much  loved  brother;  chap. 
and  although  he  had  himself  escaped  with  his  life       ^' 
from  the  dagger  of  the  assassin,  yet  he  had  expe-     1*75. 
rienced,  from  the  same  cause,  a  series  of  calamities, 
from  which  he  was  only  extricated  by  one  of  the 
most  daring  expedients  recorded  in  historj^     To 
prevent,  as  far  as  possible,  the  recurrence  of  a  cir- 
cumstance which  had  neai*ly  destroyed  the  autho- 
nty  of  his  family,  and  to  establish  his  children  in 
such  situations  as  might  render  them  a  mutual 
support  and  security  to  each  other,  in  tlie  high 
departments  for  which  they  were  intended,  were 
doubtless  some  of  the  motives  which  occasioned 
the  destination   of   Giovanni  de'  Medici  to  the 
church,  and  produced  tliose  impoitant  effects  upon 
the  religion,  the  politicks,  and  the  taste  of  Europe, 
^vhich  are   so   conspicuous  in  the  pontificate  of 
Leo  X. 

That  it  was  the  intention  of  Lorenzo,  from  the     1482. 
birth  of  his  son,  to  raise  him  eventually  to  the  high  He  receives 
dignity  which  he  afterwards  acquired,  cannot  be  andiT'^"' 
doubted ;  and  the  authority  which  he  possessed  in  J'|''''i=''>'^ 


"  Fonte- 


the  affairs  of  Italy,  enabled  him  to  engage  in  this  ^oice. 
undertaking  with  the  fairest  prospects  of  success. 
Soon  after  he  had  attained  the  seventh  year  of  his 
age,  Giovanni  de'  Medici  had  received  the  tonsura, 
and  was  declared  capable  of  ecclesiastical  prefer- 
ment. At  this  early  period  his  father  had  applied 
to  Louis  XL  to  confer  upon  him  some  church 
living.     In  the  reply  of  the  French  king,  which 

bears 


56  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  bears  date  the  seventeenth  day  of  Februaiy,  1482, 
^'  he  thus  expresses  himself: — "  I  understand  from 
1482.  "  your  letter  of  the  thirtieth  of  January,  the  inten- 
"  tions  you  have  formed  respecting  your  son, 
"  which,  if  I  had  known  them  before  the  death  of 
"  the  cardinal  of  Rohan,  I  should  have  endeavoured 
"  to  have  accomplished;  but  I  have  no  objection, 
*'  on  die  next  vacancy  of  a  benefice,  to  do  for  him 
"whatever  lies  in  my  power." ^  Accordingly, 
Giovanni  was,  in  the  following  jear,  appointed  by 
the  king,  abbot  of  Fonte-dolce ;  and  this  was 
speedily  follov*^ed  by   the  investiture  of  the  rich 

And  of  Pas.  monastcry  of  Passignano,  bestowed  upon  him  by 
Sixtus  IV.  who,  towards  the  close  of  his  days, 
seemed  desirous  of  obliterating  from  the  minds  of 
the  Medici  the  remembrance  of  his  former  hostility. 
The  particulars  of  this  singular  instance  of  eccle- 
siastical promotion,  and  of  the  additional  honours 
bestowed  upon  Giovanni  de'  Medici,  are  given  by 
Lorenzo  himself,  in  his  Ricordi,  with  great  sim- 
plicity. "  On  the  nineteenth  day  of  May,  1483," 
says  he,  "  we  received  intelligence,  that  the  king 
"  of  France  had,  of  his  o^vn  motion,  presented  to 
"  my  son  Giovanni,  the  abbey  of  Fonte-dolce. 
*'  On  the  thirty-first,  we  heard  from  Rome,  that  the 
*'  pope  had  confirmed  the  grant,  and  had  rendered 
./  "  him  capable  of  holding  a  benefice,  he  being  now 
*'  seven  years  of  age.     On  the  first  day  of  June, 

"  Giovanni 


^  Fabroniif  vita  Laur.  Med.  in  adnot.  298, 


OF  LEO   THE   TENTH.  57 

**  Giovanni  accompanied  me  from  Poggio '  to  Flo-  chap* 
**  rence,  where  he  was  confirmed  by  the  bishop  of  __£i__- 
*'  Arezzo, ""and  received  the  tonsura;  and  from  1483. 
*'  thenceforth  was  called  Messire  Giovanni.  The 
*'  before  mentioned  circumstances  took  place  in  the 
*'  chapel  of  our  family.  The  next  morning  he  re^ 
*'  turned  to  Poggio.  On  the  eighth  day  of  June, 
"  Jacopino,  a  courier,  arrived  with  advices  from 
"  the  king  of  France,  that  he  had  conferred  upon 
*'  Messire  Giovamii  the  archbishoprick  of  Aix,  in 
*'  Provence;  on  which  account  a  messenger  was 
"  despatched,  on  the  same  evening,  to  Rome,  with 
"  letters  fi'om  the  king  to  tlie  pope  and  the  cai'dinal 
*'  di  Macone.  At  the  same  time  despatches  wem 
"  sent  to  count  Girolamo,  A\'hich  were  forwarded 
"  by  Zenino  the  courier  to  Forli.  On  the  eleventh^ 
*'  Zenino  returned  from  the  count,  with  letters  to 
*'  the  pope  and  the  cardinal  S.  Giorgio,  which  were 
*'  sent  to  Rome  by  the  Milanese  post.  On  the 
"  same  day,  after  mass,  all  the  children  of  the  fa- 
*'  mily  received  confirmation,  excepting  Messire 
"  Giovanni.  On  the  fifteenth,  at  the  sixth  hour  of 
"  the  night,  an  answer  was  received  from  Rome 
*'  that  the  pope  had  some  difficulty  in  giving  the 
"  archbishoprick  to  Messire  Giovanni,  on  account 
of  his  youth.     Tliis  answer   was  immediately 

"  despatched 


•  Poggio  a  Cajanoy  a  seat  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici. 

'"  Gentile  d'  Urbino.  v.  Lift  of  Lor.  de*  Med.  vol.  i./i. 
?2.  40. 

YQL.  I.  It 


(( 


<( 


58  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.  "  despatched  to  the  king  of  France.    On  the  twen- 
I- "  tieth,  we  received  news  from  Lionetto  that  the 

1483.  u  archbishop  luas  not  dead!     On  the  first  day  of 

1484.  "  March,  1484,  the  abbot  of  Passignano  died,  and 
*'  a  message  was  despatched  to  Giovanni  Vespucci, 
"  the  Florentine  ambassadour  at  Rome,  that  he 
"  should  endeavour  to  prevail  on  the  pope  to  give 
"  the  abbey  to  Messire  Giovanni.  On  the  second, 
"  he  took  possession  of  it  under  the  authority  of 

the  state,  by  virtue  of  the  reservation  granted  to 
him  by  Sixtus  IV.  and  which  was  afterwards 
confirmed  by  Innocent  VIII.  when  my  son  Piero 
*'  went  to  pay  him  obedience  at  Rome,  on  his  eleva- 
"  tion  to  the  pontificate." "  It  would  not  be  diffi- 
cult to  declaim  against  the  corruptions  of  the  Ro- 
man see,  and  the  absurdity  of  conferring  ecclesiasti- 
cal preferments  upon  a  child ;  but  in  the  estimation 
of  an  impartial  observer,  it  is  a  matter  of  little  mo- 
ment whether  such  a  preferment  be  bestowed  upon 
an  infant,  who  is  unable,  or  an  adult,  who  is  unwil- 
ling, to  perform  the  duties  of  his  office,  and  who, 
in  fact,  at  the  time  of  his  appointment,  neither  in- 
tends, nor  is  expected,  ever  to  bestow  upon  them 
any  share  of  his  attention. 

Kis  father  at.       Thc  death  of  Sixtus  IV.  which  happened  on  the 
rirsfhim  to  thirteenth  day  of  August  1484,  and  the  elevation  to 

the    rank    of  thc 

cardinal. 


"  The  original  is  given  in  the  life  of  Lor.  de*  Medici, 
Appendix^  -vol.  ii.  JVo.  Ixii. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  59 

the  pontificate  of  Giambattista  Cibo,  by  the  name  c  h  a  p. 
of  Innocent  VIII.  opened  to  Lorenzo  the  prospect       ^' 
of  speedy  and  more  important  ad\ancement  for  his     1484. 
son.     Of  the  numerous  li\  ings  conferred  on  this 
young  ecclesiastick,  a  particular  account  has  been 
preserved;  °  but  the  views  of  Lorenzo  were  directed 
towards  still  higher  preferment.     In  the  month  of 
November  he  despatched  his  eldest  son  Piero  to 
Rome,  accompanied  by  his  uncle  Giovanni  Torna- 
buoni,  with  directions  to  promote  as  much  as  pos- 
sible the  interests  of  his  brother  Giovanni.     In  the 
instructions  of  Lorenzo  to  his  envoys  at  Rome,  the 
same  object  was  strongly  insisted  on ;  and  such  ar- 
guments were  constantly  suggested,  as  were  most 

likely 

"  It  appears  that  Giovanni  was  at  the  same  time  a  canon 
of  the  cathedral  of  Florence,  of  Fiesole,  and  of  Arezzo ; 
rector  of  Carmignano,  of  Giogoli,  of  S.  Casciano,  of  S.  Gio- 
vanni in  Valdarno,  of  S.  Piero  at  Casale,  and  of  S.  Marcel- 
lino  at  Cacchiano  ;  prior  of  Monte  Varchi;  precentor  of  S. 
Antonio  at  Florence ;  proposto  of  Prato ;  abbot  of  Monte 
Cassino,  of  S.  Giovanni  of  Passignano,  of  S.  Maria  of  Mo- 
rimondo,  of  S.  Martino,  of  Fonte-dolce  in  France,  of  S. 
Lorenzo  of  Coltibuono,  of  S.  Salvadore  at  Vajano,  of  S. 
Bartolommeo  at  Anghiari,  of  S.  Maria  at  Monte  Piano,  of 
S.  Giuliano  at  Tours,  of  S,  Giusto  and  S.  Clement  at  Vol- 
lerra,  of  S.  Stefano  of  Bologna,  of  S.  Michele  in  Arezzo, 
of  Chiaravalle  at  Milan,  of  the  diocese  of  Pino  in  Pittavia, 
and  of  the  Casa  Dei  at  Chiaramonte  ;  and  in  1510  he  be 
came  archbishop  of  Amalfi. — "  Bone  Deus,"  exclaims  Fa 
broni,  "  quot  in  uno  juvene  cumulata  sacerdotia  !"  Fabr. 
vita  Leon.  x.  in  adnot.  fi.  245. 


dalc-ii:ide' 
\Jedici. 


60  LILE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  'likely  to  induce  the  pope  to  nominate  Giovanni  de' 
I.       Medici,  on  the  first  opportunity,  a  member  of  tlie 
1484.     sacred  college. 

In  the  mean  time,  Lorenzo  thought  it  advisable 
to  strengthen  the  friendly  connexion  which  already 
Marriage  of  subsistcd  bctwceu  himself  and  the  pope    by    a 
ZZTmI  union  between  tlieir  fomilies.     Before  his  adopting 
an  ecclesiastical  life,  Innocent  had  several  children, '' 
the  eldest  of  whom,  Francesco  Cibo,  was  married 
148/.     in  the  year  1487,  to  Maddalena,  one  of  the  daugh- 
te?»s  of  Lorenzo,  a  woman  of  great  beauty  and  ac- 
complishments, and  who  lived  to  share  the  honours 
enjoyed    by  her  famil}^  in  the  elevation  of    her 
brother.      Besides  the  inducements  to  this  mea- 
sure,   which   the.  pope    probably    found    in    the 
increasing  influence  and  authority  of  Lorenzo  de' 
Medici,  the  near  relationship  which  subsisted  be- 
twetii  Maddalena  and  the  family  of  the  Orsini,  was 
a  powerful  motive  with  him  to  conclude  the  match. 
The  event  was  such  as  the  pope  expected.     The 
hostility  between  him  and  the  Orsini  speedily  sub- 
sided; and  he  found  on  many  subsequent  occasions 

the 

''  Sanazzaro  adverts  to  this  circumstance  in  the  follow- 
ing ironical  lines.  '■■^  -i^-'-'''- 

"  Innocuo  priscos  xqiium  est  debere  quirites: 
^*  Progenie  exhaustam  restituit  patriam." 

Epigram.  Hb.i.  Efi.  37.  Ed.  Co?mno,  1731. 


OF  LEO   THE  TENTH.  61 

the  high  importance  of  their  attachment  and  tlieir  chap. 
services.''  J- 

1487. 

As  the  acUancement  of  Giovanni  de'  Medici 
to  the  dignit}'  of  the  purple,  was  the  fortunate 
event  which  led  the  way  to  his  future  elevation,  and 
to  the  important  consequences  of  that  elevation  to 
the  christian  world,  it  may  not  be  uninteresting  to 
trace  the  steps  by  which  he  acquired,  so  early  in 
life,  that  liigh  rank.  This  we  are  enabled  to  do 
with  great  accuracy,  from  the  letters  of  Lorenzo 
and  his  confidential  correspondents,  the  originals 
of  wliich  are  preserved  in  the  archives  of  Florence, 
and  which  exhibit  such  a  degree  of  policy  and  assi- 
duit}^  on  the  part  of  that  gi^eat  man,  as  could  scarce- 
ly fail  of  success. 

From  these  it  appeal's,  that  early  in  the  year     1488. 
1488,  the  pope,  who  had  not  before  received  any  Giovanni  de* 

.  ,  Medici,  ap. 

additional  members  into  the  college,  had  formed  pointed  car. 
the  intention  of  making  a  promotion  of  cardinals, 
and  had  communicated  his  pui-pose  to  Lorenzo,  to 
whom  he  had  also  transmitted  a  list  of  names  for 
his  remarks  and  approbation.  Such  however  was 
the  inactivity  of  the  pontiff,  that  he  delayed  from 
time  to  time  the  execution  of  his  plan.  From  the 
age  and  infirmities  of  the  pope,  Lorenzo  wus  feai-- 

ful 


S  Muratori,   Annali  cP  If  alia,  ix.  556. 


(62  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  ful  that  this  measure  might  be  wholly  frustrated; 
^'  and  as  he  had  already  formed  the  design  of  pro- 
1488.  curing  the  name  of  his  son  to  be  included  among 
those  of  the  new  cardinals,  he  directed  his  envoy  at 
Rome,  Giovanni  Lanfredini,  to  lose  no  time  in  pre- 
vailing upon  the  pope  to  cany  his  intentions  into 
effect.  "  I  observe,*'  says  he,  in  a  letter  which 
bears  date  the  sixteenth  day  of  June,  1488, '  "  what 
**  you  mention  respecting  the  promotion  of  cardi- 
*'  nals,  to  which  I  shall  briefly  reply,  that  this 
"  event  ought  not  to  be  delayed  longer  than  can 
"  possibly  be  avoided ;  for  when  his  holiness  has 
*'  completed  it,  he  will  be  another  pope  than  he 
"  has  hitherto  been — because  he  is  yet  a  head  with- 
*'  out  limbs,  surrounded  by  the  creatures  of  others; 
**  whereas  he  will  dien  be  surrounded  by  his  own. 
*'  You  will  therefore  importune  and  exhort  him  to 
"  adopt  this  determination  as  soon  as  possible,  be- 
*'  cause  there  is  danger  in  delay.  *  *  As  to  the 
*'  persons  nominated,  I  approve  all  those  whose 
*'  names  are  marked  with  a  point;  they  are  the 
*'  same  as  you  before  mentioned  to  me.  It  seems 
"  better  to  lay  before  him  many,  that  he  may  have 
*'  an  opportunity  of  selection.  He  may  also  grati- 
*'  fy  me  if  he  thinks  proper." 

A  few  months  afterwards,  when  a  promotion  of 
cardinals  was  positively  determined  on,  Lorenzo 

became 

••  MSS.  Florent. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  63 

became  more  strenuous  in  his  exertions,  and  omit-  chap. 
ted  no  solicitations  or  persuasions  which  might  ___£l__ 
obtain  the  favour,  not  only  of  the  pontiff  himself,      ^^^^• 
but  of  the  cardinals,  whose  concurrence  was,  it  ^**  ^^• 
appears,  indispensable. '     In  a  letter  to  the  pope, 
which  bears  date  the  first  day  of  October,   1488, 
he  most  earnestly  entreats,  that  if  he  is  ever  to 
receive  any  benefit  from  his  holiness,  it  may  be 
conceded  to  him  on  that  occasion,  and  requests  his 
favour  with  no  less  fervency  than  he  would  from 
God  the  salvation  of  his  soul.       With  equal  eager- 
ness, and  to  this  or  a  similar  effect,  he  addressed 
himself  to  all  the  members  of  the  sacred  college, 
whose  interest  he  thought  essential  to  his  success". 
Where  he  could  not  obtain  an  absolute  promise  of 

support. 


«  In  the  articles  or  concessions  signed  by  Innocent  on 
his  election,  he  had  solemnly  promised  not  to  raise  any 
person  to  the  dignity  of  a  cardinal  who  had  not  attained 
thirty  years  of  age,  that  such  promotion  should  never  be 
made  in  secret,  that  he  would  not  create  more  than  one 
from  his  own  family,  that  the  number  should  not  in  the 
whole  exceed  twenty  four,  and  that  he  would  not  name 
any  new  ones  till  the  college  should  be  reduced  to  that 
number.  Burcard.  Diarium,  a/i.  JVbticea  des  MMS.  du 
Roi.  i.  75. 

'  Fabr.  in  vita  Leon.  x.  adnot.  245. 

"  Of  these,  his  letter  to  Battista  Zen,  Cardinal  of  S. 
Maria  in  Portico,  and  nephew  of  Paul  II.  may  serve  as  a 
sufficient  specimen.     MMS.  Florent. 


64  LIFE  AND   PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  support,  he  considered  it  as  of  great  importance 
!♦  to  have  prevented  opposition.  "You  appeiu'  to 
1488.  me,"  says  he  to  Lanfredini,  "^  "  to  have  done  no 
Mi.  13.  a  i[^i\q  [y\  removing  the  objections  of  *  *  *.  If 
"  you  cannot  induce  him  to  proceed  further,  I  wish 
"  you  to  thank  him  for  this  ;  and  assure  him,  that 
'*  knowing  his  incUnation,  I  shall  owe  to  him  the 
"  same  obligation  for  it,  as  I  shall  to  others  for 
"  their  positive  favours.  At  the  same  time,  if  it 
"  were  possible,  I  should  be  highly  gratified  by  his 
"  assistance."  On  this  impoilant  occasion  Lo- 
renzo availed  himself  greatly  of  the  services  of  the 
Cardinal  Ascanio,  brother  of  Lodovico  Sforza,  and 
of  Roderigo  Borgia,  then  vice  chancellor  of  the 
holy  see.  "  I  reply,"  says  he,  addressing  himself 
to  Lanfredini ''',  "  in  a  letter  under  my  own  hand 
*'  to  the  vice  chancellor  and  Monsig.  Ascanio. 
*'  The  letter  which  they  have  written  me,  and  the 
"  trouble  which,  as  you  inform  me,  Monsig. 
*'  Ascanio  takes  every  day  on  my  behalf,  merit 
*'  other  returns  than  words.  I  well  know,  both 
*'  from  your  information,  and  my  own  reflections, 
"  where  my  honour  and  my  hopes  would  have 
"  remained,  had  they  not  been  brought  to  life  by 
"  him,  and  by  those  whom  his  relationship,  friend- 
"  ship,   and  connexions,   have  obtained  for  me. 

"The 


"  MMS.  Florent. 
^  MMS.  Florent. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  65 

**  The  difficulty  of  this  business,  and  his  constant  chap. 
*'  diligence  and  attention,  render  the  benefits  he__JLi__ 
*'  has  conferred  on  us  so  impoitant,  that  they  oblige     1488. 
*'  not  only  me  and  M.  Giovanni,  but  all  those  who  -'Et.  is. 
"  belong  to  us ;  for  I  consider  this  favour  in  no 
"  other  light  tlian  if  I  were  raised  from  death  to 
*'  life."     He  expresses  himself  respecting  the  vice 
chancellor  with  equal  gratitude,  desiring  Lanfiedini 
to  assure  him  of  the  sense  he  entertains  of  his 
favours,  which  he  camiot  do  himself,  "  because  in 
"  effect  he  feels  the  obligation  too  sti'ongly,  and  is 
*'  more  desirous  of  repaymg  it,  when  in  his  power, 
"  than  he  can  possibly  express." 

At  this  critical  juncture,  when  every  hour  w^as 
pregnant  with  expectation,  the  hopes  of  Lorenzo 
were  cruelh",  tliough  unintentional!}',  disappointed 
by  Lanfredini,  who,  having  a  confidence  of  success, 
wished  to  be  informed  bv  Lorenzo  in  what  manner 
he  should  announce  the  great  event.  To  this  end 
he  enclosed  to  Lorenzo  the  form  of  a  publick  letter, 
'\\hich  it  might  be  proper  to  send,  on  such  an  occa- 
sion, for  the  inspection  of  the  citizens  at  large. 
Lorenzo  replies",  '*  you  will  have  time  enough  to 
"  send  for  the  form  in  which  it  may  be  proper  to 
"  announce  the  new^s.  The  method  you  took  had 
"  however  neaiiy  given  rise  to  a  great  errour ;  for, 
■'*  as  I  read  your  enclosure  before  your  letter,  and 

"  there 


^  MMS.  Florent. 


VOL.  I. 


66  LIFE  ANJD  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  "  there  did  not  appear  either  the  word,  copy^  or 

I-       "  aiiy  other  indication  to  that  effect,  I  thought  the 

1488.     "  information  true,  and  was  very  near  making  it 

iEi.  13.  "  pubUck.     It  seems  to  me  of  Httle  consequence 

"  in  \\hat  manner  you  communicate  it.    The  busi- 

''  ness  is  here  so  publickly  spoken  of,  that  it  can- 

'■'■  not  be  more  so.     You  can  therefore  send  no 

''  intelligence  that  is  not  expected  by  every  one 

**  except  myself;  for,  I  know  not  how  it  is,  I  have 

*'  never  been  able  to  confide  in  the  event." 

This  however  seems  to  have  been  the  last 
agony  which  Lorenzo  had  to  sustain  in  this  long 
conflict,  for,  on  the  ninth  day  of  the  same  month, 
he  received  the  consolatory  intelligence,  that  his 
son  was  elevated  to  the  dignity  of  a  cardinal,  under 
the  title  of  S.  Maria  in  Domenica. ''  His  feelings 
on  this  occasion  are  best  expressed  in  his  o^vn 
f  words,  addressed  to  his  envoy  at  Rome.  ''  Thanks 
*'  be  to  God  for  the  good  news  which  I  received 
"  yesterday  at  the  ninth  hour,  respecting  Messire 
"  Giovanni,  and  which  appeared  to  me  so  much 

"the 


^  This  event  was  communicated  to  him  in  a  letter  from 
the  cardinal  of  Anjou,  yet  preserved  in  the  Florentine 
Archives.  It  is  also  adverted  to  in  the  Latin  verses  of 
Philomusus,  who  has  there  in  a  spirit  of  poetick  prophecy 
foretold  the  future  honours  of  his  patron,  which  he  also 
lived  himself  to  celebrate.  Vide  Carmin.  Illust.  Poet. 
Ital.  torn  VII.  ft.  182. 


OF   LEO   THE  TENTH.  67 

*'  the  greater,  as  it  was  the  less  expected ;  it  seem-  chap. 
**  ing  so  far  above  my  merits,  and  so  difficult  in  i- 
*'  itself,  as  to  be  esteemed  impossible.  I  havQ  ^488. 
"  reason  to  hold  in  remembrance  all  those  who  -*^-  ^^• 
"  have  assisted  me  in  this  business,  and  shall  leave 
*'  a  charge  that  they  be  not  forgotten  by  those  who 
"  may  succeed  me ;  this  being  the  greatest  honour 
*'  that  ever  our  house  experienced."  *  *  *  "I 
"  know  not  whether  his  holiness  may  be  displeased 
*'  with  the  demonstrations  of  joy  and  festivit}-  which 
**  have  taken  place  in  Florence  on  this  occasion ; 
"  but  I  never  saw  a  more  general  or  a  more  sincere 
"  exultation.  Many  other  expressions  of  it  would 
*'  have  occurred,  but  I  did  all  in  my  power  to  pre- 
*'  vent  them,  although  I  could  not  wholly  succeed. 
"  I  mention  this,  because  the  elevation  of  M.  Gio- 
*'  vanni  was  intended  to  have  remained  for  the 
"  present  a  secret ;  but  you  have  made  it  so  pub- 
"  lick  in  Rome,  that  we  can  scai^cely  incur  blame 
*'  in  following  your  example  ;  nor  have  I  been  able 
"  to  decline  the  congratulations  of  the  cit}^  even  to 
"  the  lowest  ranks.  If  what  I  have  done  be  im- 
"  proper,  I  can  only  say  that  it  \v?is  impossible  for 
"  me  to  prevent  it,  and  that  I  greatly  wish  for 
*'  instructions  how  to  conduct  mvself  in  future,  as 
"  to  what  kind  of  life  and  manners  M.  Giovanni 
"  ought  to  observe,  and  what  his  di'ess  and  liis  at- 
"  tendants  ought  to  be  ;  for  I  should  be  extremely 
"  sorry  to  begin  to  repay  tliis  immense  debt  by 
"  doing  any  thing  contrary  to  the  intentions  of  his 
*'  holiness.     In  the  mean  time  M.  Giovanni  re- 

*'  mams 


68  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  p,  "  mains  with  me  in  the  house,  which  from  yester- 

I-       "  day  has  been  continually  full  of  people.     Advise 

1488.     "me  therefore    what  is  to  be   done  with  him. 

JE,u  13,    a  Inform  me  also,  when  you  next  write,  what  sig- 

*'  nature  or  seal  he  ought  to  use.     In  expediting 

"  the  bull,  you  will,  I  am  sure,  use  all  due  dili- 

"  gence,  and  will  transmit  it  as  soon  as  possible  for 

*'  the  satisfaction  of  our  friends.     I  send  you  here- 

"  with  the  measure  of  his  height,  but  in  my  eyes 

"  he  appears  to  have   grown  and  changed  since 

"  yesterday.     I  trust  in  God  you  will  receive  due 

"  honour  for  your  exertions,  and  that  his  holiness 

"  will  be  pleased  with  what  he  has  done.     I  wish 

"  for  your  opinion  whether  I  should  send  my  son 

"  Piero,  as  I  intended ;  because  it  seems  to  me' 

'  "  diat  a  favour  of  this  magnitude  calls  for  no  less, 

"  than  that  I  should  pay  a  viyt  to  Rome  my- 
«'  self." 

Politiano,  to  whom  the  early  education  of  Gio- 
vanni de'  Medici  had  been  intrusted,  thought  it 
;ilso  incumbent  on  himself,  upon  this  occasion,  to 
address  to  the  pope  a  letter,  in  which  he  has  exhi- 
bited the  character  and  eai'ly  acquirements  of  his 
pupil  in  a  very  favourable  light.  Some  allowance 
must  however  be  made  for  the  partiality  of  the 
tutor,  and  perhaps  for  the  blandishments  of  the 
courtier ;  nor  ^e  we  implicitly  to  believe,  either 
that  Louis  XL  was  the  most  pious  of  kings,  or 
that  Giovanni  de'  Medici,  although  from  various 

cii'cum- 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  69 

circumstances    his   proficiency    was   beyond   his  chap. 
years,  had  realized  in  himself,  ^' 

1488. 
"  That  faultless  monster  which  the  world  ne'er  saw."        j^^   jj^ 

Agnolo  Polit'iano  to  the  supreme  Pontiff  Innocent 

VIII.  ^ 

"  Although  the  mediocrity  of  my  fortune,  and  "^^^^^l^^,. 
'  the  insignificance  of  my  station  in  life,  might  ^'^^p^p^- 
'  justly  deter  me  from  addressing  myself  to  }-our 

*  holiness,  the  vicar  of  God,  and  chief  of  the 
'  human  race  ;  yet,  amidst  the  publick  exultation 
'  of  this  city,  and  the  peculiar  satisfaction  which  I 
'  myself  experience,  I  cannot  refrain  from  express- 
'  ing  my  joy,  and  returning  tlianks  to  your  holi- 
'  ness,  for  having  adopted  into  the  sacred  college, 
'  Giovanni,  the  son  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  and 
'  the  deserved  favourite  of  his  country ;  and  for 
'  having  thereby  conferred  on  this  flourishing  com- 

*  munity,  and  on  so  noble  a  family,  such  high 

*  honour  and  dignity.     Allow  me  also  to  congra- 

"  tulate 


'^  In  the  preceding  year  Politiano  had  inscribed  to  the 
pope  his  elegant  translation  of  Herodian,  in  return  for 
which  Innocent  had  not  only  written  to  him,  but  had  pre- 
sented him  with  200  pieces  of  gold.  Polit.  Ep.  lib.  viii. 
efi.  1,2,  3,  4.  Politiano  had  also  addressed  to  the  pope, 
soon  after  his  elevation,  a  fine  Sapphick  ode.  Polit.  op. 
4ld.  1498. 


70  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  f .  "  tulate  your  holiness,  that  by  this  exertion  c^ 

^''-       "  your  own  discriminating  judgment,  you  have 

1488.     *'  added  to  your  other  great  distinctions  immortal 

Mi.  13.  "  honour.  Not  to  mention  Lorenzo  himself, 
**  whose  favour  you  have  perpetually  secured  by 
*'  this  instance  of  your  regard,  wLere  shall  we  find 
"  a  person  more  accomplished,  in  every  respect, 
"  than  our  young  cardinal  ?  I  shall  neither  indulge 
"  my  own  feelings,  nor  flatter  the  choice  of  your 
"  holiness.  What  I  shall  say  is  known  to,  and 
**  testified  by  all.  He  has  had  the  happiness  to  be 
"  so  bom  and  constituted  by  nature,  so  educated 
**  and  directed  as  to  his  manners,  so  instituted  and. 
taught  as  to  his  literary  acquirements,  that  in  his 
'  genius  he  is  inferiour  to  no  one,  neither  is  he 
*'  surpassed  by  any  of  those  of  his  own  time  of  life 
"  in  industry,  by  his  preceptors  in  learning,  or  by 
"  mature  age  in  gravity  and  seriousness  of  deport- 
"  ment.  The  native  goodness  of  his  disposition 
"  has  been  so  industriously  cultivated  by  his  father, 
"  that  he  has  ne\'er  incurred  censure  by  the  slightest 
*'  levity  or  impropriety  of  speech.  In  his  whole 
-^"  conduct  and  deportment  there  is  nothing  that  it 
*'  is  possible  to  blame.  At  his  early  period  of  life 
"  he  has  attained  such  a  maturity,  that  the  aged 
*'  recognise  in  him  the  genius  of  the  venerable 
"  Cosmo,  whilst  we,  who  are  younger,  acknow- 
*'  ledge  in  him  the  veiy  spirit  of  his  father.  His 
"  disposition  to  religion  and  piety  he  may  be  said 
*'  to  have  imbibed  wiili  the  milk  that  nourished 
*'  him.     From  his  cradle  he  has  meditated  on  the 

*'  sacred 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH. 


71 


"  sacred  offices  of  the  church,  to  which  he  was  chap. 

*'  destined  by  his  pro\ident  father,  even  before  his       ^- 

•'  birth ;  and  the  hopes  entertained  of  him  have     1488. 

*'  been  encouraged  by  many  favourable  presages,   ^t.  13. 

**  Such  was  the  specimen  which  he  had  given, 

*'  whilst  yet  a  child,  of  his  virtues  and  talents,  that 

*'  tlie  reputation  of  them  induced  that  most  wise 

"  and  most  pious  king,  Louis  XI.  to  judge  him 

"  not  unworthy  of  the  high  dignity  of  an  arch- 

"  bishop.     You  have  therefore  the  king  as  your 

"  precursor  in  the  favours  you  have  bestowed. 

"  He   began   the  web  which  your  holiness  has 

*'  thought  proper  to  finish.     *  *  *  *     It  is  not 

"  requisite  that  you  should  number  his  years.     He 

**  has  attained  his  virtues  before  his  time.     Doubt 

"  not  but  he  will  fill  the  august  purple.     He  will 

"  not  faint  under  the  weight  of  the  hat,  nor  be 

"  dazzled  by  the  splendour  that  surrounds  him. 

*'  You  will  find  in  him  a  person  not  unqualified  for  \ 

*'  such  a  senate,  not  unequal  to  such  a  burthen. 

*'  Already  he  appears  in  full  majesty,  and  seems  to 

*'  exceed  his  usual  stature."  * 

Whatever  credit  the  foregoing  letter  may  confer 
on  the  rhetorical  talents  of  Politiano,  it  must  be 
confessed  that  it  is  not  calculated  to  increase  our 
favourable  opinion  of  his  judgment ;  as  in  attempt- 
ing with  too  much   earnestness  to  convince  the 

pope 


a  Polit.  £/i.  lib.  viii.  £fi.  5. 


72  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  pope  of  the  rectitude  of  his  conduct,  it  betrays  a 

^'        suspicion  that  such  conduct  stands  in  need  of  justi- 

1488.     lication.  Lorenzo  himsdf  appears  to  have  regarded 

^t.  13.  this  laboured  production  with  no  great  approbation. 
In  one  of  his  letters  to  Lanfi-edini  he  thus  adverts 
to  it. ''  "  Messire  Agnolo  da  Monte-Pulciano 
"  writes  an  epistle  to  his  holiness,  which  is  sent 
'*  herewith,  superscribed  by  Ser  Piero,  returning 
"  him  thanks.  &c.  It  is  pretty  long — He  would 
*'  have  been  glad,  had  it  been  received  in  time,  to 
"  have  had  it  read  in  the  consistory,  and  not  merely 
*'  to  his  holiness.  I  think  we  should  proceed  cau- 
"  tiously  in  delivering  it  to  the  pope,  to  say  nothing 
"  of  the  rest.  I  submit  it  however,  to  your  judg- 
"  ment."  As  no  answer  to  this  letter  appeal's  in 
the  works  of  Politiano,  it  is  not  improbable  that 
it  was  suppressed,  in  consequence  of  these  cau- 
tionary and  well  founded  remarks.  '^ 

It  must  however  be  acknowledged,  that  if  Lo- 
renzo de'  Medici  was  indefatigable  in  obtaining 

for 


^  MSS.  Florent. 

*  The  publick  thanks  of  the  government  of  Florence 
were  also  transmitted  to  the  pope,  for  the  honour  conferred 
on  that  city  by  the  adoption  of  the  cardinal  de'  Medici  into 
the  sacred  college.  The  letter  on  this  occasion  was  written 
by  Bartolommeo  Scala,  then  chancellor  of  the  republick, 
and  is  given  in  the  CoUectio  veterum  aliquot  monumentorumf 
of  Bandini. — 4rezz0y  1752. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  73 

for  his  son  the  honours  and  emoluments  of  eccle-  chap. 
siastical  preferment,  he  displayed  an  equal  degree       ^' 
of  assiduity  in  rendering  him  worthy  of  them.      1489. 
The  eai'ly  docility  and  seriousness  of  Giovanni,  the   -^t.  14. 
proficiency  which  he  had  made  in  his  studies,  and  Education  of 
the  distinctions  with  which  he  had  been  honoured,  Medici. 
entitled  him  to  rank  as  an  associate  in  those  meetings 
of  men  of  genius  and  learning  which  continually 
took  place  in  tlie  palace  of  the  Medici.     Among 
the  professors  of  the  Platonick  philosophy  the  chief 
place  was  held  by  Mai'silio  Ficino;  the  authority 
of  Aristotle  was  supported  by  his  countryman  and        • 
warm  admirer,  Joannes  Argyrop}-lus ;   in  classical 
and  polite  literature  Politiano  had  revived  the  age 
of  Augustus ;  ^  whilst  Giovanni  Pico  of  Mirandula, 
united  in  himself  the  "various  kinds  of  knowledge 
which  were  allotted  to  others  only  in  distinct  por- 
tions.    Comersant,  as  Giovanni  de'  JVIedici  was, 
with  these  men,  and  residing  under  the  eye  of  liis 
father,  to  whom  every  production  of  literature  and 
of  art  was  submitted  as  to  an  infallible  judge,  it 
was  impossible  that  the  seeds  of  knowledge  and  of 
taste,  if  indeed  they  existed,  should  not  be  early 

developed 


^  "  Nimirum  ad  optimum  indolem  optima  accessit  in- 
stitutio,  et  felicissimi  ingenii  tui  solo,  longe  bellissimus 
obligit  cultor,  politissimus  ille  Politiamis ;  cujus  opera  non 
spinosis  istis  ac  rixosis  literis,  sed  veris  illis,  nee  sine  causa 
bonis  appellatis,  ac  mansuetioribus,  ut  vocant,  musis  es 
•initiatus,  £cc."     Erasm.  Efi.  lib.  ii.  Efi.  1.  ad.  Lesn.  x. 

VOL.  I.  K 


74  LIFi   AND  PONTiriCATE 

CHAP,  developed  in  his  mind.     Hence  it  is  probable  that 
-11^      the  business  of  education  was  to  him,  as  indeed  it 
1489.     ought  to  be  to  every  young  person,  the  highest 
jEt.  14.   amusement  and  gratification;  and  that  he  never  ex- 
perienced  those    restraints  and    severities  which 
create  a  disgust  to  learning  instead  of  promoting  it. 
Amidst  the  extensive  collections  of  pictures,  sculp- 
tures, medals,  and  other  specimens  of  ancient  and 
modem  ait,  acquired  by  the  wealth  and  long  con- 
tinued attention  of  his  ancestors,  he  first  imbibed 
that  relish  for  productions  of  this  nature,  and  that 
discriminating  judgment  of  their  merits,    which 
rendered  him,  in  his  future  life,  no  less  the  arbiter 
of  the  publick  taste  in  works  of  ait,  than  he  was 
of  the  publick  creed  in  matters  of  religion. 

The  youthful  mind  of  Giovanni  de'  Medici  was 
not  however  wholly  left  to  the  chance  of  promis- 
cuous cultivation.  Besides  the  assistance  of  Po- 
litiano,  who  had  the  chief  direction  of  his  studies, 
he  is  said  to  have  received  instructions  in  the  Greek 
language  from  Demetrius  Chalcondyles  and  Petrus 
^gineta,  ^  both  of  w  horn  were  Greeks  by  birth. 
His  education  was  also  promoted  by  Bernardo 
Michelozzi,  Avho  was  one  of  the  private  secretaries 

of 


*  Mench.  -vita  Polit.p.  98.  Lettres  de  Langius,  afi.  Bayle^ 
Diet.  j1rt.<  Leo.  x.  Many  other  persons  are  menlioned  by 
different  authors  as  havmg  been  his  instructors,  but  perhaps 
without  sufficient  foundation. 


OF   LEO   THE   TENTH. 


95 


of  his  father,  and  eminently  skilled  both  in  ancient  chap. 
and  modern  literature ;  *^  but  his  principal  director       ^• 


in  his  riper  studies,  ^^■as  Bernardo  Dovizi,  better     1489. 
knoAVTi  by  the  name   of  Bernardo  da  Bibbiena.    ^"^*    ^" 

.  .  Bernardo 

This  elegant  scholar  and  indefatigable  statesman,  novui. 
was  bom  of  a  respectable  family  at  Bibbiena,  iii 
the  year  1470,  and  was  sent  at  the  age  of  nine 
years  to  pursue  his  studies  in  Florence.  His  family 
connexions  introduced  him  into  the  house  of  the 
Medici,  and  such  was  the  assiduity  with  m  hich  he 
availed  himself  of  the  opportunities  of  instruction 
there  afforded  him,  that  at  the  age  of  seventeen, 
he  had  attained  a  great  facility  of  Latin  compo- 
sition, and  was  soon  afterwards  selected  by  Lo- 
renzo as  one  of  his  private  secretaries.  When 
the  honours  of  the  church  were  bestowed  on  Gio- 
vanni de'  Medici,  the  principal  care  of  his  pecu- 
niar}^ concerns  was  intrusted  to  Bernardo ;  in  the 
execution  of  which  employment  he  rendered  his 
patron  such  important  services,  and  conducted 
himself  with  so  much  vigilance  and  integrit}',  that 
some  have  not  hesitated  to  ascribe  to  him,  in  a 
considerable  degree,  the  future  eminence  of  his 
pupil.  Not\\ithstanding  tlie  serious  occupations 
in  which  Bernm'do  was  engaged,  in  his  terriper  M/ 

and  manners  he  was  affable,  and  even  facetious, 
as  appeal's  by  the  representation  given  of  him  by 

Castiglione, 


^  Panviniu  in  vita  Leon,  x. 


76  LIPE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.  Castiglione,  in  his  Libro  del  Cortegiano^  in  which 
I.       he  is  introduced  as  one  of  the  interlocutors.     Nor 
1489.     did  he  neglect  his  literary  studies,  of  which  he 
jEt.  14.    gave  a  sufficient  proof  in  his  celebrated  comedy, 
La  Calandra^  which  although  not,  as  some  have 
asserted,  the  earliest  comedy  which  modem  times 
have  produced,  deservedly  obtained  great  reputa- 
tion for  its  author,  and  merits,  even  at  this  day,  no 
small  share  of  approbation.     The  high  rank  which 
Bernardo  obtained  in  the  church,  and  the  distin- 
guished part  \vhich  he  acted  in  the  political  transac- 
tions of  the  times,  will  frequently  present  him  to 
our  notice.     Of  his  character  and  talents  different 
opinions  have  indeed  been  entertained;  but  his 
title  to  eminent  merit  must  be  admitted,  whilst  he 
claims  it  under  the  sanction  of  Ariosto.  ^ 

jjctectsinthe  But  whilst  it  iTiay  be  presumed,  that  the  subse- 
Giovanni  de'  qucut  houours  and  success  of  Giovanni  de'  Medici 
Mtdici.  ^^  ^^  1^^  attributed  in  a  great  degree  to  his  eaily 
education,  and  to  the  advantages  which  he  possess- 
ed under  his  paternal  roof,  it  must  be  allowed,  that 
those  defects  in  his  ecclesiastical  character,  M^hich 
were  afterwards  so  apparent,  were  probably  de- 
rived from  the  same  source.  The  associates  of 
Lorenzo  de'  Medici  were  much  better  ac- 
quainted with  the  writings  of  the  poets  and  the 
doctrines  of  the  ancient  philosophers,  than  with 

the 


^  Orland.  Furioso.     Cant.  xxvi.  st.  48. 


\ 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  77 

the  dogmas  of  the  cliristian  faith.      Of  the  fol-  chap. 
lowers  of  Plato,  Lorenzo  was  at  this  time  con-       J-        '^ 
sidered  as  the  chief.    He  had  himself  arranged  and     1489. 
methodised  a  system  of  theology  which  inculcates   -^t.  14. 
opinions  very  different  from  those  of  the  Romish 
church,  and  in  a  forcible  manner  points  out  the 
object  of  supreme  adoration  as  one  and  indivisible.^ 
Hence,  it  is  not  unlikely,  that  the  young  cardinal 
was  induced  to  regard  with  less  reverence  those 
doctrinal  points  of  the  established  creed,  the  belief 
of  which  is  considered  as  indispensable  to  the  cleri- 
cal character;  and  hence  he  might  have  acquired 
such  ideas  of  the  supreme  being,  and  of  the  du-  , 

ties  of  his  intelligent  creatures,  as  in  counteracting 
the  spirit  of  bigotry,  rendered  him  liable  to  the 
imputation  of  indifference  in  matters  of  religion. 
A  rigid  economy  in  his  household  was  certainly  not 
one  of  the  first  qualifications  of  Lorenzo,  and  the 
example  of  the  father  might  perhaps  counteract  his 
precepts  in  the  estimation  of  the  son ;  whose  liber- 
ality in  future  life,  too  often  carried  to  profusion, 
reduced  him  to  the  necessity  of  adopting  those 
measures  for  the  supplying  his  exigencies,  which 

gave 


^  V.  L'Altercazione,  Cafiitolo.  This,  together  with  other 
poems  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  and  several  of  his  contempo- 
raries, has  been  given  to  the  publick  by  Messrs.  Nardini 
and  Buonaiuti,  in  an  elegant  volume  under  the  title  of"  Poe- 
"  siE  DEL  Mag.  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  e  di  altri  suoi 

"  AMICI  E  CONTEMPORANEI."      LoTlch'a,   1801.    4/0 


/ 


78  LIFE  AND  PONXrFICATE 

CHAP,  gave  rise  to  consequences  of  the  utmost  importance 

^'       to  the  christian  world.     From  the  splendid  exhibi- 

1489.     tions  which  were  frequently  displayed  in  the  city 

^t.  14.  of  Florence,  he  probably  derived  that  relish  for 
similar  entertainments  \\hich  he  is  supposed  to  have, 
J  carried,  during  his  pontificate,  to  an  indecorous,  if 
not  to  a  culpable  excess;  whilst  the  freedom  and 
indecency  of  the  songs  with  which  die  spectacles 
of  Florence  were  accompanied, '  of  many  of  which 
Lorenzo  was  himself  the  author,  could  scarcely 
have  failed  to  banish  at  intervals  that  gravity  of 
carriage  which  the  young  cardinal  "was  directed  to 
support,  and  to  sow  those  seeds  of  dissipation 
which  afterwards  met  Avith  a  more  suitable  climate 
in  the  fervid  atmosphere  of  Rome. 

Repairs  to  "pj-jg  nomiuatiou  of  Giovanni  de'  Medici  to  the 

the  academy  . 

at  Pisa.  dignity  of  cardinal,  was  accompanied  by  a  condi- 
tion that  he  should  not  assume  the  insignia  of  his 
rank,  or  be  received  as  a  member  of  the  college 
for  the  space  of  three  years.  This  restriction  was 
considered  by  Lorenzo  as  very  unfavourable  to  his 
views.  His  remonstrances  were  however  ineffec- 
tual ;  and  as  the  pontiff  had  expressed  his  wishes, 
that  during  this  probationary  interval,  Giovanni 
should  pursue  the  studies  of  theology  and  eccle- 
siastical 


i  The  Canti  Carnascialeschi^  and  Canzone  a  ballo^  of  which 
some  account  is  given  in  the  Life  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici, 
i.  304.  307.  Mo.  ed. 


\ 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  79 

siastical  jurisprudence,    the  young  cardinal   left  c  H  a  p. 

Florence,  and  repaired  to  Pisa,  where  by  the  exer- !♦__ 

tions  of  Lorenzo,  the  academy  had  lately  been     1489. 
reestablished  with  great  splendour.     At  this  place  ^t-  i*- 
he  had  the  advantage  of  receiving  insti'uctions  from 
Filippo  Decio  and  Bartolommeo  Sozzini,  the  most 
celebrated  professors  of  civil  and  pontifical  law  in 
Italy.''     Whilst  a    resident  in   Florence,    he  had 
frequently   visited  the    monastery  of   Camaldoli, 
where  he  formed  an  intimacy  with  Pietro  Delfinio, 
and  Paullo  Justiniano ;  the  former  of  whom  he 
regai-ded  as  his  model  and  instructor,  the  latter  as 
a  second  parent.  The  advantages  which  he  received 
in  his  youth  from  this  societ)'  were  not  forgotten  in 
his  riper  years,  when  he  conferred  many  favours 
on  the  monaster}-,  acknowledging  witli  great  satis- 
faction, that  he  "  had  not  only  spent  much  of  his 
"  time,    but  had    almost  received  his  education 
"  there." » 


Whilst  Giovanni  de'   Medici,   by  a  constant  «'» f^t^er 

nil  11'  enileavonrs 

intercourse  with  men  of  rank,  talents,  and  leammg,  to  shorten 
was  thus  acquirmg  a  mnd  oi  mlormation,  and  a  tion. 
seriousness  of  deportment  much  beyond  his  years,   . 

his 


k  Fabr.  vita  Leon.  x./J.  10. 

J  "  — —  Adolescentix  suae  tempore,  non  solum  yersa- 
tus,  sed  pene  educatus  fucrit." 

Fabr.  in  vita  Leon.  x.  ft.  10. 


80 


LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 


CHAP,  his  father  was  indefatigable  in  his  endeavours  to 
I-  prevail  on  the  pope  to  shorten  the  period  of  his 
1490.  probation.  Piero  Alamanni,  one  of  the  Florentine 
envoys  at  Rome,  in  a  letter  which  bears  date  the 
eighth  day  of  January,  1490,'"  thus  addresses  Lo- 
renzo. "  I  made  my  acknowledgments  to  his 
holiness  for  the  favours  received  from  him  in  the 
person  of  M.  Giovanni,  giving  him  to  under- 
stand how  agreeable  they  were  to  all  the  citi- 
zens of  Florence,  and  how  highly  they  esteemed 
the  obligation.  I  then  ventured,  in  terms  of 
the  utmost  respect  and  civility,  to  touch  upon 
that  part  of  the  business,  the  accomplishment 
of  which  is  so  earnestly  desired,  the  publick 
assumpsion  of  M.  Giovanni ;  alleging  all  the 
reasons  which  you  suggested  to  me,  but  at 
the  same  time  assuring  him  that  the  city  of 
Florence,  and  you  in  particular,  would  be 
perfectly  satisfied  with  his  determination.  In 
reply  he  spoke  at  considerable  length;  in  the 
first  place  observing,  that  the  mode  which 
he  had  prescribed  was  intended  to  answer  the 
best  purposes,  as  he  had  before  explained  by 
means  of  Pier  Filippo  (Pandolfini).  He  then 
entered  on  the  commendation  of  M.  Giovanni, 
and  spoke  of  him  as  if  he  had  been  his  own  son, 
observing,  that  he  understood  that  he  had  con- 

"  ducted 


*"  Fabr.  in  vita  Laur.  Med.  in  adnot,  /i.  301. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  81 

"  ducted  himself  with  great  propriety  at  Pisa,  and  chap. 
"  had  obtLiined  the  superiority  in  some  disputation,  ^- 
"  Mhich  seemed  to  give  his  hohness  gi*eat  plea-  1490, 
"  sure.  At  last  he  expressed  himself  thus  :  Lea'ue  Mi.  15 
*'  the  fortunes  of  M.  Gio'uanni  to  me.,  for  I  consider 
"  him  as  my  own  son,  and  shall  perhaps  make  his 
'"''  promotion  publick  when  you  least  expect  it ;  for 
*'  it  is  my  intention  to  do  much  more  for  his  interest 
"  than  I  shall  now  express.''"'  In  order  to  promote 
this  business,  and  to  \xj  the  temper  of  the  cardinals, 
Lorenzo  despatched  to  Rome  his  kinsman  Rinaldo 
Orsini,  aixhbishop  of  Florence,  but  he  derived 
no  advantage  from  this  measure ;  and  indeed  from 
the  letters  of  the  good  prelate  on  this  subject,  it 
appears,  that  he  was  but  ill  qualified  for  the  in- 
trigues of  a  court."  The  motives  which  induced 
Innocent  to  persevere  in  the  terms  which  he  had 
prescribed,  ai'e  more  fully  disclosed  in  a  letter  from 
Pandolfmi  to  Lorenzo,  dated  the  nineteenth  day 
of  October,  1490 ;  °  from  which  it  appears,  that 
the  pope  could  not  admit  Gio\^anni  into  the  college 
of  cardinals  without  either  giving  offence  to  others 
who  had  not  been  received,  or  receiving  the  whole, 
which  he  did  not  think  proper  to  do ;  as  he  consi- 
dered the  state  of  suspense  in  M'hich  the  college 
WTis  kept,  as  faAOurable  to  his  vievv's  and  interests. 

D  urine' 


n  M^S.  Florent. 

o  Fabr.  vita  Laur.  in  adnot,  fi.  303. 
VOL.   I.  L 


82  LlfE  AND   PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,        During  the  eai-ly  years  of  Giovanni  de'  Medici, 

^'       he  had  a  constant  companion  and  fellow  student  in 

1490.     his  cousin  Giulio,   the  natural  son  of  Giuliano  de' 

Mt.  15.  Medici,  who  had  been  assassinated  in  the  horrid 

Giulio  de'     conspiracy  of   the   Pazzi.  ^     The    disposition    of 

Medici,  i>i  lor  r  J  I 

ofcapua.  Giulio  leading  him  when  young  to  adopt  a  mili- 
tary life,  he  had  been  early  enrolled  among  the 
knights  of  Jerusalem ;  and  as  this  profession  united 
the  characters  of  the  soldier  and  the  priest,  he  was 
soon  afterwards,  at  the  solicitation  of  Lorenzo  de' 
Medici,  endowed  by  Ferdinand,  king  of  Naples, 
with  the  rich  and  noble  priory  of  Capua,  q  Grave 
in  his  deportment,  steady  in  his  family  attachments, 
and  vigilant  in  business,  Giulio  devoted  himself 
in  a  particular  manner  to  the  fortunes  of  Giovanni, 
and  became  his  chief  attendant  and  adviser  through- 
out all  the  vicissitudes  of  his  early  life.  On  the 
ele\ation  of  Giovanni  to  the  pontificate,  the  ser- 
vices 


P  Ammirato  fOfiusc. iii.  \08.J  places  the  birth  of  Giulio 
one  month,  and  Machiavelli  (Stor.  Fior.  lib.  viii.J  several 
months,  after  the  death  of  his  father.  It  appears,  however 
from  yet  more  authentick  documents,  that  he  was  born  a 
year  before  that  event,  viz.  in  1477  ;  and  was  consequently 
two  years  younger  than  his  cousin  Giovanni  de'  Medici. 
Life  of  Lorenzo  de"  Medici  v.  i.  198,  4;o,  ed.  Panvinius, 
the  continuator  of  Platina,  in  his  life  of  Clement  VII.  has 
followed,  in  this  respect,  the  erroneous  accounts  of  the 
Italian  historians. 

•J  Ammirato  Opusc.  v.  iii.  102.      MSS.  Florent.. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  83 

vices  of  Giulio,  mIio  was  soon  afterwards  raised  to  chap. 
the  rank  of  cardinal,  became  yet  more  important ;        i- 
and  he  is,  with  great  reason,  supposed  not  only  to     1490. 
have  carried  into  execution,  but  to  have  suggested,   jEt.  15, 
many  of  the  political  measures  adopted  by  Leo, 
and  to  have  corrected  the  levity  and  prodigality  of 
the  pope  by  his  omti  austerity,    prudence,    and 
regularit)^     It  did  not  however  appear,    on  the 
subsequent  elevation  of  Giulio  to  the  pontificate  by 
the  name  of  Clement  VII.  that  he  possessed  in  so 
eminent  a  degree  those   qualities  for  which  the 
world  had  given  him   credit;   and,  perhaps,  the 
genius  and  talents  of  Leo  had  contributed  no  less 
towards  establishing  the  reputation  of  Giulio,   than 
the  industry  and  vigilance  of  the  latter  had  concur- 
red in  giving  credit  to  the  administration  of  Leo  X. 

The  long  expected  day  at  length  arrived,  which 
was  to  confirm  to  Giovanni  de'  Medici  his  high 
dignity,  and  to  admit  him  among  the  princes  of 
the  christian  church.   The  ceremonial  of  the  inves- 
titure was  intrusted  to  Matteo  Bosso,   superiour  Giovanni  de' 
of  the  monastery  at  Fiesole,  whose  probity  and  cefves'the' 
learning  had  recommended  him  to  the  favour  of  J:^^^*'^'''* 
Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  and  who  has  thus  recorded 
the  particulars  of  the  in\  estiture,""  ^^  hich  took  place 

on 


"■  The  original  is  given  from  the  Recu/ierationes  Fesu- 
lance  of  Matteo  Bosso — in  App.  to  the  Life  of  Lorenzo  de' 
Medici,  vol.  ii.  Ab,  65.  Ato.  ed. 


84  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  on  the  ninth  day  of  March,  1492.    "  On  the  even- 


I. 


"  ing  of  the  preceding  day,  Giovanni  ascended  the 
1492.     "  hill  of  Fiesole  to  the  monastery,  simply  clad,  and 
Mt.  17.    "with  few  companions.     In  the  morning,  bemg 
"  Sunday,  Giovanni  Pico  of  Mirandula  and  Jacopo 
"  Salviati,  who  had  married  Lucretia,  one  of  the 
"  daughters  of  Lorenzo,  arrived  at  the  monastery 
"  with  a  notaiy,  and  accompanied  the  young  car- 
*"  dinal  to  the  celebration  of  mass,  where  he  took 
"  the  holy   sacrament   with  great    devotion    and 
"  humility.     The   superiour  then    bestowed  liis 
"  benediction  on  the  sacred  vestments,  and  receiv- 
"  ing  the  bull  or  brief  of  the  pope,  declaimed  that 
*'  the  time  therein  limited  for  the   reception  of 
"  the  cardinal  was    expired ;    expressing  at  the 
"  same  time  his  most  fervent  vows  for  the  honour 
"  of  the  church,  and  the  welfare  of  the  cardinal, 
^'  his  father,  and  his  country.     He  then  invested 
"  him  ^vith  the  pallium^  or  mantle,  to  which  he 
"  added  tlie  biretum,  or  cap  usually  worn  by  car- 
"  dinals,  and  the  galenis^  or  hat,  the  distinctive 
"  emblem  of  their  dignity,    accompanying  each 
"  with  appropriate  exhortations,  that  he  would  use 
"  them  to  the  glory  of  God  and  his  own  salvation  ; 
*'  after  which  the  friars  of  the  monastery  chaunted 
"  at  the    altai*  the   hymn,    Veiii  Creator.''''     The 
cardinal  having  thus  received  a  portion  of  the  apos- 
tolick  powers,  immediately  tried  their  efficacy,  by 
bestowing  an  indulgen.ee  on  all  those  who  had 
attended  at  the  ceremony,  and  on  all  who  should 
on  the  anni"\^ersarv  of  that  day,  "\dsit  the  altar  at  Fie- 

sole. 


OF  LEO   THE   TENTH.  85- 

sole.     The  company  then  retired  to  a  repast ;  after  chap. 
A\Iiich  Piero  de'  Medici,  the  elder  brother  of  the        ^- 
cardinal,  ai'rived  from  the  city,  accompanied  by  a     i'*92. 
party  of  select  friends,  and  mounted  on  a  horse  of  ■^^-  ^'^^ 
extraordinary  size  and    spirit,    caparisoned  with 
gold.     In  the  mean  time  an  immense  multitude,  as 
well  on  horseback  as  on  foot,  had  proceeded  from 
the  gate  of  S.  Gallo  towaixls  Fiesole  ;  but  having 
received  directions  to  stop  at  the  bridge  on  the 
Mugnone,  they  were  there  met  by  the  caidinal, 
w^ho  w^as  conducted  by  the  prelates  and  chief  magi- 
strates of  the  city  towards  the  palace  of  the  Medici. 
On  his  arrival  at  tlie  church  of  the  Anmmciata, 
he  descended  from  his  mule,  and  paid  his  de^  o- 
tions  at  the  altar.     In  passing  the  church  of  the 
Reparata^  he  performed  the  same  ceremony,  and 
proceeded  from  thence  to  his  paternal  roof     The 
crowds  of  spectators,    the   acclamations,    illumi- 
nations and  fireworks,  are  all  introduced  by  the 
good  abbot  into  his  faithful  picture ;  and  the  rejoi- 
cings on  this  event  may  be  supposed  to  be  similar 
to  those  which   celebrate,   with  equal  delight,  a 
royal  marriage,  a  blood  stained  victory,  or  a  long 
wished  for  peace. 

On  the  twelfth  day  of  March,   1492,  the  cai'di- 
nal  de'  Medici  quitted  Florence,  for  the  purpose 
of  paying  his  respects  to  the  pope,  and  establishing  Quits  rio- 
his  future  residence  at  Rome.     He  was  accompa-  sSeatRome. 
nied  to  the  distance  of  two  miles  from  the  city  by 
a  great  number  of  the  principal  inhabitants,  and 

on 


86  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 


iEt.  17. 


c  H  A  P.  on  the  evening  of  the  same  day  he  arrived  at  his 
^'  abbey  of  Pasignano,  where  he  took  up  his  abode 
1492,  for  the  night.  His  retinue  remained  at  the  neigh- 
bouring town  of  Poggibonzo,  whence  they  pro- 
ceeded the  next  morning,  before  the  cardinal,  to 
Siena.  The  inhabitants  of  that  place  being  thus 
apprized  of  his  approach,  sent  a  deputation  to  attend 
him  into  the  city,  where,  for  several  days,  he 
experienced  every  possible  mark  of  attention  and 
respect ;  Avhich  he  returned  with  a  degree  of  urba- 
nity and  kindness  that  gained  him  the  esteem  and 
affection  of  all  who  saw  him.  From  Siena  he 
proceeded  by  easy  stages  towards  Rome,  having 
on  his  way  been  entertained  by  his  relations  of  the 
Orsini  family.  At  Viterbo  he  was  met  by  his 
brother  in  law  Francesco  Cibo,  son  to  the  pope, 
who  with  many  attendants,  had  waited  his  approach, 
and  accompanied  him  to  Rome,  where  he  an^ived 
on  the  twenty  second  day  of  March,  in  the  midst 
of  a  most  abundant  shower  of  rain.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  inclemency  of  the  w  eather,  he  was  met  by 
many  persons  of  rank,  who  attended  him  to  the 
monastery  S.  Maria  in  Popolo,  where  he  reposed 
the  first  night  after  his  arrival.  On  the  following 
morning,  all  the  cardinals  then  in  Rome  came  to 
visit  him,  and  immediately  led  him  to  the  pope, 
who  received  him  in  full  consistory,  and  gave  him 
the  holy  kiss ;  after  which  he  was  greeted  with  a 
similar  mark  of  respect  from  each  of  the  cardinals, 
and  his  attendants  were  permitted  to  kiss  the  feet 
of  the  pope.     On  his  return  to  his  residence,  the 

rain 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  87 

rain  still  continued  to  pour  down  in  copious  tor-  chap. 
rents,  and  as  the  luxurious  convenience  of  a  ^' 
modern  chariot  was  then  unknown,  the  cardinal  1492. 
and  his  numerous  attendants,  were  almost  over-  Mt.  17. 
whelmed  in  their  peregrinations.  In  the  perform- 
ance of  these  ceremonies,  we  are  assured  by  one 
of  his  countrymen,  that  he  surpassed  the  expecta- 
tions of  the  spectators  ;  and  that  hi  his  person  and 
stature,  no  less  than  by  the  decorum  of  his  beha- 
viour, and  the  propriety  of  his  language,  he 
displayed  the  gravity  of  a  man,  and  supported 
the  dignity  of  a  prelate.  Such  are  the  authentick 
particulars  of  the  first  entry  into  Rome,  of  one 
who  was  destined  to  revive  her  ancient  splen- 
dour. The  dignity  of  history  may  perhaps  reject 
the  unimportant  narrative  of  processions  and  cere- 
monials ;  but  the  character  of  an  individual  is  often 
strongly  marked  by  his  conduct  on  such  occasions; 
and  the  interest  which  that  conduct  generally 
excites,  is  a  sufficient  proof,  that  it  is  considered 
by  the  publick  as  no  improbable  indication  of  his 
future  life  and  fortunes. 

Notwithstanding  the  numerous  avocations  which 
engaged  the  cardinal  on  his  arrival  at  Rome,  he 
did  not  fail  to  communicate  to  his  father  every 
particular  which  occurred.  In  reply,  Lorenzo 
transmitted  to  him  that  excellent  and  affectionate 
letter  of  paternal  advice,  which  may  with  confi- 
dence be  referred  to  as  a  proof  of  the  great  talents, 
and  uncommon  sagacity  of  its  author ;  and  which, 

as 


88  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  as  having  been  written  only  a  very   short  time 
I-        before  his  death,  has  been,  not  inelegantly,   com- 
1492.     pared  to  the  last  musical  accents  of  the    dying 
^t.  17.   swan/ 


Cardinals  of        ^^  ^|^^  ^-^^^^  ^^.j^^^^  Glovanni  dc'  Medici  took 

eminence  in 

the  college,  j^jg  g^.^^-  jj-^  ^j^^  sacrcd  collcgc,  it  was  filled  by  many 
men  of  acknowledged  abilities,  but  of  great  diver- 
sity of  chai'acter ;  several  of  whom  afterwards  acted 
an  important  part  in  the  affairs  of  Europe.  The 
eldest  member  of  the  college  was  Roderigo  Borgia, 
who  had  enjoyed  upwards  of  thuly  five  years  the 
dignity  of  the  purple,  to  which  he  had,  for  a  long 
time  past  added  tliat  of  vice  chancellor  of  the  holy 
see.  He  was  descended  from  the  Lenzuoli,  a 
respectable  family  of  the  city  of  Valencia  in  Spain, 
but  on  tlic  elevation  to  the  pontificate  of  his  mater- 
nal uncle,  Alfonso  Borgia,  by  the  name  of  Calixtus 
III.  he  was  called  to  Rome,  where,  changing  his 
hame  of  Lenzuoli  to  that  of  Borgia,  he  was  first 
appointed  ai'chbishop  of  Valencia,  and  afterwards 
cardinal  of  S.  Nicolo,  being  then  only  twenty  five 
years  of  age.  The  private  life  of  Roderigo  had 
been  a  perpetual  disgrace  to  his  ecclesiastical 
functions.  In  adhering  to  his  vow  of  celibacy,  he 
had  alleviated  its  severity  by  an  intercourse  with  a 
Roman  lady  of  the  name  of  Vanozza,  who,  by  the 

beauty. 


^  Fabr.  in  vita  Laur.  Med.  jlfip.  p.  312  ;  and  for  this 
letter,  -u.  Life  of  Lor.  de'  Med.  ii.   146. 


OF  LEO   THE   TENTH.  89 

beauty  of  her  person,  and  the  attractions  of  her  chap. 
manners,  had  long  possessed  the  chief  place  in  his       ^' 
affections.  His  attachment  to  her  appears,  however,      1492. 
to  have  been  sincere  and  uniform,  and  although  -^t.  17. 
his  connexion  was  necessarily  disavowed,  he  re- 
gai-ded  her  as  a  legitimate  wife.     By  her  he  had 
several  children,  to  whose  education  and  advance- 
ment he  paid  great  attention.   Notwithstanding  the 
h-regularity  of  his  private  life,  his  acquaintance  with 
the  civil  law,  and  with  the  politicks  of  the  times, 
had  procured  him  the  honour  of  many  important 
embassies,  on  one  of  which  he  had  been  deputed 
by  the  pope,  to  accommodate  the  differences  that 
had  arisen  between  the  kings  of  Portugal  and  of 
Aragon,  in  respect  of  their  claims  on  the  cro\\Ti 
of  Castile.     Roderigo  was  not,  however,  formed 
by  nature  for  a  mediator,  and  returning  without 
having  effected  the  object  of  his  mission,  he  had 
nearly  perished  by  shipuTcck  in  the  vicinity  of 
Pisa,  one  of  the  vessels  which  accompanied  him 
having  been  wholly  lost  in  a  violent  storm,  with 
one  hundred  and  eighty  persons  on  board,  among 
whom  were  three  bishops,  and  many  other  men  of 
rank  and  learning.     If  the  character  of  Roderigo, 
who  afterwards  became  supreme  pontiff  by  the 
name  of  Alexander  VI.  is  to  be  taken  on  the  impli- 
cit credit  of  contemporary  historians,  this  calamity 
was  not  greatly  alleviated  by  the  escape  of  the 
cardinal ;  on  the  contrary,  had  he  shared  the  same 
fate,  his  destruction  would  havt  been  a  sufficient 

compen- 

VOL.  I.  M 


90  LIFE  AND   PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  compensation  to  the  world  for  the  loss  of  all  the 
!•       rest. 

1492. 

iEt.  17.         Another  member  of  the  college  -vvas  Francesco 
Piccolomini,  the  nephew  of  Pius  II.  the  celebrated 
Eneas  Sylvius.     He    had  also    long  enjoyed  his 
dignity,  having  been  created  cardinal  by  his  uncle 
in  the  year  1460,  ^^hen  only  seventeen  years  of 
age.     The  purity  of  his  life,  the  regularity  of  his 
conduct,  and  his  zeal  in  discharging  the  duties  of 
his  station,  formed  a  striking  contrast  to  the  pro- 
fligacy and  effronter}^  of  Rodcrigo  Borgia,    and 
occasioned  him  to  be  chosen  by  his  colleagues  to 
heal   those   wounds  which  Roderigo  had,  in  the 
course  of  his  pontificate,  inflicted  on  the  cliristian 
world ;  but  the  short  space  of  time  in  w  hich  he 
administered  the  affairs  of  the  church,  under  the 
name  of  Pius  III.  frustrated  the  hopes  wliich  had 
been  formed  on  his  elevation.     Among  those  who 
had  l^een  nomiiiated  by  Sixtus  IV.  was  Giuliano 
della  Ro\ere,    cardinal  of  S»   Pietro  in    Vincola. 
The  ambition  and  military   spirit  of  this  prelate 
seemed  to  have  marked  him  out  for  a  diflferent 
employment ;  but  in  those  days  the  crosier  and 
the  sword  ^vere  not  incompatible,  and  Giuliano 
made  his  way  by  the  latter,  rather  than  the  former, 
to  the  supreme  dignity  which  he  after\vajds  enjoy- 
ed,   by  the  name  of  Julius   II.      By  the    same 
nomination  thei-e  still  sat   in  the  college,  Raffaelle 
Riario,  cardinal  of  S.    Giorgio,    who,   under  the 
directions  of  his  great  uncle  Sixtus  IV.  had  acted 

a  prin- 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTIT.  91 

a  principal  pait  in  the  bloody  conspiracy  of  the  c  hap. 
Pazzi.  In  assuming  his  seat  among  the  fathers  of  i- 
the  christian  church,  Giovanni  de'  Medici  there-  1492. 
fore,  found  himself  associated  with  one  who  had  -^t.  17. 
assisted  in  the  murder  of  his  uncle,  and  attempted 
the  life  of  his  father ;  but  the  youth  and  inexperi- 
ence of  Riario,  had  alle\iated  the  enormity  of  a 
crime  perpetrated  under  the  sanction  of  tlie  su- 
preme pontiff,  and  subsequent  transactions  had 
occurred  between  the  families  of  the  pope  and  of 
the  Medici,  which  might  have  obliterated  the 
remembrance  of  this  event,  had  not  the  pallid 
countenance  of  the  cardinal  occasionally  recalled  it 
to  mind.'  Among  those  of  royal  or  of  noble  birth, 
the  principal  rank,  after  the  death  of  Giovanni 
d'Aragona,  son  of  Ferdinand  king  of  Naples,  was 
due  to  Ascanio,  brother  of  Lodovico  Sforza,  who 
supported  the  dignity  of  his  office  A\ith  great  splen- 
dour. The  families  of  the  Orsini  and  the  Colonna, 
generally  maintained  a  pov/erful  interest  in  the 
consistory,  and  the  noble  family  of  the  Cai*affa, 
which  has  long  nuiked  as  one  of  the  principal  in 
the  kingdom  of  Naples,  had  iJso  a  representative 
in  the  person  of  01i\'iero  Cai'affa,  who  had  been 
nominated  by  Paul  II.  and  was  one  of  the  most 
respectable  members  in  the  college. 

Among  the  cardinals  who  had  been  nominated 
by  Innocent  VIII.  at  the  same  time  with  Gio\aimi 

de' 

*   F.  Life  of  Lor.  de'  Med.  i.  189. 


92  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  de'  Medici,  was  Pierre  d'Aubusson,  grand  master 
J-       of  Rhodes,  upon  whom  that  honour  had  been  con- 
1492.    ferred  as  a  reward  for  having  sun-endered  into  the 
jEt.  17.    custod}^  of  the  pope,  an  ilkistrious  Turkish  fugi- 
zzim,  bro-  tive,  who  had  been  compelled,  by  tlie  rage  of  fra- 
suuan  Baja-  tcmal  resciitment,  to  seek  for  safety^  among  those 
Tdl^fZ'  of  a  diiferent  nation  and  a  different  faith.     On  the 
thr^oL"*^    death  of  Mahomet,  in  the  year  1482,  that  ferocious 
conqueror  left  his  extensive  dominions  to  his  two 
sons,  Bajazet  and  Zizim.     Bajazet  was  tempted  to 
avail  himself  of  the  powerful  plea  of  primogeniture 
to  the  exclusion  of  his  brother,  who  had  endea- 
voured by  personal  merit,  to  compensate  for  the 
pretensions  of  seniority.     The  principal  leaders  of 
the  Turkish  troops  were  divided  in  their  attach- 
ments to  the  two  brothers,  and  perhaps  that  circum- 
stance, rather  than  tlie  courage  or  conduct  of  the 
duke  of  Calabria,  delivered  Italy  from  the  devasta- 
tion with  which  it  was  threatened  by  the  Turks, 
when  they  had  possessed  themselves  of  the  city  of 
Otianto.      After  a  struggle  of   some  years  and 
several  bloody  engagements,  victory  declared  for 
the  elder  brother,  and  Zizim,  to  avoid  the  bo^v 
string,  threw  himself  into  the  hands  of  the  grand 
master  of  Rhodes,  whilst  his  wife  and  children 
sought  a  refuge  in  Egypt,  under  the  protection  of 
the  Sultan.     The  reception  which  he  met  with  was 
highly  honourable  both  to  himself  and  his  protector ; 
but  the  grand  master,  conceiving  that  his  longer 
,        continuance  at  Rhodes  might  draw  dov/n  upon  the 
island  the  M'hole  power  of  the  Turkish  state,  sent 

him 


OF  LEO   THE   TENTH. 


93 


him  to  France,   whence  he  was  soon  afterwards  chap. 
transferred  to  Rome,  into  which  city  he  made  his        ^' 
publick  entry  on  the  thirteenth  day  of  March,  1489.     1492. 
Considerations  of  poHcy,   if  not  of  humanity,  in-   -^t.  ir. 
duced  Innocent  to  receive  him  with  great  kmdness ; 
and  Francesco  Cibo,  with  a  long  train  of  nobihty, 
was  deputed  to  attend  him  into  tlie  city.     On  his 
being  admitted  to  an  audience  of  the  ix)pe,  in  full 
consistory,  he  deranged  the  solemnity  of  the  cere- 
mony ;  for,  notwithstanding  the  instructions  which 
he  had  received,  to  bend  his  knees  and  kiss  the 
feet  of  his  holiness,  he  marched  firmly  up  to  him, 
and  applied  that  mark  of  respect  to  his  shoulder. 
A  chamber  in  the  apostolick  palace  Aas  allotted  for 
his  residence,  and  a  guard  appointed,  which,  under 
the  pretext  of  doing  him  honour,  was  directed  to 
prevent  his  escape.     In  this  situation  an  attempt 
was  made  to  destroy  the  Turkish  prince,  by  Cris- 
toforo  Castagno,  a  nobleman  of  the  Marca  d'An- 
cona^  who  having  entered  into  stipulations  for  an 
immense  reward,  by  the  terms  of  which,  among 
other  advantages,  he  was  to  be  invested  with  the 
government  of  the  island  of  Ncgroponte,  repaired 
to  Rome,  for  the  purpose  of  executing  his  treache- 
rous task.     Some  suspicions,  however,  arose  ;  and 
it  being  discovered  that  he  had  recently  returned 
from  Constantinople,  he  was  apprehended  by  order 
of  the  pope,  and  confessed,  upon  the  rack,  his 
atrocious  intentions.     Those  apprehensions  which 
Bajazet  could  not  extinguish  whilst  his  brother  was 
living,  he  endeavoured  to  alleviate  by  prevailing  on 

the 


94  LIPE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  tlie  pope  to  retain  him  in  secure  custody,  for  which 

!♦       he  repaid  hiiii  by  the  bribery  of  christian  rehcks, 

1492.     and  the  more  substantial  present  of  considerable 

^t-  i-"-    sums  of  money;  and  Zizim  accordingly  remained 

a  prisoner  at  Rome  until  the  ensuing  pontificate  of 

Alexander  VL" 

Notwith* 


"  On  this  occasion  the  Turkish  emperour  transmitted 
to  the  pope  the  head  of  the  s^iear  which  fiierced  the  side  of 
Jesus  Christ.  This  relick,  according  to  an  ancient  chroni- 
cle, had  been  preserved  at  Constantinople  before  the  cap- 
ture of  that  place  by  the  Turks,  where  it  had  been  con- 
cealed by  a  citizen,  from  whom  it  was  purchased  by  the 
emperour,  for  70,000  ducals.  Some  doubts  arose  among 
the  members  of  the  college,  as  to  the  authenticity  of  this 
relick,  it  being  contended  by  some,  that  the  true  spear 
was  at  Nuremberg,  and  by  others,  that  it  was  preserved 
in  the  Sainte  Chafielle  at  Paris;  but  Imiocent  disregarded 
their  objections,  and  directed  that  the  present  should  be  re- 
ceived  in  a.  solemn  procession,  in  which  it  was  carried  by 
the  pope  himself,  on  the  day  of  Ascension,  enclosed  in  a 
case  of  crystal.  He  was,  however,  so  fatigued  with  the 
labour,  and  so  oppressed  by  the  tumults  of  the  crowd,  that 
he  was  unable  to  finish  the  ceremony.  Burcard.  Diar.  afi. 
jVotices  des  MSS.  du  Roi.  i.  94.  The  rage  for  collecting 
relicks,  seems  at  this  period  to  have  been  at  its  height.  In 
tlie  official  letters  of  Bartolpmmeo  Scala,  as  chancellor  of 
the  Florentine  Republick,  we  find  one  addressed  to  the 
grand  Turk,  requesting  his  interference  with  the  inhabitants 
of  Ragusa,  to  induce  them  to  deliver  up  the  left  arm  of  St. 
John  the  Bafitist^  which  they  had  intercepted  in  its  way  to 
Florence.  Band.  Monu?ncnt.  p.  17. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH. 


95 


Notwithstanding  the  tranquillity  which  Italy  had  chap. 
for  some  time  enjoyed,  the  rumours  of  approaching        '* 


calamities  were  not  unfrequent.    Those  alarms  and     1492. 
denunciations  which  have  generally  preceded  great      ^     '' 
publick  commotions,  although  they  may  not  arise  ^"b7;°]^"^j^i°[ 
from  any  supernatural  interposition,  are  not  always  ">"i«5- 
to  be  wholly  disregarded.      On  the  approach  of 
the  storm,  the  cattle,  by  a  native  instinct,  retire  to 
shelter ;  and  the  human  mind  may  experience  a 
secret  dread,  resulting  from  a  concurrence  of  cir- 
cumstances,   which  although   not   amounting  to 
demonstration,    may  afford  strong   conviction  of 
approaching  evils,  to  a  person  of  a  warm  ar.d  en- 
thusiastick  temperament.  Those  impressions  which 
he  is  ready  to  impart,  the  publick  is  prepared  to 
receive ;  and  the  very  credulity  of  mankind  is  itself 
a  proof  of  impending  danger.  Whilst  the  city  of  Flo- 
rence trembled  at  the  bold  and  terrifick  harangues 
of  Savonarola,  who  was  at  this  time  rising  to  the 
height  of  his  fatal  popularity,  a  stranger  is  said  to 
have  made  his  appearance  at  Rome,  M^ho,  in  the 
habit  of  a  mendicant,  and  with  the  appearance  of 
an  ideot,  ran  tlirough  the  streets,  bearing  a  crucifix, 
and  foretelling,  in  a  strain  of  forcible  eloquence, 
the  disasters  that  were  shortly  to  ensue ;  particu- 
larly to  Florence,  Venice,  and  Milan.      With  a 
precision,  however,  which  a  prudent  prognostica- 
tor  should  always  avoid,  he  ventured  to  fix  the 
exact  time  when  these  disorders  were  to  commence ; 
and  had  the  still  greater  folly  to  add,  that  an  angelick 
shepherd  would  shortly  appear,  who  would  collect 

the 


V 

^ 


96  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  the  scattered  flock  of  true  believers  into  the^^Jiea- 
I-        venly  fold.      But  the    prescribed  period  haH*ing 
1492.     elapsed,    the    predictions  of  the  enthusiast  \v'ei;'e 
J^t  .17  .    disregarded ;  and  he  had  the  good  fortune  to  sink 
into  his  original  obscurity,  without  having  expe- 
rienced that  fate,    which  has  generally  attended 
alike  the  prophets  and  pseudo-prophets  of  all  ages  A 
and  all  nations.  V|l 


■^ 


CHAP.  11. 


1492. 

STATE  of  literature  in  Rome — Potnponius  Letus — Calji 
machus  Experiensr— Paolo  Cortese — Serafino  D'Aquila 
—State  of  literature  in  other  parts  of  Italy — Neapolitan 
academy — Giovanni  Pontano — His  Latin  poetry  com- 
pared with  that  of  Politiano — Giacopo  Sanazzaro — His  / 
Arcadia — And  other  writings — Enmity  between  the 
Neapolitan  and  Florentine  scholars — Cariteo — Other 
members  of  the  Neapolitan  academy — State  of  litera- 
ture in  Ferrara — The  two  Strozzi — Boiardo — Ariosto— 
Francesco  Cieco — Nicolo  Lelio  Cosmico— Guidubaldo 
da  Montefeltri  duke  of  Urbino — Francesco  Gonzaga 
marquis  of  Mantua — Battista  Mantuano — Lodovico 
Sforza  encourages  men  of  talents — Lionardo  da  Vinci 
— Eminent  scholars  at  the  court  of  Milan — iThQ  Benti- 
vogli  of  Bologna — Codrus  Urceus— Petrus  Crinitus-r- 
Aldo  Manuzio,  his  acquaintance  with  Alberto  Pio,  lord 
of  Carpi,  and  Pico  of  Mirandula — His  motives  for  un- 
dertaking to  print  and  publish  the  works  of  the  ancients 
— Establishes  his  press  at  Venice,  and  founds  an  aca- 
demy there—Progress  and  success  of  his  undertaking, 

Although  many  causes  concurred  to  render  c  ft  a  J». 
the  City,  as  Rome  was  then  emphatically  called,       ^^' 
the  chief  place  in  Italy^  vet  it  was  not  at  this  time     ^^^^' 
distinguished  hy  tl^^^^^r  or  proficiency  of  those    •    '     ' 


4 


scholars  whom  ^^^^^H^  or  patronised.      An 
VOL.  r.  ^H^P^  attempt 


98  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  p,  attempt  had  been  made  in  the  pontificate  of  Paul  ll. 

^^v     to  establish  an  academy,  or  society  for  the  research 

]  492.     of  antiquities;  but  the  jealousy  of  that  haughty  and 

Mt.  1 7.    ignorant  priest  had  defeated  its  object,  and  con- 

state  of  li.  siP-ned  the  \tTetched  scholars  to  the  dung-eon  or 

teraturc  in  o  o 

Rome.  tj^e  rack.  Among  those  who  had  survived  his 
Lms!"'"*  barbarity  was  Julius  Pomponius  Letus,  who  by 
his  various  writings  and  indefatigable  labours,  had 
at  tliis  early  period  been  of  no  inconsiderable  ser- 
vice to  the  cause  of  hterature.  To  tlie  testamentar}- 
kindness  of  Bartolommeo  Platina,  who  liad  been 
his  companion  in  his  studies,  and  his  fellow  suf- 
ferer in  his  misfoitunes,  and  who  died  in  the  yeai^ 
1481,  Pomponius  was  indebted  for  a  commodious 
and  handsome  residence  in  Rome,  surrounded 
with  pleasant  gardens  and  plantations  of  laurel, 
where  he  yet  lived  at  an  advanced  age,  devoted  to 
die  society  of  his  literary  friends. "     His  associate 

Filippo 


"  Pomponius  dmved  his  origin  from  Calabria,  and  is 
supposed  to  have  been  of  illegitimate,  birth ;  but  his  pa- 
rentage, and  even  his  real  name,  have  escaped  the  re- 
searches of  his  admirers.  The.  appellation  of  Julius  Pom- 
ponius Letus  he  doubtless  assumed  as  an  academical  or 
scholastick  distinction  ;  but  the  name  of  Letus  was  some- 
times exchanged  for  thut  of  Foi-tunatus,  or  Infortunatus.,  as 
the  circumstances  of  his  situation  seemed  to  require  :  and 
Vossius  supposes  that  Julius  Pomponius  Sabinus  is  no 
other  than  the  same  person,  (de  Histor.  Latines,  lib.  iii. 
fi.  615.^     From  the  letters  t)f  Politiano,  it  appears  that  a 

frequent 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH. 


99 


Filippo  Buonaccorsi,  better  known  by  his  acadc-  chap. 

mical  name  of  Callimachiis  Exper'wis,  had  quit- fi; 

ted 


1492. 
Ex.  17. 


frequent  communication  subsisted  between  these  two  emi- 
nent scholars,  and  that  Pomponius  was  accustomed  to  fur- 
nish his  learned  friend  with  such  curious  monuments  of 
antiquity  as  his  researches  supplied.     We  also  learn  from 
Crinitus,  that  Pomponius  transmitted  to  Lorenzo  de'  Me- 
dici an  antique  marble,  which  exhibited  the  order  of  the 
months  of  the  year,  and  of  the  Roman  calendar ;  and  the 
frequent  commemoration  of  the  family  of  the  Medici,  in 
the  letters  of  Pomponius,  manifests  the  good  understanding 
that  subsisted  between  them,  which  was  probably  increased 
by  the  arrival  of  the  cardinal  in  Rome.     The  works  of 
Pomponius  are  very  numerous,  and  many  of  them  have 
frequently  been  reprinted  ;  but  his  most  useful  production 
is  his  description  of  the  antiquities  of  Rome.     Erasmus 
commends  the  unaffected  elegance  of  his  style.     "  Pompo- 
"  nius  Lxtus,  eleganti&.  Romana  contentus,  nihil  affectavit 
"  ultra."     Bartolommeo  Martiano  (diss.  Voss.  ii.  242,J  has 
justly  appreciated  the  merits  of  this  early  scholar,  whom 
lie  ranks  with   Tortelli   and  Blondo.      "  Scripsere  nullo 
"  pene  discrimine,  vera  pariter  et  falsa,  apta  atque  inepta^- 
"  tamen  eos  qui  primi  omnium  hanc  scribendi  provinciam 
"  aggressi  sunt,  ob  eam  causam  non  indignos  laude  existi- 
'''  mavimus,   quod   ad  plura  utilioraque   invenienda   viam 
"  posteris  ostendisse  videmus."     To  Pomponius  we  are 
also  indebted  for  the  earliest  editions  of  several  of  the  Ro- 
man classicks,  and  among   others,   Terentius   VarrOy   Ven. 
\A74:.fo.     Silius  Italicusy  Jio?na,   1471,  yb.      Qidntus  CuT' 
tiusy  Homa,  fier  Georgium  Laver,  absque  anni  nota.     Colv' 
meUoy  published  with   the  Rei  Rustics  Scrifitores,  Bonov. 
1494,  where  he  styles  himself  Pomponius  Fortunatus,  in 
consequence  of  which  he  is  cited  by  the  bibliographer,  de 
jure,  as  a  distinct  author.     Bibliogr.  Jnstr.  A'a.  1527. 


100  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  ted  Italy  under  the  impressions  of  terrour,  excited 

It.      by  the  cruelty  of  Paul,  and  sought  a  refuge  in  Po- 

1492.    land;  where,  under  Casimir  and  John  Albert,  the 

^t.  17.  successive  sovereigns  of  that  country,  he  enjoyed 

caiiimacims  ^qj,  ggyeral  vcars  some  of  the  chief  offices  of  the 

Experiens.  •' 

state.  The  distinguished  favours  bestowed  on  him 
by  those  princes  could  not  fail  of  exciting  the  re- 
sentment of  their  subjects,  who  were  jealous  of 
the  interference  of  a  foreigner  and  a  fugitive ;  but 
the  virtue  or  the  good  fortune  of  Callimachus  were 
superiour  to  the  attacks  of  his  adversaries,  and  he 
retained  his  eminent  station,  with  undiminished 
honour,  to  the  close  of  his  days. '' 

But 


^  This  illustrious  scholar  was  born  at  San  Geroifjnano, 
of  a  noble  family,  in  the  year  1437.     On  associating  him- 
self with  Pomponius  in  the  Roman  academy,  he  relinquish- 
ed his  family  name,  and  adopted  that  of  Callimachus,  which 
he  probably  thought  expressed  in  Greek  the  same  idea  as 
Buonaccorsi  in  Italian.     His  addition  of  Experiens  is  con- 
jectured by  Zeno  to  have  ai'isen  from  the  vicissitudes  which 
he  met  with  in  life  ;  but  this  is  to  suppose,  that  he  did  not 
•assume  it  till  after  those  vicissitudes  had  taken  place.     It 
is  more  probable  that  he  merely  meant  to  infer,  that  all 
true  knowledge   must  be  founded  on   experience.      His 
jRight  to  Poland  is  thus  adverted  to  by  Cantalicio,  a  con-  ' 
temporary  poet,  and  prelate  of  the  church.     It  must  be 
premised,  that  the  name  of  Paul  II.  was  Pietro  Barbo. 

"  Callimachus,  Barbos  fugiens  ex  urbe  furores, 
"  Barbara  qux  fuerant  regna,  Latina  fecit." 

His  history  of  the  affairs  of  Hungary,  which  h«  wrote  -at 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH. 


101 


But  although  the  misfortunes  which  had  befallen  chap. 
this  early  institution,  had  considerably  damped  tlie      ^^- 
spirit  of  improvement  at  Rome,  yet  the  disaster     1492 
was  in  some  degree  repaired  by  the  talents  of  Paolo  ^t.  17, 
Cortese;  who,  at  an  early  period  of  life,  had  sig-  Paoiocor^ 
nalized  himself  by  his  dialogue  De  hominihus  doctiSy    ^ 
which  he  had  inscribed  to  Lorenzo  de'  Medici.  "= 
The  approbation  which  Politiano  expressed  of  this 
youthful  production,  was  such  as  that  great  scholar 

was 


the  instance  of  the  great  Mattia  Corvino,  is  preferred  by 
Jovius  to  any  historical  work  which  had  appeared  since  the 
days  of  Tacitus.  Voss.  de  Hist.  Lai.  lid.  m,fi.  619.  He  died  at 
Cracow,  in  the  year  1496.  His  remains  were  deposited  in 
a  tomb  of  bronze,  with  the  following  inscription  : 

Philippus  Callimachus  Experiens,  natione  Thus- 
cus,  -vir  docdssimus,  utriusque fortune  exemfilum  imi- 
tandian,  atque  omnis  virtutia  cultor  firxcifiuus^  divi 
olim  Cazimiri  et  Johannis  Alberti,  Polonie  re- 

■  gum,  secretarius  accefitisaimusy  Relictis  ingenii,  ac 
rerum  a  se  gestarurriy  pluribus  monumentisy  cum  sum- 
mo  ornnium  bonorum  mcerorcy  et  regies  domus,  atquehu- 
jusreifiub.  incommodoy  anno  aalutis  nostrxy  Mccccxcvi. 
calendis  J^ovembris,  vita  decedens,  hie  sefiultua  eat. 

c  The  dedicatory  epistle,  is  as  honourable  to  the  talents 
of  the  author  as  to  the  character  of  the  patron.  The  work 
itself  met  with  great  applause ;  and  the  friends  of  Cortese 
advised  him  to  publish  it ;  notwithstanding  which  it  re 
tnained  in  MS.  till  the  year  1734,  when  it  was  given  to  the 
publick  by  Manni,  from  a  copy  found  by  .\Iex.  Politi,  at  S. 
Gemignanp. 


102  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  was  seldom  induced  to  Uestow;  not  because  he 

i^-      was  jealous  of  the  talents  of  others,  but  because 

1492.     he  was  sincere  in  his  commendation  of  their  works, 

Mt.  17.  and  was  enabled,  by  hi3  own  proficiency,  to  judge 
of  their  merits  and  defects.  Some  years  afterwards, 
when  Cortese  was  appointed  one  of  the  apostolick 
notaries,  a  new  institution  was  formed  by  him,  the 
members  of  which  met  under  his  own  roof,  and 
passed  their  time,  without  formal  restrictions,  either 
in  the  perusal  of  such  works  as  his  elegant  library 
supplied,  or  in  conversation  on  literary  topicks. 
Besides  his  treatise  before  mentioned,  he  was  the 
author  of  many  other  works ;  ^  but  his  premature 
death  prevented  the  world  from  reaping  the  full 
fruits  of  his  talents  arid  his  labours. 


Serafino 
d'Aquila. 


Among  those  who  attended  the  litei-ar\'  meetings 
of  Cortese,  was  the  poet  Serafino  d'Aquila.  At  a 
time  when  the  Italian  language  was  yet  struggling 
to  devest  itself  of  its  impurities  and  defects,  the 

works 


d  Among  these  are  his  treatise  De  Cardi?ialatu,  and  se- 
veral theological  works.  Tirab.  Storia  della  Lett.  Ital.  vol. 
xi./iar.  1,  //.  85,  232.  In  another  department  of  letters, 
he  was  however  excelled  by  his  brother  Alessandro,  who 
was  one  of  the  most  elegant  Latin  poets  of  that  period,  as 
appears  by  his  heroick  poem,  entitled  LaudesiellictzMatthice 
Corvini  Hungarix  regis.  Carm.illustr.  Poet.  Ital.'vi\.  157. 
From  this  piece  it  appears,  that  Alessandro  had  followed 
the  fortunes  of  this  great  prince,  who  was  not  excelled  in 
his  love  of  literature  by  any  mcmarch  of  his  time. 


OF  LEO  tHE   TENTH.  103 

vix)rk.s  of  Serafino  were  not  without  some  share  of  c  h  a  p. 
merit.  He  was  bom  at  Aquila,  in  Abruzzo,  of  a  ^^' 
respectable  family,  and  passed  a  part  of  his  youth-  1492. 
ful  years  in  the  court  of  the  count  of  Potenza,  •^*-  ^'^ 
where  he  acquired  a  knowledge  of  musick.  Re- 
turning to  his  native  place,  he  applied  himself  for 
three  years  to  the  study  of  the  works  of  Dante  and 
of  Petrarca,  after  \^  hich  he  accompanied  the  cardinal 
Ascanio  Sforza  to  Rome.  During  his  whole  life 
Serafino  seems  to  have  clianged  the  place  of  his 
residence  as  often  as  the  favours  of  the  great  held 
out  to  him  a  sufficient  inducement.  Hence  we 
find  him  successively  in  the  service,  or  at  the  courts 
of  the  king  of  Naples,  the  duke  of  Urbino,  the 
marquis  of  Mantua,  the  duke  of  Milan,  and  finalh-^ 
of  Cesai'  Borgia.  Nor  must  we  wonder,  that 
Serafino  was  sought  for  as  a  companion,  to  alleviate 
the  anxiet)^,  or  banish  the  languor  of  greatness ; 
for  he  superadded  to  his  talent  for  poetical  compo- 
sition, tliat  of  singing  extempore  verses  to  the  lute, 
and  was  one  of  the  most  celebrated  Improvmsatori 
of  his  time.  This  circumstance  may  sufficiently 
explain  the  reason  of  the  superiour  degree  of  repu- 
tation which  he  obtained  during  his  life  time,  to 
that  which  he  lias  since  enjoyed.  ^ 

Such 


*  The  works  of  Serafino  were  often  reprinted  in  the 
early  part  of  the  sixteenth  century.  The  first  edition  is 
that  of  Rome,  l$03j  but  that  of  the  Giunti,  1516,  is  the 
most  beautiful  and  qorrect.      Amidst  the  hasty  effusions 

of 


10*4  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.      Such  was  the  state  of  literature,  and  the  talents  of 
^^'      its  chief  professors  in  the  city  of  Rome,  at  the  time 
1492.     vvhen  the  cardinal  de'  Medici  took  up  his  residence 
there ;  and  it  must  be  confessed  that,  notwithstanding 
mature  in      thc  laudablc  exertions  of  the  few  distinguished  scho- 
lars 


other  parts 
ef  Italy 


of  Serafino,  we  sometimes  meet  with  passages  which 
prove  him  to  have  been  a  genuine  poet ;  as  in  the  opening' 
of  his  Capitolo  to  Sleep  :    • 

*'  Placido  sonno,  che  dal  ciel  in  terra 

"  Tacito  scendi  a  tranquillar  la  mente, 
"  E  de'  sospir  a  mitigar  la  guerra  ! 

"  Ben  fai  tu  spesso  i  miei  desir  contenti. 

"  Che  in  lieto  sonno  a  me  conduci  quella, 
"  Che  pasce  il  cor  de  si  lunghi  tormenti." 

These  lines  seem  to  have  been  imitated  by  the  celebrated 
Giovanni  della  Casa,  in  the  sonnet  beginning, 

"  O  sonno,  o  della  queta,  umida,  ombrosa, 
"  Notte,  placido  figlio." 

And  more  evidently  by  Filicaja,  the  finest  modern  lyrick 
poet  of  Italy,  about  the  year  1700,  in  his  terzine,  M  Sonno. 

"  Cara  morte  de'  sensi,  oblio  de'  mali." 

Serafino  died  in  1500,  in  his  thirty-fourth  year.  On  his 
tomb,  in  S.  Maria  del  Popolo,  was  inscribed  the  following 
hyperbolical  eulogium',  by  his  friend  Bernardo  Accolti  t 

"  Qui  giace  Serafin  :  partirti  or  puoi  ; 
"  Sol  d'aver  visto  il  sasso  che  lo  serra 
"  Assai  sei  debitor  agli  occhi  tuoi." 


Neapolitan 
academv. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  105 

lars  before  mentioned,  that  place  had  not  hitherto  chap. 
brought  forth  those  fruits  which  might  have  been      ii« 
expected  from  the  munificence  of  Nicholas  V.  and     1493. 
the  example  of  Pius  II.     Nor  is  it  to  be  denied,  Jit.  17. 
that  in  almost  every  other  city  of  Italy,  the  interests 
of  letters  and  of  science  were  attended  to  with 
more  assiduity  than  in  the  chief  place  in  Christen- 
dom.    At  Naples  an  illustrious  band  of  scholars 
had,  under  better  auspices,  instituted  an  academy, 
which  had  subsisted  for  many  years  in  great  credit. 
Of  this  the  celebrated  Pontano  was  at  this  time  the 
chief  director,  whence  it  has  usually  been  deno- 
minated the  academy  of  Pontano. '     It  was,  how- 
ever, originally  established,  in  the  reign  of  Alfon- 
so I.  by  Antonio  Beccatelli,  Bartolommeo  Facio, 
Lorenzo  Valla,  and  otlier  eminent  men,  whom  that 

great 


*"  On  entering  the  Neapolitan  academy,  Pontano  changed 
his  baptismal  name  of  Giovanni  ior  Jp-vi anus.  This  custom, 
is  pleasantly  ridiculed  by  Ariosto,  in  his  sixth  satire,  in- 
scribed  to  Pietro  Bembo. 

"  II  nome,  che  d'  Apostolo  ti  denno, 

"  O  d'  alcun  minor  santo,  i  padri,  quando 
"  Christiano  d'  acqua,  non  d'  altro  ti  fenno^ 

"  In  Cosmico,  in  Pom/wnio,  vai  mutando  j 
"  Altri  Pietrq  in  Pierioy  altri  Giovanni 
"  In  Jano  e  in  Jo-vian  va  riconciando ; 

*'  Quasi  che'l  nome  i  buon  giudicj  inganni. 
"  E  che  quel  meglio  t'abbia  a  far  Poeta 
"  Che  non  iivl  lo  studio  di  molt'  anni." 
VOL.   I.  O 


106  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  great  patron  of  letters  had  attracted  to  his  court. 
^^-       The  place  of  zissembly  was  denominated  the  Porti-. 
1492.     CO,  and  being  situated  near  the  residence  of  Becca- 
^t,  17.   tclli,  that  distinguished  scholar,  and  favourite  of 
Alfonso,  was  its  earliest  and  most  constant  visiter.  ^ 
After  the  death  of  Beccatelli,  his  friend  and  disci- 
ple, Pontano,  was  appointed  chief  of  the  academy 
and  under  his  dii'ection  it  rose  to  a  considerable 
degi'ee of  respectabilit). 


Pontano. 


I 


f^   .'■-.  ..~-.., 


Few  scholars,  who -have  owed  their  eminence 
merely  to  their  talents,  have  enjoyed  a  degree  of 
respect  and  dignity  equal  to  Pontano.  His  writings, 
both  in  verse  and  prose,  are  extremely  numerous ; 
Giovanni  butj  as  tlicy  aTC  wholly  in  the  Latin  language,  he 
cannot  be  enumerated  among  those,  who,  at  this 
period,  laboured,  with  so  much  assiduity  and  suc- 
cess, in  the  improvement  of  their  native  tongue. 
The  versatility  of  his  talents,  and  the  extent  of  his 
scientifick  acquirements,  are  chiefly  evinced  by 
his  works  in  prose;*'  in  which  he  appears  succes- 
sively as  a  grammarian,  a  politician,    a  historian, 

a  satirist, 
■pu:\Jj  1*  cf. '      ;  ".  " 


^  For  some  account  of  Beccatelli,  v.  Life  of  Lor.  de' 
Med.  1.51. 

^  First  collected  and  published  under  the  directions  of 
Pietro  Summonte,  by  Andrea  d'Asoli  at  Venice,  vol.  i. 
1518.  Vols.  ii.  and  ni,  1519,  8vo.  afterwards  published  at 
JBasil,   1538. 


OF  LEO   THE   TENTH.  107 

a  satirist,  a  natural  and  a  moral  philosopher.  These  chap. 
writings  aie  now,  however,  in  a  great  degi'ee,  ^^•- 
consigned  to  oblivion;  nor  is  it  difficult  to  account  1492. 
for  the  neglect  which  they  have  experienced.  His  -£t.  17. 
grammatical  treatise  de  Aspiratione^  in  two  books, 
instead  of  exhibiting  a  philosopliical  investigation 
of  general  rules,  degenerates  into  an  ill  arranged 
and  tiresome  catalogue  of  particular  examples.  Nor 
do  we  feel  more  inclined  to  indulge  such  a  trial  of 
our  patience,  on  account  of  the  instance  which  he 
alleges  of  the  orator  Messala,  who  WTote  a  whole 
book  on  the  letter  s.  In  natural  philosophy  his 
wTitings  chiefly  relate  to  the  science  of  astronomy, 
in  which  he  appeal's  to  have  made  great  proficiency ; 
but  they  ai-e  at  the  same  time  disgraced  by  a  fre- 
quent mixture  of  judicial  astrology;  and  afford 
a  convincing  proof  that,  when  an  author  builds  on 
false  grounds,  and  reasons  on  false  principles,  the 
greater  his  talents  are,  the  greater  will  be  his  ab- 
surdities. His  moral  ti'eatises  are  indeed  the  most  . 
valuable  of  his  writings ;  but  they  ai*e  injured  by 
the  unbounded  fertility  of  his  imagination,  and  ex- 
hibit rather  all  that  can  be  said  on  the  subject,  than 
all  that  ought  to  be  said.  From  some  scattered 
passages,  it  appears,  ho^vever,  that  he  had  formed 
an  idea  of  laying  a  more  substantial  basis  for 
philosophical  inquiries  than  the  world  had  there- 
tofore known  and  had  obtained,  though  in  dim 
and  distant  prospect,  a  glimpse  of  that  nobler 
edifice,  ^\ hich,  about  a  century  after waids,  was  dis- 
played in  all  its  proportions  to  the  immortal  Bacon, 

and 


108  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  and  in  comparison  with  which,  the  airy  fabricks  of 
^^'      the  schoolmen,  hke  the  magick  castles  of  romance,. 

^'^^2.    have  vanished  into  smoke.' 

^t.  ir. 


His  Latin 
poetry  com- 


Of  the  satirical  talents  of  Pontano,  if  we  take  his 

Asinus  as  a  specimen,   no  very  favourable  opinion 

pared  with    can  bc  entertained.  ^  His  poetiT  is,  however,  enti- 

thatoiPoIi-  .  . 

tiano.  tied  to  great  approbation,  and  will  always  rank 
him,  if  not  the  first,  in  the  very  first  rank  of 
modern    Latin   poets.      Under  his    control   that 

language 


i  '•  De  spe  ita  quidam  mihi  persuadeo,  brevi  fore  quod 
"  dixi,  ut  et  philosophia  clariorem  formam  induat,  cum- 
♦'  que  una  sit  et  certa  Veritas,  minime  futura  sit  tam  varia 
"  et  lubrica,  et  qui  eloquentiam  sequuntur  habeant  unde 
"  facilius  hauriani,  quod  exornare  verbis  possint."  Pont, 
de  Obedientia-  Tirab.  Storia  della  Lett.  Ital.  \x.Jiar.  i.  fi.  297. 

^  This  is  a  kind  of  drama,  in  which  a  traveller,  an  inn- 
keeper, and  a  courier,  are  introduced,  rejoicing  in  the 
restoration  of  peace,  which  the  courier  attributes  to  the 
exertions  of  Pontano.  The  blessings  of  peace  are  then 
chaunted  by  a  chorus  of  priests,  after  which  Altilio,  Pardo, 
and  Cariteo,  three  of  his  most  intimate  friends,  lament 
together  the  insanity  of  Pontano  ;  Avho  has  of  late  devoted 
all  his  time  to  the  soothing,  feeding,  and  decorating  an  ass. 
Pontano  soon  afterwards  appears,  accompanied  by  his  gar- 
dener, with  whom  he  holds  a  long  and  serious  conversation, 
on  the  grafting  of  trees,  and  the  improvement  of  his  garden, 
A  boy  then  brings  in  his  favorite  ass,  and  Pontano  deter- 
inines  to  wash  and  comb  him  ;  but  beginning  at  the  tail  is 

rnokstecjh 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTk.  109 

language  displays  an  ease,  a  facility,  a  grace,  to  chap. 
which  it  had  been  for  upwards  of  a  thousand  years      J^- 
a  stranger;  and  in  the  series  of  Latin  writers,  his     1492. 
works  may  be  placed  next  to  those  of  the  Augustan  -^t.  i  r . 
age,  'v^'hich  they  will  not  disgrace  by  their  proximi- 
ty. They  display  a  great  vaiiety  of  elegiack,  lyrick, 
and  epigrammatick  productions ;  but  his  Hendeca- 
syllahi  are  preferred  to  the  rest  of  his  writings.^  An 
eminent  critick  has  not  indeed  hesitated  to  give 
Pontano  the  preference  in  point  of  elegance,  to 

Politiano 


molested  by  a  very  natural  circumstance.  He  then  under- 
takes to  perform  that  operation  on  the  head ;  when  in 
return  for  his  kindness,  the  stupid  animal  seizes  and  bites 
him  by  the  hand,  and  Pontano  finds,  too  late,  that  they 
who  attemfit  to  wash  the  face  of  an  ass,  lose  both  their  soa/i 
and  labour.  "  Asino  caput  qui  lavant,  ecs  operam  cum 
"  sapone  amittere."  This  piece  has  been  said  to  refer  to 
the  duke  of  Calabria,  who,  as  Pontano  thought,  did  not 
sufficiently  repay  the  services  which  he  had  performed, 
in  effecting  a  peace  with  the  pope,  in  the  year  1486  ;  but 
if  Pontano  was  capable  of  this  gross  abuse  of  the  son  of  his 
great  patron  and  benefactor,  whom  he  constantly  celebra- 
ted with  the  most  open  flattery,  he  deserves  as  much 
censure  for  the  malevolence  of  his  purpose,  as  for  the  im- 
becility of  its  execution. 

'  The  Poetical  remains  of  Pontano  were  published  in 
2  vols.  12mo.  the  first  by  Aldo,  in  1513,  the  second  by 
Andrea  d'  Asola,  the  associate  and  successour  of  Aldo,  in 
1518. 


110  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  Politiano  himself.'"  Nor  \vill  a  candid  judge  be 
II.  inclined  to  oppose  this  opinion,  as  far  as  relates  to 
1492.  ease  and  fluency  of  style;  that  of  Pontano  being 
^t.  \7  uniformly  graceful  and  unlaboured,  whilst  in  that 
of  Politiano,  an  attempt  may  at  times  be  perceived 
to  force  the  genius  of  the  language  to  the  expres- 
sion of  his  own  ideas.  But  if  an  inquiry  were  to 
be  instituted  into  the  respective  merits  of  these 
great  men,  this  circumstance  alone  would  not  be 
sufficient  to  decide  the  question.  The  subjects  on 
which  Pontano  has  treated,  are  mostly  of  a  general 
nature:  amatoiy  verses,  convivial  invitations,  or 
elegiack  effusions.  Even  in  his  Urania,  or  poem 
on  the  stars,  and  his  Hortus  Hesperidum,  or  poem 
on  the  cultivation  of  the  orange,  he  seldom  treads 
at  any  great  distance  from  the  track  of  the  ancients. 
His  sentiments  are  therefore  rather  accommodated 
to  the  language,  than  the  language  to  his  sentiments. 
But  with  Politiano  the  case  is  reversed:  wdth  a 
more  vigorous  mind,  and  a  wider  range  of  thought, 
•  he  disdained  to  be  limited  to  prescriptive  modes  of 
expression,  and  in  embodying  his  ideas,  relied  on 
his  own  genius.  Hence,  whilst  Pontano  is  at 
sometimes  an  imitator  of  Virgil,  and  at  others 
of  Horace,  Catullus,  or  Propertius,  Politiano  is 
himself  an  original,  and  owns  no  subserviency  to 

any 


m  «  Politiano  adhuc  politior."     Borrichius,  de  fioetis, 
afi.  Blount.^  Censiira  authorum.  502, 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  Ill 

any  of  the  great  WTiters  of  antiquity  ;  whom,  how-  chap. 
ever,  he  has  shown  that  he  was  capable  of  imitating,       ^^' 
had  he  chosen  it,  with  great  exactness. .   Pontano     1492. 
may  therefore  be  allowed  to  take  the  precedence  of   JE.t.  \7. 
Politiano,  with  respect  to  the  grace  and  fecility  of 
his  verse,  without  detracting  from  the  intrinsick 
merits  of  that  sound  scholar  and  very  extraordinary 


man." 


Not  less  celebrated  than  the  name  of  Pontano,  ciacopo  sa- 
is  that  of  his  friend  and  countryman,  Sanazzaro,  "'""''°' 
who  is  equally  distinguished  by  the  excellence  of 
his  Latin  and  Italian  compositions.  He  was  bom 
at  Naples,  in  the  year  1458,  of  a  respectable  family, 
which  claimed  consanguinity  with  San  Nazzaro, 
one  of  the  saints  of  tlie  Roman  church.  °  Under  the 

instructions 


"  The  political  and  Titerary  labours  of  Pontano,  and  the 
chief  circumstances  of  his  publick  and  pnvate  life,  are 
commemorated  in  a  beautiful  elegiack  poem  of  his  friend, 
Sanazzaro,     Eleg.  lib.  i.  El.  9.  Ed.  Comin.  1731. 

"  Qui  primus  patrios  potuit  liquisse  penates." 

"  By  a  singular  coincidence,  Sanazzaro  was  born  on  the 
very  day  devoted  to  that  saint,  being  the  twenty-eighth  day 
of  July.  Of  the  opulence,  the  rank,  and  the  achievements 
of  his  ancestors,  he  has  left  in  his  writings  many  memo- 
rials. From  these  it  appears,  that  his  family  was  originally 
of  Spain,  and  that  Niccolo,  one  of  his  ancestors,  followed 
Carlo  Durazzo  in  a  high  military  capacityj  when  he  obtain- 
ed 


112  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  instructions  of  Giuniano  Majo,  Sanazzaro  chiefly 

111 acquired  the  knowledge  of  the  Greek  and  Latin 

1492.     languages,  the  latter  of  which  he  cultivated  in  an 

Mu  17.   eminent  degree.     On  entering  into  the  Neapolitan 

academy,  he  relinquished  his  appellation  of  Giacopo, 

and  adopted  the  name  of  Actius  Syncenis,  by  which 

he 


ed  possession  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples.  His  services 
were  repaid  by  the  princely  reward  of  the  castle  of  Mon- 
dragone,  and  an  extensive  territory  in  the  province  of 
Lucania,  which  were  enjoyed  by  Giacopo,  his  son,  the 
grandfather  of  the  poet,  till  he  was  deprived  of  them  by  his 
opposition  to  the  dissolute  conduct,  and  oppressive  mea- 
sures, of  Joanna,  the  sister  and  successour  of  Ladislaus, 
king  of  Naples.  From  that  period  the  possessions  of  his 
family  were  considered  as  inferiour  to  their  rank ;  and, 
although  they  still  enjoyed  an  honourable  independence, 
their  reduced  state,  and  lost  honours,  are  a  frequent  sub- 
ject of  the  poet's  complaint.  Arcadiuy  firosa  7.  Cris/io  uita 
di  San.  fi.  2.  His  nativity,  on  the  feast  of  San  Nazzaro, 
is  commemorated  in  the  following  inscriptive  lines,  on 
dedicating  a  chapel  to  that  saint,  and  in  many  other  parts 
of  his  works : 

"  Divo  Nazario. 
**  Natali  quod.  Dive,  tuo,  lucem  editus  hausi ; 

"  Quod  tua  nascenti  lux  mihi  prima  fuit ; 
"  Actius  hoc  riguo  parvum  cum  fonte  sacellum 

"  Dedico  ;  tu  nutu  fac  rata  vota  tuo  ; 
*'  Ut  qu32  Sextiles  lux  venerit  ante  calendas 

"  Quarta,  sit  hie  generi  bis  celebranda  meo  ; 
"  Et  quod  solennes  revocat  tua  festa  per  aras  > 

"  Et  quod  natalem  contigit  esse  meam." 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  1X3 

he  is  usually  knowTi.  The  friendship  of  Pontano,  chap. 
and  his  own  merits,  recommended  him  at  an  early  ^^' 
age  to  the  favour  of  Ferdinand,  king  of  Naples,  1492. 
and  of  his  sons,  Alfonso  and  Federigo,  to  whom,  Mt.  17. 
throughout  all  their  calamities,  he  maintained  an 
unshaken  attachment.  For  the  amusement  of  these 
princes  he  is  said  to  have  ^\Titten  several  drama- 
tick  pieces  in  the  Neapolitan  dialect,  which  highly 
delighted  the  populace;?  but  perhaps  the  earliest 
assignable  date  to  any  of  his  works,  is  the  year 
1492,  when  the  great  events  and  changes  \\hich 
occurred  in  the  world,  by  the  expulsion  of  the 
Moors  from  Grenada,  and  the  discovery  of  Hi- 
spaniola  by  Columbus,  attracted  in  a  high  degree 
the  publick  attention  in  every  part  of  Europe.  It 
is  indeed  a  singular  coincidence,  that  in  the  same 
year  in  which  the  Spanish  sovereigns  freed  their 
country  from  the  opprobrium  of  a  foreign  yoke, 
they  should  themselves  have  commenced  a  similar 
invasion  on  the  natural  rights  of  others.  The  dis- 
covery of  the  new  world  gave  rise  to  many  singular 
and  extravagant  notions,  which  are  striking  proofs 

of 


p  *'  Ne  pur  oggi  e  fatto  antico  in  Napoli,  fra  gli  altri 
"  suoi  componimenti,  uno,  detto  dal  volgo  di  essa  Citta, 
"  Gliomero,  nome  conveniente  all'  opera,  in  cui  si  raccol- 
"  gono  tutte  sentenze,  e  voci  goflPe,  del  parlare  antico 
^  Napolitano,  con  digression!  molto  ridicole,  segni  non 
"  oscuri  della  fertilita  dell'  ingegno  di  esso  poeta."  Crisfio^ 
in  -vita  San.  fi  9. 

VOL.  I.  P 


CHAP. 

II. 

1492. 

Mt.  17. 

114  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

of  the  credulity  of  the  age. "^  But  the  conquest  of 
Grenada  was  celebrated  throughout  all  Christen- 
dom/ and  with  particular  splendour  at  Naples, 
the  sovereigns  of  which  were  so  nearly  allied,  both 
by  blood  and  mai'riage,  to  the  reigning  family  of 
Spain.  On  this  occasion  Sanazzaro  produced  a 
dramatick  poem,  which  was  performed  before 
Alfonso,  duke  of  Calabria,  at  Naples,  on  the 
fourth  day  of  Maixh,  1492.*  Nor  was  it  only  by 
the  labours  of  the  pen  that  Sanazzaro  obtained  the 
favour  of  his  great  patrons.  The  contests  which 
arose  in  Italy  had  called  forth  the  militaiy  talents 
of  Alfonso,  who,  after  having  expelled  the  Turks 
from  Otranto,  fought  the  battles  of  his  country 
with  various  success.  In  these  expeditions  he 
was  accompanied  by  Sanazzaro,  who  in  his  Latin 

poems 


1  Mbnaldeschi,  Commentarii  Historici^  lib.  xvi.  Ed. 
Veil.  1784.     Bembo^  Istoria  Feneta,  iib.vi. 

r  An  account  of  the  rejoicings  in  London,  on  this 
occasion,  may  be  found  in  Hollingshead's  Chronicle 

*  The  plan  of  this  piece  is  extremely  simple.  Maho- 
met first  appears  lamenting  his  defeat,  and  flying  before 
the  Christian  army  ;  after  which  Faiih  and  Joy  successively 
enter  the  stage,  in  appropriate  habiliments,  and  exult  in 
his  defeat,  and  the  representation  terminates  with  a  mas- 
querade and  a  dance.  This  Farsa,  as  it  appears  to  have 
been  entitled  by  the  author,  remained  in  MS.  till  the  year 
1715,  when  it  was  published  at  Naples,  and  has  since  been 
usually  annexed  to  the  Italian  writings  of  Sanazzaro. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  115 

poems  frequently  adverts  to  his  warlike  exploits,  chap. 
with  the  consciousness  of  one  whose  services  have       ^^• 


been  neither  unkno^^n  nor  unimportant.  1492. 

Rt.  17. 
Of  the  AATitings  of  Sanazzaro  in  his  nati\e  Ian-  "'*  Arcaau. 
guage,  the  most  celebrated  is  his  Arcadia,  ^^hich,  ^  Sy' 
for  the  purity  of  st}^le,  and  elegance  of  expression, 
is  allowed  to  have  excelled  all  that  Italy  had  before 
produced.  This  perfoiTnance  is  also  a  species  of 
drama,  in  which  the  interlocutors  express  them- 
selves in  verse ;  but  every  dialogue  is  preceded  by 
an  introduction  in  a  kind  of  poetical  prose,  the 
supposed  dialect  of  Arcadian  shepherds.  If  tlie 
applauses  with  which  this  piece  A^as  recei\^ed,  and 
the  commendations  bestowed  upon  it  in  the  life- 
time of  the  author,  be  considered  as  inadequate 
proofs  of  its  merit,  the  numerous  editions  of  it, 
which  appeared  in  the  course  of  the  ensuing  century, 
are  a  more  unequivocal  testimony  of  its  excellence ; 
and  the  latest  historian  of  Italian  literature  acknow- 
ledges, that  after  the  lapse  of  three  centuries,  the 
Arcadia  is  justly  esteemed  as  one  of  the  most  ele- 
gant compositions  in  the  Italian  language. "^  It  must, 
however,  be  confessed,  that  this  piece  is  not  now 
read  witliout  some  effort  against  that  involuntary 
languor,  which  works  of  great  length,  and  little 
interest,  never  fail  to  occasion.    This  may  perhaps 

be 


t  Tirab.  vii.  iiar.  3.  fi.  74.     About  60  editions  of  the 
Arcadia  appeared  before  the  year  1600. 


116  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  be  attributed  to  the  alternate  recurrence  of  prose 
i^-      and  verse,  a  species  of  composition,  which  has 
1492.     never  succeeded  in  any  age,  or  in  any  country, 
^t  17.  and  which  even  the  genius  of  La  Fontaine  could 
not  raise    into  celebrity ;"  to    the  use  of  poeti- 
cal prose,  that  hermaplirodite  of  literature,  equally 
deprived    of  masculine  vigour  and  of  feminine 
grace  ;    to  the  repetition  of  the   'versi  sdruccioliy 
which  terminate  eveiy  line  with  a  rapidity  approach- 
ing to  the  ludicrous,  and  prevent  that  variety  of 
pauses  which  is  essential  to  numerous  composition. 
If  to  these  causes  we  add  the  very  inartificial,  and 
almost  unconnected  plan  of  the  poem,  and  the  total 
want  of  variety  in  the  sentiments  and  characters, 
we  shall  be  at  no  loss  to  account  for  the  present 
neglect  of  a  work,  which  may,  however,  be  esteem- 
ed as  a  production  of  uncommon  merit  at  the  time 
when  it  appeared,  and  as  having  contributed  in  an 
eminent  degree  to  form  and  to  refine  the  Italian 
tongue. 

If,   however,    the  Arcadia  of  Sanazzaro  had 

And  other  '  '  _ 

writings,  never  been  written,  his  sonnets  and  lyrick  pieces 
would  have  secured  to  him  the  distinction  of  one 
of  the  chief  poets  that  Italy  has  produced.  It  has 
indeed  been  supposed,  that  if  the  increasing  cele- 
brity of  Pietro  Bembo  had  not  deprived  Sanazzaro 
of  the  hope  of  being  considered  as  the  principal 

restorer 


"  I^ee  Amours  ds  Psyche  isf  de  Cu/it'don, 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  117 

restorer  of  Italian  literature,  he  would  have  pursued  chap. 
that  object  with  still  greater  energy  and  success. ^      ^^- 
The  rivalship  of  these  two  eminent  men,  whilst  it     1492, 
rather  cemented  than  relaxed  the  friendship  that  Mt.  17, 
subsisted  between  them,   eventually  led  them  to 
pursue,  by  a  kind  of  tacit  consent,  each  a  different 
path  to  fame  ;  and  whilst  Bembo  persevered  in 
cultivating  his  native  tongue,  Sanazzaro  turned  all 
his  powers  to  the  improvement  of  his  talents  for 
Latin  poetry,  in  which  depaitment  his  productions 
will  unavoidably  occur  to  our  future  notice. 

When  we  advert  to  tlie  great  degree  of  attention 
paid  to  the  cultivation  of  polite  letters,  both  in 
Naples  and  in  Florence,  at  this  period,  it  may  seemj 
extraordinary  that  so  little  intercourse  subsisted' 
between  the  scholars  in  those  places.  In  the  Epis- 
tolce  of  Politiano,  we  find  indeed  a  letter  from  him 
to  Pontano  on  the  death  of  Ferdinand  of  Naples,  Enmity  be- 

tween  the 

written  in  the  most  respectful  and  flattering  terms  ;w  Neapolitan 
but  no  answer  to  this  letter  appears  in  the  collection,  thjesch^ak. 
and  as  it  was  customary  for  Politiano  to  insert  the 
replies  of  his  friends,  we  may  be  assured,  that 
either  none  was  returned,  or  that  it  was  not  calcu- 
lated to  do  much  honour  to  the  person  to  whom  it 
was  addressed.     It  also  appears,  that  Pontano  had, 

on 


^  Crisfio.  Vita  di  San.  fi.  24.  et.  not.  63. 
*  Pol.  Efi.  lib.  ii,  efi.  7. 


118  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.  OJ^  some  former  occasion,  excused  himself  from 

II.      the  task  of  correspondence;  to  which,  PoUtiano, 

1492.    with  an  unusual  degree  of  condescension,  replies, 

iEt.  17.  ^*  you  have  my  full  consent,  as  long  as  I  know 
"  you  honour  me  with  your  esteem,  not  only,  not 
**  to  reply  to  my  letters,  but  even  not  to  read 
"  them."  This  indifference  on  the  part  of  Pontano, 
who  has,  on  no  occasion  introduced  the  name  of 
Politiano  in  his  works,  may  perhaps  be  taken  as  no 
equivocal  indication  of  his  disregard,  whilst  his  inti- 
macy  with  Scalaand  Marullus,  the  avowed  enemies 
of  Politiano,  may  serve  to  confirm  the  suspicion. 
But  the  works  of  Sanazzaro  afford  examples  of 
more  direct  hostility.  In  the  year  1489,  Politiano 
published  his  Miscellanea,  in  which  he  conjectures, 
that  Catullus,  under  the  emblem  of  his  sparrow, 
concealed  an  idea,  too  indecent  to  be  more  fully 
expressed."  Why  this  observation  should  excite 
the  resentment  of  the  Neapolitan  scholars,  who 
were  by  no  means  remarkable  for  the  moral  purity 
of  their  compositions,  it  is  not  easy  to  discover ;  ^ 

but 


^  This  he  infers  from  the  conclusion  of  an  epigram  of 
Martial ; 

"  Da  mi  basia,  sed  CatuUiana, 

"  Que  si  tot  fuerint  quot  ille  dixit, 

"  Donabo  tibi  passerem  CatulU." 

Polit.  Miscel.  lib.  i.  cap.  6. 

'/  Pontano  had  himself  not  only  commented   on  the 
works  of  Catullus,  as  appears  by  an  epigram  of  Sai^azzaro, 

De 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  119 

but  among  the  epigrams  of  Sanazzaro  are  some  chap. 
verses  addressed  Jd  Piilicianmn  (a  term  of  re-       ^^* 


proach  of  which  Scala  had  set  the  example)  in  U92. 
which  he  with  great  severity  alludes  to  this  criti.  -^^  ^'^' 
cism,  w^hich  he  treats  with  the  utmost  ridicule  and 
contempt.^  Not  satisfied  with  this  attack,  he 
returns  to  the  charge;  and,  in  another  copy  of 
verses,  bestows  on  the  object  of  his  resentment 
the  most  unqualified  abuse.*  In  other  parts  of  his 
works  he  uweighs  against  certain  authors,  who 
contaminate  the  precincts  of  Parnassus  by  their 
envy  and  their  malignity ;  among  whom  it  is 
higlily  probable  that  he  meant  to  include  the  Flo- 
rentine scholai'.''  As  Politiano  was,  of  all  men 
living,  the  most  unlikely  to  submit  to  these  insults, 
without  a  reply,  we  may  be  allowed  to  conjecture, 

that 


De  emendatione  Catulli ;  ad  Jovianum,  but  had  adopted  and 
amplified  the  idea  of  Politiano  in  an  epigram,  which  he 
entitles  Cui  donaturus  sit  suam  columbam.  Op.,  fioet.  i. 
232. 

^  Sanazar.  Epig.  lib.  i,  Eji.  61. 

"  Ait  nescio  quis  Pulicianus." 

A  piece  much  more  remarkable  for  its  indecency  than  its 
wit,  and  infinitely  more  reprehensible  than  the  passage  to 
which  it  adverts 

*  lb.  Ep.  61. 

''  Eleg.  lib.  i.  El.  X  1.     Jn  maledicos  detj-actorfe. 


120  -  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  that  these  hostile  pieces,  at  whatever  time  they 
i^'      were  written,  were  not  made  publick  till  after  his 
1492.    death. 

^t.  17. 

Another  member  of  the  academy,  and  distin- 
guished literary  ornament  of  Naples,  was  the  poet 
'3,  Cariteo,  whose  family  name  has  been  lost  in  his 
poetical  appellation.  He  is  said  to  have  been  a 
Cariteo.  nativc  of  Barcelona,  and  it  appears  from  his  own 
writings,  that  he  was  connected  by  consanguinity 
with  Massimo  Corvino,  bishop  of  Massa,  who 
also  held  a  place  in  the  academy.*^  Of  his  friendly 
intercourse  with  the  first  scholars  and  chief  nobi- 
lity of  Naples,  and  even  with  the  individuals  of 
the  reigning  family  there,  his  works  afford  innu- 
merable instances,  whilst  in  those  of  Sanazzaro 
and  Pontano,  he  is  frequendy  mentioned  with  par- 
ticular affection  and  commendation.'^  His  writings, 
which  are  wholly  in  the  Italian  tongue,  are  charac- 
terized 


*  "  E  tu,  Corvino  mio,  poi  ch'io  ti  mostro, 

"  Che  di  sangue  e  d'amor  son  teco  giunto, 
"  Parla  di  me  con  penna,  e  con  inchiostro.*' 
Cariteo,  contra  i  malevoli,  injine. 

'^  Thus  Sanazzaro : 

"  Quin  et  rite  suos  genio  Chariteus  honores 
"  Praebeat,  et  festas  concinet  ante  dapes." 

£leg.  lib.'i. 

Ana 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  121 

terized  by  a  vigour  of  sentiment,  and  a  genuine  chap. 
vein  of  poetry.     Without  rivalling  the  elegance  of      "• 
the  Tuscan  poets,  they  possess  also  a  considerable     1492. 
share  of  ease  and  harmony.     Some  of  these  com-   '^^'  ^^' 
positions  refer,  in  a  very  particular  manner,  to  the 
characters  of  the  principal  persons,  and  to  the  po- 
litical events  of  the  times. '    The  animosity  of  the 

Neapolitan 


And  Potano  addresses  ^d  Chariteum,  his  Hendecasyllabi, 
in  which  he  celebrates  the  baths  of  Baia.  Cariteo  himself 
thus  anticipates  the  applause  of  his  friends  : 

"  Parle  di  me  il  Pontan,  quel  bel  tesoro 
"  D'Apollo,  e  delle  Aonide  sorelle, 
"  Che  con  la  lingua  sparge  un  fiume  d'oro. 

"  Depinto  io  son  nel  opre  eterne  e  belle 
"  Del  mio  bel  Sanazar,  vero  Syncero, 
*'  Ch'  allora  io  giugnero  fin  a  le  stelle." 

Cariteo.^  contra  i  malevoli. 

He  also  attributes  the  name  by  which  he  is  now  known,  to 
the  favour  of  Sanazzaro  : 

"  Quando  di  quel  liquor  Parthenopeo 
"  Syncero  mi  pascea,  dolce  canlando, 
"  Con  le  charite,  ond'io  fui  Chariteoj" 

Cariteo,  Pascha,  Cant.  6.  in  Jin. 

e  They  were  collected  and  published  by  his  surviving 
friend  Pietro  Summonte,  at  Naples,  1 509,  4to.  It  is  to 
be  observed,  however,  that  the  predictions  of  the  poet 
were  speedily  reversed,  by  ;he  entire  ruin  gf  his  great 
patrons. 

VOL.  I.  ^ 


122  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.  Neapolitan  scholars  against  those  of  Florence,  is 
II-      further  evinced  by  the  writings  of  Cariteo.     In  one 

~  ,  1492.  of  his  Canzoni  he  insinuates,  that  the  splendour  of 
iEt.  17.  Dante  and  of  Petrarca  has  eclipsed  the  fame  of  all 
their  countrymen,  an  observation  evidently  intend- 
ed to  humiliate  the  present  race  of  scholars,  under 
a  pretext  of  paying  homage  to  the  past ;  ^  and  in 
his  Rtsposta  contra  i  malewli,  to  whomsoever  he 
meant  to  apply  that  appellation,  he  has  exceeded 
Sanazzaro  himself  in  expressions  of  resentment 
and  abuse. 

other  n,em.        Thc  othcr  mcmbcrs,  who  composed  the  litera- 

Nc"p"oman    ry  institution  of  Naples,  were  arranged  according 

acuiemy.      ^q  ^-y^  different  districts  of  the  city,  or  the  realm, 

and  the  society  also  associated  to  itself,  as  honorary 

members,  the  most  eminent  scholars  in  other  parts 

of  Europe.  ^     Among  those  \\  ho  contributed  at 

this 


f  "  Se  i  due  soli,  di  cui  1'  Arno  si  gloria 
"  Onde  Beatrice  e  Laura  hor  son  divine, 
"  Offuscan  I'altre  stelle  Fiorentine, 
"  Non  torran  a  Sebcto  la  sua  gloria. 
"  Vivan  le  muse." 

E  It  IS  to  be  regretted,  that  the  Neapolitan  historians 
have  supplied  us  with  little  more  than  the  names  of  those 
eminent  men,  who  at  this  early  period  did  so  much  honour 
to  the  literature  of  their  country  ;  and  even  these  lists  are 
not  correct,  as  they  contain  the  names  of  several  persons 
who  flourished  at  a  later  period.    We  are  indeed  informed 

by 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  123 

this  time  to  its  credit,  was  Andrea  Matteo  Acqua-  chap. 
viva,  duke  of  Atri,  on  whom  all  the  academicians      ^^' 
of  Naples  have  bestowed  the  highest  honours.^     1492. 
Pontano  dedicated  to  him  his  two  books  De  rebus  -^'^-  ^"^1 
Coejestibus;  Piero  Summonte  inscribed  to  him  all 
his  works.     He  is  celebrated  in  the  poems  of  Sa- 
nazzaro,  no  less  for  his  warlike  exploits,  than  for 
his  literary    accomplishments.  '     Alessandi'O  de' 
Alessandri  dedicated  to  him  the  first  book  of  his 
Geniales  dies,  and  Cariteo  enumerates  him  among 
his  particular  friends.  ^     Of  his  writings  there  yet 
remain  his  commentaries,  called  by  Paulo  Giovio 

his 


by  Apostolo  Zeno  CDisser.  Voss.  cafi.  78 J  that  Bernardo 
Cristoforo,  a  learned  Neapolitan,  had  written  the  history 
of  this  early  institution,  in  a  work  entitled  jicademia  Pon- 
tanif  give  vitae  illustrium  virorum,  qui  cum  Jo.  Jo^iano  Pori' 
(ano  Keatioli  Jloruere  ;  but  the  manuscript  has  been  irreco- 
verably lost.  I  cannot,  however,  pass  over  these  illustrious 
names,  without  giving  such  particulars  respecting  them  as 
have  fallen  in  my  way. 

^  "  Principem  virum,"  says  Pontano,  "  et  in  mediis 
philosophantem  belli  ardoribus."     Pontan.  de  MagJianim, 

*  "  De  Andrea  Matthxo  AquiDvoo. 
"  Cernis  ut  exsultet  patriis  Aquivivus  in  armis, 

"  Duraque  spumanti  frena  relaxet  equo  ? 
"  Quis  mites  ilium  Permessi  hausisse  liquores 

"  Credat,  et  imbelles  excoluisse  lyras  V 

San.  £jiig.  lib.  ii.  Eji.  2. 

}  Cariteo,  Risposta  contrq  i  Malevoli. 


124  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  his  Encyclopaedia^  and  according  to  the  last  men- 

ii>       tioned  author,  four  books  of  moral  disquisitions, 

1492,    which,  as  he  says,  contain  Di  bell'issime  Sottikzze; 

^t.  17.  but  these  are  the  same  work,  published  under  dif- 
ferent titles.  ^  He  lived  to  an  advanced  age,  and 
distinguished  himself,  with  various  success,  in  the 
wars  which  soon  after  this  period,  desolated  his 
country.  His  example  descended  to  his  posterity ; 
and  the  dukes  of  Atri  are  celebrated  as  an  uninter- 
rupted series  of  great  and  learned  men.  His  bro- 
ther, Belisario  Acquaviva,  duke  of  Nardi,  was 
also  a  member  of  the  society ;  and,  as  appears  by 
his  writings,  attained  great  proficiency  in  those 
studies,  to  which  he  had  been  incited  by  the  exam- 
ple of  his  near  and  illustrious  relative, '  whom  he 

also 


^  Commentarii  in  translationem  libelli  Plutarchi  Chteronxiy 
de  virtute  morali.  JVeap.  ex  Off.  Ant.  de  Fritiis.  1526.  This 
was  printed  at  the  author's  own  press,  at  Naples ;  it  was 
afterwards  republished  by  his  son,  Antonio  Donato,  and 
entitled  Illustrium  et  exquisitissimarum  disfiutationum.  libri 
quatuor,  quibus  omnes  Divints  et  humance  sapientie^  firtesertim 
animi  moderatricisy  musica,  atq,  astrologix  arcana.,  in  Plu 
tarchi  Chterontei  de  virtute  morali  fingceptionibus  recondita^ 
summo  ingenii  acumine  retecta  patejiunt,  et  Jiguris.,  suo  qute- 
que  locoy  illustrantur.  Helionopoli.  ap.  Jo.  Theodobaldumy 
1609,  4i'o. 

'  The  principal  work  of  Belisario  consists  of  his  trea- 
tises De  FeTmtione,  et  de  Aucupio  ;  de  re  militari  et  singulari 
ecrtamine  ;  de  instituendis  principum  liberis,  Paraphrasis  in 
Economica  Aristotelis.     First  printed  at  Naples,  1519,  folio, 

afterwards- 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  125 

also  rivalled  in  his  military  talents,  and  towards  chap. 
whom  he  displayed  an  act  of  magnanimity,  which      ^^' 
confers  lasting  honour  on  his  memory.  *"  1492. 

^t.  17. 

These  noblemen  were  of  the  district  of  Nido; " 
as  was  also  Trojano  Cavanilla,  count  of  Troja  and 
Montella,  another  splendid  ornament  of  the  Nea- 
politan academy,  to  whom  Sanazzai-o  has  inscribed 
his  poem,  entitled  Salices ;  "  and  who,    although 

not 


afterwards  at  Basil,  1578,  8vo.  Sanazzaro,  in  one  of  his 
Epigrams,  lib.  ii.  38.  De  Lauro,  ad  JVentinorum  clucem, 
has  celebrated  his  munificence  in  reestablishing,  in  his  city 
of  Nardo,  the  academy  Del  Lauro. 

"•  On  the  descent  of  Charles  VIII.  into  Naples,  the 
duke  of  Atri,  being  suspected  of  having  favoured  the  cause 
of  the  French,  was  deprived,  by  his  sovereign,  of  the  fee 
of  Comersano,  from  which  he  derived  his  title  of  count, 
which  was  conferred  on  his  brother  Belisario  ;  but  no  sooner 
had  these  commotions  subsided,  than  Belisario  voluntarily 
relinquished  his  new  possessions  in  favour  of  his  brother, 
to  whom  they  were  restored  by  the  king;  and  Belisario 
was  created  count,  and  afterwards  duke  of  Nardi. 

Mazzuchelli^  Scrittori  d* Italia  i.  120. 

"  The  origin  of  these  divisions  of  the  city  of  Naples, 
called  by  the  inhabitants  Seggi,  is  fully  explained  by  Gian- 
none  in  his  History  of  Naples,  lib.  xx.  cafi.  4.  to  which  I 
must  refer. 

"  "  Accipe  flumineas  properatum  carmen  ad  undas, 
"  O  mihi  non  dubia,  Cabanili^  cognite  fama  ; 

"Sed 


126  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  not  enumerated  by  the  Italian  historians  among 
II-      their  authors,  appears  to  have  signalized  himself  by 
1492.     his  researches  into   antiquity.  ^     From  the   same 
^t.  1 7.   district  was  also  Giovanni  di  Sangro,  a  Neapolitan 
patrician,    to  whom  Sanazzaro,  dying  of  unsuc- 
cessful love,    commits  the  care  of  his    poetical 
rites.  '^ 

Of  the  department  of  Capua  were  Girolamo 
Caibone,  known  to  the  world  by  liis  poetical  wri- 
tings, 


"  Sed  longe  varies  re  rum  spectale  per  usus  : 

"  Nam  tibi  me  doctse  sic  devinxere  sorores, 

"  Sic  mea  felici  permulcent  pectora  cura, 

"  Ut  vix  uUa  queam  melioris  tempora  vita 

"  Te  sine,  vix  placidos  per  noctem  carpere  somnos." 

P  i*  Ipse  sux  referat  Cabanilius  ardua  Trojse 
"  Moenia,  et  antiques,  Appula  regna,  lares." 

Sanaz.  Eleg.  lib.  i.  el.  11. 

*i  "  Proh  superi,  tenues  ibit  Syncerus  in  auras  ? 
"  Nee  poterit  nigri  vincere  fata  rogi  ? 
"  Attu,  quandoquidem  Nemesis  jubet,  optime  Sangri, 

"  (Nee  fas  est  homine  vincere  posse  deam) 
"  Accipe  concussoe  tabulas  atque  arma  carina, 
"  Naufragiique  mei  collige  reliquias, 
"  Errantesque  cie  quocunque  in  littore  manes  ; 
"  Taliaque  in  tumulo  carmina  caede  meo 
"  Actius  hie  jaceo,  spes  meeum  extineta  quiescit ; 
"  Solus  de  nostro  funere  restat  amor." 

Sanaz.  Eleg,  lib.  i.  d.  10, 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  127 

tings,  *■  and  frequently  mentioned  with  particular  chap. 
applause  by  Pontano,  Sanazzaro,  and   Cariteo  ; '       ^^' 
and  Tristano  Carraccioli,  who  is  commemorated     1^92. 
by  Sanazzaro  in  his  Arcadia,  *  and  who  has  left  -^t.  17. 
a  brief  memoir,   in  Latin,    of  his  patron, "  with 
whom  he  appears  to  have  lived  on  terms  of  great 
intimacy. ' 

No 


r  Sonettif  Sestincy  ed  altre  fioesie  di  Girolamo  Carbone., 
Cavaliero  A'afiolitano.     A'a/ioli.  1506,  in  Jo. 

^  "  At  tu  castaliis  non  inficiande  choreis 
"  Castalidos,  Carbo,  nunc  cane  regna  tua." 

Sanaz.  El.  lib.  i.  el.  11. 

Et  -v.  Pontani  Hendec.  fi.  215.  De  Sermone,  fi.  231. 
Eridan.fi.  105  also  the  beautiful  elegy  of  Pontano,  invit- 
ing him  to  a  rustick  supper.  Eridan.  i.  120,  and  the  son- 
net of  Cariteo, 

"  Carbone,  in  cui  scintillan  bragie  accese." 

*  "  Ma  a  guisa  d'un  bel  sol,  fra  tutti  radia 
"  Carracciol,  ch'in  sonar  sampogne  e  cetere, 
"  Non  trovarebbe  il  pari  in  tutta  Arcadia." 

But  perhaps  some  doubt  may  be  entertained,  whether  this 
passage  may  not  relate  to  Gian  Francesco  Carraccioli,  who 
lived  at  this  period,  and  whose  poems  were  printed  at  Na- 
ples, in  1506.     -v.  Quadrio.  ii.  222. 

"  Printed  by  Roberto  de  Same,  at  the  end  of  his  life 
of  Pontano.     Aafioli.   1761. 

^  Pontani,  de  Sermone^  lib.  vf.fi.  231. 


128  LIFE   AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.       No  one  of  the  academicians  was  held  in  higher 

iJ^-      esteem  for  his  judgment  in  matters  of  taste,  than 

1492.     Francesco  Poderico,  or  Puderico,  of  the  district  of 

Mi.  17.  Montagna.  To  him  Pontano  and  Sanazzaro  in- 
scribed many  of  their  works,  and  Pietro  Summonte 
addressed  to  him,  after  the  death  of  its  author, 
the  dialogue  of  Pontano,  entitled  Aetius.  Although 
deprived  of  sight,  the  talents  of  Poderico  rendered 
him  the  delight  of  all  his  literaiy  friends.  ^  Such 
was  the  respect  paid  to  his  opinion  by  Sanazzaro, 
that  in  the  composition  of  his  celebrated  poem  De 
partu  Virg'inis^  \\ hich  he  was  twenty  yeai's  in  com- 
pleting, he  is  said  to  have  consulted  him  upon  every 
verse,  and  frequently  to  have  expressed  the  same 
verse  in  ten  different  forms,  before  he  could  please 
the  ear  of  this  fastidious  critick. "     Among  the 

Tumuli 


w  Pontani^  Hendec.  lib,  i.  fi.  206. 

^  In  one  of  his  poems,  of  which  only  a  fragment  re- 
mains, Sanazzaro  solicits  the  favour  of  his  friend. 

"  Tuque  ades,  o  nostri  merces  non  parva  laboris, 
"  Quem  Phoebus  mihi,  quem  doctx,  mea  turba,  puellx 
"  Conciliant  ;  dumque  ipse  ratem  de  litore  pello 
"  Da  vela  insinuans,  pelagoque  excurre  patent! 
"  Pars  animx,  Puderice,  me^e." 

Sanaz.  Op.  Ed.  Comino^  91. 

And  in  celebrating  the  day  of  his  nativity,  he  has  the  foK 
lowing  passage  : 

«  Adde 


OF  LEO  tftE  TENTH.  129 

Tumuli  of  Pontano,  which  his  officious  kindness  chap. 
frequently  devoted  to  his  living  friends,  is  one  in-      ^^' 
scribed  to  Poderico,    from  the  title  to  which  it     1492. 
appears,    that  he  ranked  among  the  nobility  of  -^*-  ^'^' 
Naples.  ^ 

Of  the  district  of  Porto  were  Pietro  Jacopo 
Gianuario,  of  whom  an  Italian  poem,  in  manu- 
script, has  been  preserved, '  and  his  son,  Alfonso 
Gianuario,  of  Portanova. 

The  only  member  of  the  academy  from  tlie  dis- 
trict of  Porta,  if  we  except  Sanazzai-o,  was  Ales* 

sandro 


"  Adde  tuos,  Puderice,  sales  ;  adde  inclyta  patris 
"  Eloquia ;  adde  animo  tot  bona  parta  tuo." 

Sanaz.  Eleg.  lib.  ii.  El.  2. 

Which,  however,  it  must  be  observed,  is  addressed  to 
Alberico,  the  son  of  Francesco,  of  whom  Pontano  relates 
the  following  anecdote  :  De  Sermone,  lid.  iv./i.  231,  "  Gar- 
*'  riebat  quispiam,  nostra  in  porticu,  quem  ferre  Albericus 
"  Pudericus  Francisci  nostri  filius,  cum  non  posset,  nullo 
"  dato  responso,  manu  sublata,  monuit,  nasum  ut  emun- 
"  geret  ;  quo  e  signo  mirificus  inter  astantes  exortus  est 
**  risus." 

y  Pontani,  Tumul.  where  he  is  called  "  ex  nobilitate^ 
"  Neapolitana." 

*  Vita  di  Sanazzar.  da  Crespo.  Ven.  1752,  fi.  8,  where 
it  appears,  that  this  poem  was  formerly  in  the  possession 
of  Matteo  Egizio,  an  Italian  lawyer. 

VOL.  I.  R 


130  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  saiidro  de'   Alessandri,    author    of  the    Geniaks 
II.       Dies,  a  work  which  has  been  esteemed,  and  fre- 
1492.     quently  commented  on,    as  one   of  the  classical 
^t.  \7.   productions  of  the  Latin  tongue.    He  was  born  of 
a  noble  fiimily  of  Naples,  about  the  yeai-  1461,  and 
in  the  early  part  of  his  life,  exercised  with  reputa- 
tion, the  profession  of  an  advocate,  at  Naples  and 
at  Rome  ;  but  his  intimacy  with  the  learned  men 
of  his  time,  seduced  him  from  his  employment, 
and  led  him  to  the  study  of  polite  literature.     Be- 
sides his  principal  work,  he  is  said  to  have  been  the 
author  of  several  dissertations  on  dreams,  spectres, 
and  on  houses  haunted  by  evil  spirits,  which  ai'e 
considered  as  proofs  of  childish  credulity  :  ^  but  it 
may  be  doubted,  whether  these  are  any  other  than 
"    his  chapters  on  those  subjects  in  his  Geniaks  Dies. 
Of  that  collection  very  different  opinions  have  been 
entertained,    and  he  has  been  accused  of  having 
stolen  even  the  plan  of  his  work  from  Aulus  Gel- 
Hus.     But  what  is  there  peculiar  in  a  plan,  which 
consists  only  in  dividing  a  certain  number  of  un- 
connected observations  into  a  certain  number  of 
books  ?     In  truth,  his  works  prove  him  to  have 
been  a  man  of  extensive  reading,  great  industry, 
and  a  considerable  shai'e  of  critical  ability,  and  he 
was  perhaps  as  little  tinctured  with  superstition, 

as 


TiTub.  Storia  ddla  Lett.  Itul.  vii.  Imr.  2.  p.  240. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  131 

as  most  of  the  uTiters  of  the  age  in  which  he  chap. 
lived. "  ^^- 

1492. 

Among  those  who  resided  beyond  the  districts,  Mt.  17. 
were  Antonio  Carbone,  lord  of  Alise ;  Giovanni 
Elio,  called  also  Elio  Marchese; "  Giuniano  Majo, 
the  preceptor  of  Sanazzaro,  ^  and  ^^'ho  has  left  a 
monument  of  his  singular  learning,  in  his  treatise 
De  pjisconim  proprietate  'aerhorum  ;  ^  Luca  Gras- 

so; 


^  The  Geniales  Dies  were  first  published  at  Naples,  in 
1522.  In  the  first  chapter  of  the  second  book,  is  an  inter- 
esting account  of  the  manner  in  which  Sanazzaro  was  ar- 
customed  to  entertain  his  literary  friends. 

■^  "  ^lius  at  Blandac  fretus  dulcedine  lingux 
"  Facunda  totos  conterat  arte  dies." 

Sanaz.  El.  lib.  i.  1 .1 


"*  "  Nectat  honorata  Majus  sua  dicta  corona, 
"  Tamque  pias  ferulas  regia  sceptra  vocet. 


Cariteo  also  commemorates. 


Ibid, 


"  Musefilo  at  Majo,  anime  argute, 
"  Ciascune  Quintliano  al  secol  nostro, 
"  Moderator  de  I'aspra  gioventute." 

Contra  i  malevoli. 

^  First  printed  at  Naples,  in  1475,  and  again  in  1480 ; 
it  was  also  printed  at  Treves,  1477  and  1480,  and  at  Ve- 
nice,  1482. 


132  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  SO ;  Giovanni  Aniso,  whose  Latin  poems  are  pub- 

II-       lished  under  die  name  of  Janus  Anysius,  and  au- 

1492.    dior  of  a  tragedy  entitled  Protogotios  ;^  the  poet 

Ma.  17.    Cariteo;  Pietro  Compai'e,  frequently  addressed  by 

Pontano  as  his  associate  in  the  rites  of  Bacchus  and 

of  Venus;  ^  Pietro  Summonte,  himself  an  elegant 

writer, 


^  Jani  Anysii  varia  fioemata  et  Satyr x;  JSteafi.  1531,  Aito, 
JEjusdem  Anysii  Tragedia  cui  titulus,  Protogonos,  JVeafi, 
1536.  4>to.  Cslio  Calcagnini  thus  adverts  to  the  writings 
of  Aniso, 

"  Quis  non  Anysii  duke  carmen,  et  Musas 
"  Exosculetur  ?  quse  adeo  dulce  dictarunt 
"  Carmen  ;  cui  invidei'e  plurimi  possint ; 
"  Quod  xmulari  aut  alter,  aut  queat  nemo." 

Carm.  illustr.  Paet^  Ital.  iii.  68. 

s  Fontan.  Hendec.  p.  189,  213.  Epigr.  233;  some  of 
which  rival  Catullus,  both  in  elegance  and  indecency.  That 
Piero  was  distinguished  by  his  own  writings,  appears  from 
the  beautiful  and  affectionate  lines  of  Sanazzaro,  on  hi^ 
death.  Epigr.  lib.  ii.  15.  He  is  also  enumerated  by  the 
poet  among  his  particular  friends,  and  celebrated  for  his 
wit  and  vivacity : 

"  Nee  minus  et  Musx  repetens  monimenta  jocosac 
"  Compater,  argutos  ingerat  ore  sales." 

Sanaz.  Eleg,  lib.  i.  el.  11. 

Pontano  dedicated  to  him  a  monviment  in  his  chapel  at 
Naples,  with  the  following  inscription  : 

"Petro  Compatri,  viro  officiosissimo, 
"pontanus  posuit,  constantem  ob  amicitiam.'* 


or  LEO  THE  TENTH.  133 

writer,  and  to  whose  pious  care  we  are  indebted  chap. 

for  the  preservation  of  the  works  of  many  of  his  ^^- 

leai-ned  friends;'*    Tomaso  Fusco;'  RutiHo  Ze-  1*9 2. 

none;^  Girolamo  Angeriano,  whose  poems  have  -^t-  ^^ 
been  published  with  those  of  MaruUus  and  Johan- 
nes 


^  For  which  he  is  celebrated  in  the  following  exquisite 
verses  by  Sanazzaro  ; 

"  Excitat  obstrictas  tumuUs  Summontius  umbras  : 

'*  Impleat  ut  sanctx  munus  amicitis  : 
"  Utque  prius  vivos,  sic  et  post  fata  sodales 

"  Observat ;  tristes  et  sedet  ante  rogos  : 
"  Nee  tantum  violas  cineri,  ac  beneolentia  ponit 

"  Serta,  sed  et  lachrymis  irrigat  ossa  piis. 
"  Parva  loquor  :  cultis  reparat  monumenta  libellis  ; 

"  Cum  possint  longam  saxa  timere  diem. 
^'  At  tu,  vivaci  qux  fulcis  nomina  Fama, 

"  Poscenti  gratas,  Musa,  repende  vices  ; 
"  Ut  quoniam  dulces  optat  sic  vivere  amicos, 

"  Vivat,  etin  libris  sit  sacer  ille  meis." 

"S'anaz.  Efiigr.  lib.  ii.  9. 

To  Summonte,  Cariteo  has  also  addressed  the  highly 
commendatory  sonnets,  beginning, 

"  Summontio,  in  dubbio  sono  ove  nascesti.'* 
and 

"  Summontio  mio,  dal  summo  Aonio  monte." 

*  To  Tomaso  Fusco,  Sanazzaro  has  addressed  his  Elegy 
on  the  Calends  of  December,     lib.  \\\.  el.  3. 

J  "  Certent  Socraticis  Zenonis  scripta  libellis  j 
"  Cujus  apis  vernos  intulit  ore  favos." 

Sanaz.  Eleg.  lib.  i.  11. 


134  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  lies    Secundus;'     Antonio  Tebaldeo,   an    Italian 

Jt-      poet,  of  considerable  eminence,  who  chiefly  resided 

1492.    at  Ferrara,  and  whose  writings  will  occur  to  our 

JEt.  17.  future  notice;  Girolamo  Borgia,  a  Latin  poet;'" 

and  Massimo  Corvino,  bishop  of  Massa,  who  had 

in  his  youth  distinguished  himself  by  his  poetical 

compositions." 

Of  the  Regnicoli  were  Gabriele  Altilio,  bishop 
of  Polycastro,  author  of  the  celebrated  Epithala- 

mium 


'  Poeta  tres  elegayitissimi ;  scilicet^  Michael  Marullus^ 
Hieronymus  Angtrianus^  et  Joannes  Secundus.  Paris,  1582. 
Many  of  his  works  ai'e  also  inserted  in  the  Carmina  illustr. 
Poet.  Italorum,  the  merits  of  which  he  has  himself  well 
appreciated  in  the  following  lines,  entitled  Libellum  ad 
Lector  em. 

"  Doctrinam  si  forte  cupis,  si  forte  lepores 
"  Pierios,  Domini,  ne  lege  scripta  mei ; 

"  Dum  nimis  igne  calet,  solum  describit  inertes 
''  Curas,  et  quanta  est  Celia,  quantus  amor." 

Cctrm.  illustr.  Poet.  Ital.'i.  298. 

'"  A  favourable  specimen  of  his  writings  is  given  in  the 
Carm.  illust.  Poet.  Ital.  ii.  427.  One  of  the  Elegies  of 
Pontano  is  addressed  Ad  Hieronymum  Borgiu7n^  fioetam 
elegantissimum.  Aniores.,  p.  129,  from  which  we  learn, 
that  the  family  of  Borgia  was  originally  of  Spain,  and  that 
his  ancestors,  having  visited  Italy,  on  a  warlike  expeditiofl, 
had  there  taken  up  their  abode. 

"  "  Quique  veluttenei'a  surgitnovus  arbore  ramus 
"  Corvimis,  quavis  aure  probanda  canat." 

San.  Elcg.  i.  11. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  135 

mium  on  the  marriage  of  Gian-Galeazzo  Sforza  chap. 
witli  Isabella  of  Aragon,  and  the  frequent  subject      ^^- 
of  the  panegyrick  of  his  contemporaries ;  °  Antonio     1492. 
Galateo  of  Lecce,  deservedly  held  in  high  estima-   ^t.  i  T. 
tion  in  his  profession,  as  a  physician,  and  whose 
attainments  in  natural  and  moral  philosophy,  were 
much  beyond  the  level  of  the  age  in  which  he 
lived  ;^  and  Giovanni  Eliseo,  of  Anfratta,  in  Apu- 
lia, 


°  This  Epithalamium  is  published  in  the  Carm.  illustr. 
Poet.  Ital.'i.  129.  And  is  also  printed,  with  a  few  other 
pieces  of  the  same  author,  at  the  close  of  the  works  of 
Sanazzaro,  by  Comino,  Patuv.  1731,  Ato.  where  numerous 
testimonies  are  collected  of  the  merits  of  Altilius.  Some 
of  these  pieces  had,  however,  before  been  printed  with  the 
works  of  Sanazzaro,  Daniel  Cereti,  and  the  brothers  of  the 
Amalthei,  illustrated  by  the  notes  of  Peter  Vlamingii, 
Amst.  1728,  in  one  vol.  8vo.  which  may  be  united  with  the 
variorum  editions  of  the  classicks.  The  Epithalamium 
was  translated  into  Italian  by  Giovanni  Battista  Carminati, 
a  Venetian  nobleman ;  and  published  by  Comino,  in  the 
year  1730,  after  the  death  of  the  translator.  Quadrioii. 
587. 

P  Galateo  is  said  to  have  indicated  the  possibility  of  the 
navigation  to  the  East  by  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  in  his 
treatise  De  situ  Elementorum^  published  in  1 50 1,  but  written 
some  years  prior  to  that  period.  Tirab.\\.  1.  166.  In  his 
moral  writings,  he  combated,  with  sound  reason,  the  pre- 
vailing notions  of  supernatural  agency,  Tirab.  vi.  1.  296. 
He  also  illustrated  the  topography  of  his  native  country 
with  accurate  maps  and  descriptions.  Giovio^  Iscritt.  211. 
Galateo  is  not  only  celebrated  in  the  works  of  the  poets  of 
the  time,  for  his  great  acquirements  and  amiable  qualities., 
but  was  himself  also  a  poet  of  considerable  merit. 


136  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  lia,  better  kno^vn  as  a  Latin  poet,  by  the  name  of 
II-      Elysius  Calentius.^ 

1492. 

Mi.  17.         The  associated  strangers,  whose  names  have 
been  preserved  to  us,  were  Lodovico  Montalto,  of 
Syracuse ; '   Pietro  Gravina,  a  canon  of  Naples, 
and  a  Latin  poet  of  the  first  celebrity ; '   Marc- 
Antonio 


•J  His  works  were  printed  at  Rome,  in  1503,  under  the 
title  of  0/iuscula  Elysii  Calentii,  Poette  clarissinn,  Ifc.  This 
volume  is  extremely  rare  ;  having,  as  it  is  supposed,  been 
suppressed,  although  sanctioned  by  a  privilege  from  the 
court  of  Rome,  "v.  de  Bure,  2892.  This  author  has  obtained 
a  place  among  the  unfortunate  sons  of  literature,  whom 
Tollius  has  enumerated  in  his  Appendix  to  Valerianus, 
fi.  \\.  It  appears,  however,  that  his  misfortunes  were 
occasioned  by  his  amorous  propensities,  which  engrossed 
both  his  talents  and  his  time.  To  this  the  following  elegant 
lines  of  Angelo  Colocci  refer. 

"  Sumpserat  Elysius  calamum  scripturus  amoris 
"  Saeviliam,  tenuem  risit  amor  calamum  :    - 

"  Pectus  et  arrepta  transfixit  arundine,  dicens, 
"  Judice  te,  die,  quis  fortior  est  calamus." 

Coloccii  vita,  a  Ubaldino.  Rom.  1673. 

"■  His  praises  are   warmly   celebrated  by   Sanazzaro. 
Eleg.  lib.  ii.  El.  6. 

^  The  Epigrams  of  Gravina  are  preferred  by  Sanazzaro 
to  those  of  all  his  contemporaries.  His  poems  were  printed 
at  Naples,  in  1532,  4to.  A  few  of  them  are  also  inserted 
in  the  Carm.  illustr.  Poet.  Ital.  v.  366.  Among  the  Hen- 
decasyllabi  of  Pontano  is  an  invitation  to  Gravina,  to  par^ 
take  with  him  the  voluptuous  retreat  of  Baja.  Pont.  Ofi. 
p.  208. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  137 

Antonio  Flaminio,  of  Sicily,  a  distinguished  scho-  chap. 
lar,  but  not  to  be  mistaken  for  the  celebrated  Latin      ^^- 
poet  of  the  same  name,  a  native  of  Serravalle;     ^^^^ 
Egidio,  afterwards  cardinal  of  Viterbo;'    Baito-   ^t.  17, 
lommeo  Scala,  of  Florence;"   Basilio  Zanchi,  of 
Bergamo,   distinguished  by  the  elegance  of  his 
Latin  compositions,''  and  whose  beautiful  verses 
on  the  death  of  Sanazzaro  were  translated  into 
Italian,   by   the  great    Torquato  Tasso ;    Jacopo 
Sadoleti,  afterwards  secretaiy  to  Leo  X.  and  who, 
at  a  more  advanced  period  of  life,  attained  the 
dignity  of  the  purple  ;  Giovanni  Cotta,  of  Verona, 
who  followed  the  fortunes  of  the  celebrated  Vene- 
tian General,  Bartolommeo  d'Alviano,  and  whose 
Latin  poems  may  aspire  to  rank  with  those   of 
Navagero,   Fracastoro,   and  Aniso,   with    whom 

he 


*  A  disciple  of  Mariano  Genazzano,  and  said  by  Giovio 
to  have  far  excelled  his  master  in  learning  and  eloquence. 
Iscritt.  161.  In  his  youth  he  cultivated  Italian  poetry,  and 
his  stanze,  entitled  Caccia  d'  Amore^  evince  considerable 
poetical  talents.  They  have  often  undergone  the  press, 
particularly  with  the  works  of  Girolamo  Benivieni,  Ven. 
1526.  and  with  sundry  poems  of  Benivieni  and  Bojardo. 
Ven.  1537. 

>i  Life  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  ii.  86,  88, 

"  Published  at  Rome,   1540,  4to.  and  again  at  Basil. 
1555,  8vo. 

VOL.  I.  S 


138  LIIE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  he  lived  in  habits  of  friendship;"^   Matteo  Albi- 
!!•      no ;"  Pietro  Bembo;  Antonio  Michele,  of  Venice  ; 
1492.     Giovan- Pietro   Valeriano,   of   Belluno;^    Nicolas 
Mt.  17.    Grudius,   of  Rohan  ;^   Giacomo  Latino,  of  Flan- 
ders ;    Giovanni   Pardo,   often   celebrated   in   the 
writings  of  Sanazzaro  and  Pontano ;  *  and  Michaele 

Marullus 


^''  The  poems  of  Cotta  are  printed  in  the  scarce  volume 
of  the  Carmina  v.  illustrium  Poetarum^  scilicet,  Petti  Bembi, 
And.  J^faugerii,  Balth.  CastHiuni,  Joannis  Cotta,  et  M.  Ant. 
Flaminii.  Fen.  Valgrisi,  1548,  %vo.  Some  of  them  also 
appear  in  the  Carm.  illustr.  Poet.  Ital.  iii.  490,  and  in  other 
collections. 

^  "  Et  qui  Pieriis  resonat  non  ultimus  antris 
"  Albinus,  referat  principis  acta  sui." 

y  Author  of  the  treatise  De  Literatoriun  Infelicitate,  and 
a  distinguished  Latin  poet,  to  whose  works  we  shall  have 
occasion  to  advert. 

^  Probably  the  father  of  the  poet  Joannes  Secundus,  and 
his  two  learned  brothers,  Nicolas  and  Hadrian  Marius, 
whose  works  were  published  together  at  Leyden,  by  Vulca- 
nius,  afi  Elz.  1612. 

*  A  few  scattered  productions  of  Pardo  appear  in  the 
works  of  Pontano,  and  Sanazzaro  ;  which  show  that  he 
had  imbibed  the  same  elegance  of  Latin  composition  that 
distinguished  the  other  members  of  the  Neapolitan  aca- 
demy.    Cariteo  denominates  him 

"  Pardo  insigne,  e  chiaro, 
«  Per  gemino  idioma  al  mondo  altero." 

Contra  i  malevoli. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  139 

Marullus  of  Constantinople,  Avho  excelled  all  his  c  h  a  p. 
countrymen  in  the  elegance  of  his  Latin  compo-       ^^' 
sitions.  1492. 

^t.  17. 

Of  this  numerous  catalogue  it  is  but  justice  to 
observe,  that  there  is  scarcely  an  individual  who  has 
not,  by  the  labours  of  the  sword  or  of  the  pen,  en- 
titled himself  to  the  notice  of  the  biographer,  and  the 
approbation  of  posterity.  Nor  would  it  be  difficult 
to  make  considerable  additions  to  it,  if  the  forego- 
ing account  were  not  amply  sufficient  to  demon- 
strate the  ardour  and  success  with  which  polite 

letters 


^  His  works  were  published  at  Florence,  1497,  under 
the  title  of  Hymni  et  Efii^rammata  Marulli^  4to.  The 
commendations  bestowed  upon  him  by  the  younger  Bero- 
aldo,  are  highly  honourable  both  to  the  Greek  and  the 
Italian,  whose  countrymen  were  too  often  jealous  of  the 
reputation  of  the  eastern  fugitives.  "  lUe  homo  transma- 
*'  rinus  nostrates  versu  provocavit ;  atque  in  hoc  stadio  ita 
**  enituit,  ut  cum  quolibet  non  suae  modo  sctatis  vate,  sed 
"  etiam  antiquorum  conferri  possit.  Epigrammata  scripsit, 
"  quibus  humanos  affectus,  mores,  actionesque,  mire  com- 
'  plexus  est ;  executus  jucunda  lepide,  gravia  severe, 
"  mcEsta  flebiliter,  taxanda  mordaciter,  grandia  audacter, 
"  sententiosa  sapienter ;  omniaque  hxc  pari  ingenio. 
"  Hymnos  vero  primus  apud  Romanes,  et  eo  quidem 
"  spiritu  conscripsit,  ut  ab  ipsis  Diis  quos  celebravit, 
"  quodam  numine  afflatus  esse  videatur." 

Beroald.  Efi.  ad  Herm.  JBendvolium,  in  o/i.  Codn 
Urcei.  ft.  285. 


140  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  letters  were  cultivated  at  Naples,  under  the  princes 
II-       of  the  house  of  Aragon." 

1492. 

^.t.  17.  Next  to  the  cities  of  Naples  and  Florence, 
state  of  lite-  pcrhaps  no  place  in  Italy  had  fairer  pretensions  to 
Ferrara.  literary  eminence  than  Fen-ara.  During  the  whole 
of  the  fifteenth  century,  the  family  of  Este,  who 
had  held  the  sovereignty  of  that  place  for  many 
generations,  had  displayed  an  invariable  attention 
to  the  cause  of  letters,  and  had  rewarded  their 
professors  with  a  munificence  that  attracted  them 

from 


'^  To  this  enumeration  of  the  Neapolitan  poets,  at  the 
close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  I  must,  however,  be  allowed 
to  add  the  name  of  Fillenio  Gallo,  of  Montesano  ;  of  whose 
writings  a  MS.  copy,  of  this  period,  is  in  my  possession. 
PauUo  Giovio,  who  with  a  laudable  curiosity,  collected  the 
portraits  of  many  of  the  eminent  men  of  his  own,  and  pre- 
ceding times,  enumerates,  at  the  close  of  the  first  book  of 
his  Elog'ii,  the  names  of  several  distinguished  persons,  of 
whom  he  had  already  obtained  portraits,  and  whose  charac- 
ters he  intended  for  his  second  book — "  die  essendo  ancora 
'*  in  vita,  godono  I'eccelsa  gloria  de'lor  fecondi  ingegni." 
Among  these  he  enumerates  Phylandro  Gallo,  who  may, 
perhaps,  be  presumed  to  be  the  same  person  who  is  above? 
and  in  his  own  writings  called  Fillenio.  With  the  exception 
of  this  doubtful  reference,  I  find  no  account  of  this  author 
in  any  of  the  records  of  Italian  literature.  That  he  lived  to- 
wards the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  abundantly  appears 
from  his  writings  ;  which  consist  of  Eclogues,  Sonnets,  Ses- 
tini,  and  other  lyrick  compositions.  His  style  approaches 
nearer  to  that  of  Serafino  d'Aquila  than  any  other  author- 


OF  LEO   THE  TENTH.  141 

from  all  parts  of  Italy,  and  rendered  Ferrai'a  a  chap. 
flourisliing  theatre  of  science,  and  of  arts.     At  the      ^^• 


close  of  the  century,  that  city,  with  its  dependent  1492. 
states  of  Modena  and  Reggio,  were  under  the  -^t.  17 
government  of  Ercole  I.  the  successour  of  Borso, 
whom  the  favour  of  the  populace  had  preferred  to 
his  nephew  Nicolo  d'  Este,  the  son  of  the  celebrated 
Leonello.  The  succession  to  the  sceptre  of  Ferrai'a, 
exhibits  indeed  a  striking  instance  of  the  disregard 
which  was  then  paid  to  the  laws  generally  establish- 
ed on  that  subject,  and  of  the  great  attention 
bestowed  on  personal  merit.  By  Ercole  the  uni- 
versity of  Ferrara  was  maintained  in  high  respecta- 
bility ;  the  library  of  his  family  \vas  increased ;  a 
superb  theatre  was  erected  for  the  representation 
of  dramatick  performances,  in  which  the  first  piece 
acted  was  the  Mencechmus  of  FhutuSy  which  is  said 
to  have  been  translated  into  Italian  for  that  purpose 
by  the  duke  himself.  When  such  was  the  charac- 
ter of  the  sovereign,  we  shall  not  be  surprised  at 

the 


^  We  learn  from  a  Latin  elegy  of  Battista  Guarino,  that 
the  representation  of  this  piece  in  the  year  1486,  attracted 
the  attention,  and  excited  the  wonder  of  all  Italy.  After 
describing  the  splendid  preparations  made  for  that  purpose 
by  the  duke,  he  adverts  to  the  great  concourse  of  people 
which  it  induced  to  visit  Ferrara — 

"  Venit  et  ad  magnos  populosa  Bononia  ludos, 
"  Et  cum  finitimis  Mantua  principibus  ; 

"  Euganeis  junctae  properarunt  coUibus  urbes, 
"  Quique  bibunt,  lymphas,  Arne  vadose,  tuas  ; 

Hiiic 


142 


LIFE  AND   PONTIFICATE 


CHAP,  the  number  of  learned  men  who  frequented  his 

II-       court,  and  who  dignified  his  reign  by  the  acknow- 

1492.     ledged  excellence  of  their  productions.**     Not  to 

Mt.  17.  dwell  on  the  merits  of  Ottavio  Cleofilo,  Luca  Riva, 
Lodovico  Bigi,  Tribraco  Modonese,  Lodovico 
Carro,  and  others,  who  cultivated  Latin  poeti-y 
with  various  success ;  the  works  of  the  two  Strozzi, 
Tito  Vespasiano,  the  father,  and  Ercole,  the  son, 
are  alone  sufficient  to  place  Ferrara  high  in  literary 
rank  among  the  cities  of  Italy. 


The  two 
Strozzi. 


These  distinguished  Latin  poets  were  of  the 
illustrious  family  of  the  same  name  at  Florence, 

from 


"  Hinc  plebs,  hinc  equiles  plauserunt,  inde  senatus, 
"  Hinc  cum  Virgineo  nupta  caterva  choro." 

Pandolfo  Collenucio  of  Pesaro,  who  excelled  not  only  as  a 
professor  of  the  civil  law,  but  in  other  departments  of  lite- 
rature, as  appears  from  the  correspondence  between  him 
and  Politiano,  fPol.  Ep.  lib.  vii.  Eii.  32.  3 5. J  produced 
two  dramatick  pieces  for  the  theatre  of  Ferrara.  The  An- 
fitnone^  printed  at  Venice,  1530,  and  Joseph,  in  1564. 
Girolamo  Berardo,  of  Ferrara,  the  Count  Matteo  Maria 
Boiardo,  and  Battista  Guarino,  also  exerted  their  talents 
on  this  occasion.      Tirab.  Storia  della  Let.  Ital.  vi.  2.  187. 

^  A  contemporary  writer  assures  us,  that  poets  were  as 
plentiful  in  the  city,  as  frogs  in  the  territory,  of  Ferrara. 

"  Nam  tot  Fqrraria  vates, 
"  -Quot  ranas,  tellus  Ferrariensis,  habet." 

Bartol.  Pag.  Prignani.  ap.   Tirab.  Storia  della  Let.  Ital.  vi. 
2.  218. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  143 

from  whence  Nanna  Strozzi,  the  father  of  Tito,  chap. 
passed  to  Ferrara  in  the  military  service  of  Niccolo       ^^' 
III.  in  which  he  acquired  great  honour.       The      1492. 
rank,  the  talents,  and  the  learning  of  Tito,  rendered    -fit.  17. 
him  a  fit  person  to  negotiate  the  affairs  of  Ercole, 
duke  of  Ferrara,  with  foreign  powers,  and  he  was 
accordingly  employed  as  his  ambassadour  on  seve- 
ral important  missions.     He  also  occasionally  held 
some  of  the  first  offices  in  the  state ;   in  the  exe- 
cution of  which,  he  appears  to  have  incurred,  at 
times,  no  small  share  of  popular  odium.     In  the 
midst,  however,  of  the  occupations  and  storms  of 
his  publick  life,  he  cultivated  his  talents  for  Latin 
poetry  with  unremitting  attention,  and  has  even 
endeavoured  to  render  his  compositions  the  vehicle 
of  his  justification  to  posterity. &     The  writings  of 
Tito  are  distinguished  by  their  simplicity,    and 

purity 


f  Tit.  Vesfi.  Struzza  Efiitaph.  pro  Kanne  patre.,  in  op. 
145. 

g  The  scholars  of  the  fifteenth  century  thought  it  as 
necessary  to  have  an  adversary,  on  whom  they  might  lavish 
their  abuse,  as  a  mistress,  to  whom  they  might  address 
their  amorous  effusions.  The  satirical  talents  of  Tito  are 
directed  against  some  person,  whom  he  denominates  Go-" 
rellus,  and  who,  if  we  may  credit  the  poet, 

"  civilibus  armis 
"  Expulsus  patria,  jam  quatuor  exulat  annos, 
"  Damnatus  Romae  furti,  se  carcere  fracto 
"  Eripuisse  cruci   fertur,  Senamque  profectus, 
"  Dum  cauti,  atque  manu  prompt!  Lenonis,  amicam 

"  Pollicitus 


144  LIFE   AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  purity  of  diction,  rather  than  by  their  strength  of 

II'      sentiment,  or  energy  of  st3^1e."     In  some  of  his 

1492.     pieces  he  has  celebrated  the  antiquity  of  his  family, 

Mt.  17.  and  the  opulence  and  achievements  of  his  ancestors ; 
whilst  in  others  he  has  taken  occasion  to  acquaint 
posterity  with  some  particulars  of  his  own  life  and 
character.  Ercole  Strozzi  stands  yet  higher  in  the 
annals  of  literature,  than  his  father.  Eminently  skil- 
led in  the  Greek  and  Latin  languages,  he  had  not 
neglected  the  cultivation  of  liis  own,  in  which  he 
^vi-ote  with  distinguished  elegance.  By  his  fellow- 
citizen,  Celio  Calcagnini,  he  is  celebrated  for  his 
integrity,  his  magnanimity,  and  his  filial  piety  ;  and 
for  all  those  qualities  which  endear  a  man  to  his 
friends,  and  to  his  country.'  A  short  time  before 
his  death,  Tito  Strozzi  had  begun  a  Latin  poem, 
in  praise  of  Borso  d'Este,  of  which  he  had  com- 
pleted ten  books,  and  which  he  requested  his  son 

to 


"  Pollicitus  maria  ac  montes,  abducere  tentat, 
"  Turpiter  amisit,  truncatis  naribus,  aures." 

He  afterwards  enter?  into  a  justification  of  his  publick  con- 
duct.    -V.  Serm.ad  Bonav.  Pistoiihilum.  Op..  142. 

''  We  are  informed  by  Tiraboschi,  that  many  unpublish- 
ed poems  of  this  distinguished  scholar  remain  in  the  ducal 
library  at  Modena  "  ed  alcune  assai  piu  eleganti  di  quelle, 
"  che  han  vedute  la  luce." 

Storia  della  Let.  Ital.  vupar.  \\.p.  209. 

i  Calcagnini,  Oratio  in  Funere  Hetculis  Stroza^  in  fine 
Strozz.  Op.il.  148. 


OF  LEO   TH£  TENTH.  145 

to  finish  aiid  publish,  with  a  correct  edition  of  his  c  h  a  p. 
other  poems;  but  Ercole  did  not  survive  long      J^* 
enough,  either  to  complete  the  task  imposed  upon     1^92. 
him,  by  the  publication  of  his  father's  writings,   -^t.  17.. 
or  to  correct  his  own  ;  having  been  assassinated  in 
the  year  1508,  and  m  the  prime  of  life,  by  a  noble- 
man who  had  unsuccessfully  paid  his  addresses  to 
the  lady  whom  Ercole  had  married.^    That  task 
was  therefore  intrusted  by  Guido  and  Lorenzo, 
his  surviving  brothers,  to  the  celebrated  printer, 
Aldo  Manuzio,  who  in  the  year  1513,  gave  these 
poems  to  the  publick  in  an  elegant  and  coiTCCt 
edition. 

In  enumerating  the  learned  men,  who  at  this 
time  resided  in  the  state  of  Ferrara,  it  would  be 
unpardonable  to  omit  another  accomplished  scholar,  soiado. 
and  celebrated  poet,  who  died  in  the  year  1494, 
and  who  will  not  therefore  occur  again  to  our  pai'- 
ticular  notice.  The  eminent  Matteo  Maria  Boiardo, 
Count  of  Scandiano,  was  born  in  the  territory  of 

FeiTara 


i  In  one  of  his  elegies,  lib.  i.  fi.  69.  he  seems  not  to 
have  been  without  apprehensions  of  his  untimely  fate  ;  after 
indulging  in  the  idea  that  his  mistress  would  lament  his 
-^eath,  he  adds — 

"  Sed  jam  summa  venit  fatis  urgentibus  hora, 
"  Ah  1  nee  arnica  mihi,  nee  mihi  mater  adest  J 

•''  Altera  ut  ore  legat  properse  suspiria  vitse, 
"  Altera  uti  condat  lumina,  et  ossa  tegat/* 
VOL.  I.  T 


^t.  ir. 


146-  LIFli  AND  PONTIFICATE 

G  HA  P.  Ferrara,  about  the  yeai'  143Q,  and  spent  in  that 
^^°  city  the  chief  part  of  his  hfe,  honoured  with  the 
1492.  favour  and  friendship  of  Borso,  and  Ercole  d'Este, 
and  frequently  intrusted  by  them,  as  governour  of 
the  subordinate  cities  in  their  dominion.  Boiardo 
is  principally  kno^vn  by  his  epick  Romance,  of 
Orlando  InnamoratOy  of  which  the  yet  more  cele- 
brated poem  of  Ariosto,  is  not  only  an  imitation, 
but  a  continuation.  Of  this  Mork,  he  did  not  live 
to  complete  the  third  book,  nor  is  it  probable  that 
any  part  of  it  had  the  advantage  of  his  last  correc- 
tions ;  yet  it  is  j  ustly  regarded  as  exhibiting,  upon 
the  whole,  a  warmth  of  imagination,  and  a  vivacity 
of  colouring,  which  rendered  it  highly  interesting ; ' 

nor 


^  In  particular,  he  held  the  chief  command  for  several 
years  at  Reggio,  where  he  died,  on  the  twentieth  day  of 
February,  1494;  as  appears  by  a  MS.  chronicle  of  his 
contemporary,  Bernardino  de'  Zambotti,  cited  by  Mazzu- 
chelli — "  A  di  20,  Febbraro  il  Magnifico  Conte  Matteo 
"  Maria  Bojardo,  Signer  di  Scandiano,  Capitano  di  Reggio, 
"  e  della  Cittadella,  mori  in  Reggio,  il  quale  era  valente 
"  uomo,  e  dotto  in  versi,  in  prosa,  e  in  rima  ;  faceto,  cauto, 
"  e  sapientissimo ;  molto  diletto  al  Duca  nostro,  e  a  tutta 
«  la  casa  d'Este,"  £^c. 

Scrittori  d'  Ital.  -v.  v.  fi.  1438. 

'  The  Orlando  Innamorato  was  first  printed  in  Scan- 
diano, per  Pellegrbio  Pasijuali^  ad  istanza  del  Conte  Ccmiillo 
Boiardo,  son  of  the  author,  about  the  year  1495,  and  after- 
wards in  Venice  about  the  year  1500;  which  latter  de 
Bure  erroneously  cites  as  the  first  edition,  Bib.  Instr.  JVo. 

2377. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  147 

nor  is  it  perhaps  without  reason,  that  the  simplicity  chap. 
of  the  original  has  occasioned  it  to  be  preferred  to    .ii'_ 
the  same  work,  as  altered  or  refcjrmed  by  Fran-     1492. 
cesco  Bemi,  who  has  carried  the  marvellous  to   M.  17. 
such  an  extreme  as  to  deprive  his  narrative  of  all 
pretensions  to  even  poetick  probability,  and  by  his 
manifest  attempts  to  be  always  jocular,  has  too 
often  destroyed  the  effects  of  his  jocularity."* 

Less  known,  but  not  less  valuable,  than  his 
epick  poem,  are  the  thi-ee  books  of  sonnets,  and 
lyrick  pieces,  by  Boiai'do,  collected  and  published 
after  his  death,  under  the  Latin  title  of  Amores^"^ 

although 


3377.  The  labours  of  Boiardo  had  terminated  at  the  ninth 
canto  of  the  third  book,  from  which  period,  it  was  conti- 
nued by  Niccolo  degli  Agostini ;  and  of  this  joint  produc- 
tion, numerous  editions  have  been  published. 

""  Besides  the  rifacciamento  of  this  poem  by  Berni,  of 
which  the  best  editions  are  those  of  Calvo,  Milan^  1542, 
and  the  Giunti,  Venice.,  1545  ;  the  poem  was  corrected 
and  altered  by  Lodovico  Dominichi,  and  published  at 
Venice,  by  Girolamo  Scotto,  m  1545,  and  several  times 
afterwards. 

n  Printed  at  Reggio,  fier  Maestro  Francesco  Mazolo,  \n 
1499,  and  at  Venice,  fier  Sessa,  in  1501,  4to.  "  Rarissime 
sono  amendue  queste  edizioni,"  says  Mazzuchelli,  v.  //. 
1443. — Besides  this  volume,  Boiardo  is  the  author  oi  Cinque 
Cafiitoli  in  terza  rima  sojira  il  Timore.,  la  Gelosia^  la  S/ie- 
ranza^  VAmore.,  ed  il  Trionfo  del  vano  viondo  ;  which  have 
been  frequently   printed,  with  other  detached  poems  by 

Benivieni 


148  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 


C  H  A,  P. 
II. 


although  wholly  consisting  of  Italian  poems.  When 
it  is  considered,  that  the  greater  part  of  these  pieces 
1492.  were  Avritten  at  a  time,  when  the  Tuscan  poetry 
Mt  ir.  was  in  its  lowest  state  of  debasement,  we  may  just- 
ly be  surprised  at  the  choice  of  expression  which 
they  frequently  display,  and  the  purity  of  style  by 
which  they  are  almost  invariably  characterized.  At 
the  request  of  his  great  patron,  Ercole,  duke  of 
Ferrara,  Boiardo  also  composed  his  comedy  of 
Timone,  founded  on  one  of  the  dialogues  of  Lu- 
eian."  Nor  was  Boiai'do  only  one  of  the  most 
eminent  poets,  he  was  also  one  of  the  most  learned 
men  of  his  age.  From  the  Greek,  he  translated 
into  his  native  tongue,  the  history  of  Herodotus,p 
and  the  Asinus  of  Lucian."^     Of  his  Latin  poetry, 

many 


Benivieni  and  the  Cardinal  Egidio  da  Viterbo,  of  which 
editions  it  may  be  sufficient  to  cite  that  of  Venice,  by  Nicolo 
d'  Aristatcley  delta  Zofipino,  1537. 

°  First  printed  without  note  of  date,  or  place,  after- 
wards in  Scandiano,  1500,  Venice,  1504,  8cc.  "  Questa 
"  Commedia,"  says  Mazzuchelli, "  che  e  in  terza  rima,  divisa 
*'  in  cinque  atti,  e  degna  di  stima  per  quanto  portava  quel 
"  secolo  ;  ed  ha  poi  un  pregio  distinto,  cioe,  d'essere 
«'  considerata  la  piu  antica  dellc  Commedie  Italiane,  come- 
"  che  il  Ci'escimbeni  la  ponga  piuttosto  nella  specie  delle 
"  Farse."  Scrittori  d'  Italia,  v.  1443. 

P  Frequently  reprinted  after  the  first  edition  of  Venice, 
1533. 

•?  Printed  at  Venice  with  the  Proverbj  of  Antonio  Cor- 

naz;zano 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  149 

many  specimens  yet  remain,  and  Tiraboschi  has  chap. 
mentioned  ten  eclogues,  in  that  language,  inscribed      ^^' 
to  Ercole  I.  which  are  preserved  in  the  ducal  libra-     1492. 
r)'  of  Modena,  and  which,  as  he  assures  us,  are  ^Et.  17. 
full  of  grace  and  elegance."" 

At  this  time,  the  celebrated  Ariosto,  who  was  Ariosto. 
destined  to  build  his  immortal  \\^ork  upon  the 
foundation  laid  by  Boiardo,  was  only  eighteen 
years  of  age ; «  but  even  at  this  early  period,  he 
had  exhibited  that  strong  inclination  to  the  culti\a- 
tion  of  literature,  and  particularly  of  poetry,  which 
distinguished  him  to  the  close  of  his  days,  and  the 
story  of  T/iisbe,  as  adapted  by  him  to  a  dramatick 
form,  was  represented  by  himself,  with  his  bro- 
thers and  sisters,  in  his  father's  residence.  ^  He 
was  first  destined  to  the  study  of  the  law;  but 
after  five  years  of  irksome  and  unprofitable  labour, 

he 


nazzano,  by  Zofifiino,  1523,  8vo.  Several  other  works  of 
Boiardo  are  cited  by  the  indefatigable  Mazzuchelli,  ut 
aufi. 

""  Tirab.  Storia  della  Letter.  Ital.  vii. /rar.  i.  176. 

*  His  father,  Nicolo  di  Rinaldo  Ariosto,  was  a  noble- 
man of  Ferrara.  In  a  passport  granted  to  him  in  the  year 
1471,  by  Lodovico  Gonzaga,  Marquis  of  Mantua,  he  is 
honoured  with  the  title  of  Count,  and  denominated  the 
friend  of  the  Marquis.  Tirab.  Storia  della  Let.  Ital.  vii. 
par.  iii.  100.  Lodovico  was  born  in  the  year  1474,  at  the 
Castle  of  Reggio,  of  which  place  his  father  wa^  governour, 

*  Pigna^  i  Romanzi.  ft.  72. 


150  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  he  finally  quitted  that  occupation,  and  applied  him^ 
ii»       self  to  the  cultivation  of  the  Latin  language,  under 
U92.    the  instructions  of  Gregory  of  Spoleto."     His  pre- 
Mt.  17.  diiection  for  theatrical  compositions,  which  he  had 
1     further  displayed  in   his  two  comedies,  entitied 
La  Cassariay  and  /  Supposing  both  written  in 
prose,  whilst  he  was  very  young,""  probably  recom- 
mended him  to  the  notice  of  Ercole  I.  whom  he 
accompanied  in  the  year  1491,  to  Milan,  for  the 
purpose  of  enjoying  the  theati'ical  amusements,  by 
which  that  place  was  distinguished.     From  this 
time  he  devoted  himself  to  the  service  of  the 
family  of  Este,  either  in  the  court  of  the  duke,  or 
in  that  of  the  cardinal  Ippolito,  and  will  occur  to 

our 


^  "  Ahi  lasso,  quando  ebbi  al  Pegaseo  melo 
"  L'eta  disposta,  e  che  le  fresche  guancie 
"  Non  si  vedeano  ancor  fiorir  d'un  pelo, 
"  Mio  padre  mi  caccio  con  spiedi  e  lancie 
"  Non  che  con  sproni,  a  volger  testi  e  chiose, 
"Em  occupo  cinque  anni  in  quelle  ciancie." 

Ariost.  Sat,  6. 

"  Fortuna  molto  mi  fu  allora  arnica, 
"  Che  mi  oiferse  Gregorio  da  Spoleti, 
"  Che  ragion  vuol  che  sempre  io  benedica. 

"  Tenea  d'ambe  le  lingue  i  bei  secreti,"  Sec. 

Ibid. 

"'  They  were  afterwards  altered  into  versi  sdruccioli,  by 
Ariosto,  and  have  been  frequeatiy  printed,  as  well  sepa 
rately,  as  together  with  his  other  works. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTg.  151 

our  future  notice,  not  only  as  a  poet,  but  as  engaged  chap. 
in  the  political  transactions  of  the  times.  ^^' 

1492. 

The  city  of  Ferrara  may  indeed  be  considered  -^t-  17. 
as  the  cradle  of  modern  epick  ix)etry  ;  ^  for,  besides  So"" 
the  two  celebrated  authors  before  mentioned,  that 
place  might  at  this  time  have  boasted  of  a  third, 
whose  MTitings  not  only  obtained  for  him,  during 
his  life  time,  a  great  share  of  celebrit}^,  but  have 
afforded  passages  which  have  since  been  imitated 
by  the  immoital  Tasso.  y  Of  their  author,  Fran- 
cesco Cieco,  very  few  particulai^s  are  known. 
That  he  had  enjoyed  the  favour  of  the  Cardinal 
Ippolito,  and  was  therefore,  in  all  probability,  a 
native  of  FeiTara,  may  be  inferred  from  the  dedi- 
cation of  his  epick  poem,  of  Mambriano,  published 
by   his  surviving  relation,   Eliseo  Conoscuiti,  in 

the 


^  "  In  a  period  of  near  three  thousand  years,"  says  Mr. 
Gibbon,  adverting  to  the  works  of  Ariosto  and  Tasso,  in 
his  Antiquities  of  the  House  of  Brunswick,  "  five  great 
"  epick  poets  have  arisen  in  the  world  ;  and  it  is  a  singular 
"  prerogative,  that  two  of  the  five  should  be  claimed  as 
"  their  own,  by  a  short  age,  and  a  petty  state." 

y  ZenOf  note  al  Fonta7iwi,  i.  259.  where  he  conjectures, 
that  this  work  was  written  about  the  time  of  the  descent  of 
Charles  VIII.  to  the  conquest  of  Naples,  in  1494.  It  is 
entitled  Libra  d'  arme  e  rf'  amore.,  cognominato  Mambriano^ 
di  Francesco  Cieco  da  Ferrara.  Ferrarixy  per  Joanvem 
Baciochum  Mondenum,  30  Octobris,   1509,  4/o. 


152 


LIFE  AND   PONTIFICATE 


CHAP,  the  year  1509.^     This  piece,  which  extends  to 

^^'      forty  five  cantos,  relates  the  adventures  of  a  king 

1492.     of  Asia,  whose  name  forms  the  title  of  the  work. 

Mt.  17.  That  it  long  maintained  its  rank  with  the  great 
contemporary  productions  of  Italy,  is  sufficiently 
apparent;  and  the  neglect  which  it  has  in  later 
times  experienced,  is  attributed  by  Zeno,  to  its 
not  having  had  the  good  fortune,  like  the  Orlando 
Imiamorato  of  Boiardo,  to  meet  with  any  one  to 
continue  its  subject,  or  to  reform  its  style. 

Few  persons  enjoyed  at  this  period  a  higher 
share  of  literary  reputation,  than  Nicolo  Lelio 
Cosmico,  and  few  persons  have  so  effectually  lost 
that  reputation  in  the  estimation  of  posterity.  He 
is  not  even  enumerated  by  the  diligent  Crescimbeni 
as  one  of  the  poets  of  Italy  ;  yet  three  editions  of 
his  works  were  printed  in  the  fifteenth  century,* 
and  he  is  the  frequent  subject  of  applause  among 

the 


z  cc  Prego  che  sotto  il  suo  auspizio,  Mambriano  del 
"  servitore  suo  venga  impresso,  e  per  suo  solito  benignitade 
"  non  neghi  alia  memoria  d'  esso  Francescho  quel  favore, 
"  di  che  vivendo  lui,  quelle  tante  volte  gli  fu  liberalissimo." 

^  Quadrio  enumerates  only  two  editions,  Ven.  1478,  and 
Vicenza   1481  ;  but  besides  these,  another  edition  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  appears  in  the  catalogue  of  the  Pinelli 
library. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  -153 

the  most  distinguished  scholars  of  the  time.''    He  c  h  a  p. 
was  a  native  of  Padua,  and  spent  some  of  his  early      i^- 
years  in  the  court  of  the  maiquis  of  Mantua ;  but    1492. 
the  chief  part  of  his  life  was  passed  in  the  societ)^   ^t.  17. 
of  the  scholars  of  Ferrara.     His  own  compositions  '^'"=°'°  ^*^"* 
were  principally  Italian ;  but  he  also  aspired  to  the 
reputation  of  a  Latin  poet ;  and  Giraldi,  a  judicious 
critick,  whilst  he  censures  the  arrogant  and  satirical 
disposition  of  the  author,  acknowledges  the  merit 
of  his  ^^Titings.     The  freedom  of  his  opinions,  or 
of  his  conduct,  incurred  the  notice  of  the  inquisi- 
tion ;  but  the  interference  of  Lodovico  Gonzaga, 
not  only  protected  him  in  this  emergency,  but  has 
conferred  an  illustrious  testimony  on  the  character 

of 


^  Sabellicus,  inviting  his  poetical  contemporaries  to 
celebrate  the  nativity  of  the  Virgin,  addresses  himself  to 
Cosmico — 

"  Nee  decantati  toties  remorentur  amores 

"  Te,  mihi  sed  cultam,  Cosmice,  tende  chelyn." 

■He  is  also  enumerated  by  Platina,  in  his  treatise  De  honesta 
volufitate,  or  art  of  Cookery,  among  his  temperate  friends. 
Lib.  V.  Cafi.  i.  And  Giacomo  delle  Pellinere,  Professor  in 
Medicine  and  Moral  Philosophy  at  Padua,  has  apostro- 
phized him  in  an  epistle  in  terza  rima,  addressed  to  Pamfiio 
Sasso— 

"  Cosmico,  dove  sei,  col  saove  archetto  ?'* 
VOL.   I.  V 


154  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  of  a  -writer,  who  is  now  no  longer  estimated  from 
ii»      his  own  works.  *" 

1492. 

E.    J  7  The  attention  paid  by  the  family  of  Este  to  the 

promotion  of  literature,  was  emulated  by  that  of 
the  Gonzaghi,  mai*quisses  of  Mantua,  and  the 
Montefeltri,  dukes  of  Urbino.  The  intercourse 
wliich  subsisted  between  these  families,  and  which 
was  founded  on  a  union  of  political  interests,  and 
confiiTned  by  the  ties  of  consanguinity,  gave  indeed 
a  common  character  to  their  courts.  Francesco 
Gonzaga,  marquis  of  Mantua,  married  Isabella  of 
Este,  the  daughter  of  Ercole  I.  duke  of  Ferrara ; 
and  Elizabetta,  the  sister  of  the  mai'quis,  became 
the  wife  of  Guidubaldo  da  Montefeltri,  duke  of 
Urbino. 

Guidubaldo  Federigo,  the  father  of  Guidubaldo,  had  ren- 
trldukTof  dered  his  name  illustrious  tlii'oughout  Italy,  not 
only  as  a  distinguished  patron  of  learning,  but  by 
his  military  and  political  talents.  In  the  rugged  si- 
tuation in  which  the  city  of  Urbino  is  placed,  he 
had  erected  a  palace,  which  was  esteemed  one  of 
the  finest  structures  in  Italy,  and  had  furnished  it 
in  the  most  sumptuous  mamier,  with  vases  of  silver, 

rich 


c  In  recommending  Cosmico  to  the  favour  of  his  rela- 
tion, Antonio  da  Bolza,  Lodovico  denominates  him  "  Uomo 
virtuoso,  ed  existimato  per  tutta  Italia." 

Tirab.  Storia  della  Let.  Ital.  \\.fmr.  ilji.  225. 


Urbino. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  155 

rich  draperies  of  gold  and  silk,   and  other  rare  and  chap. 
splendid  articles.     To  these  he  had  added  an  ex-       n- 
tensive  collection  of  statues,  and  busts,  in  bronze     1492. 
and  marble,  and  of  the  most  excellent  pictures  of  A-.t.  17, 
the  times ;  but  the  pride  of  his  palace,  and  the  envy 
of  his  contemporaiy  princes,  was  the  superb  and 
copious  selection  of  books,  in  the  Greek,  Latin, 
and  other  languages,  with  which  he  had  adorned 
his  library,  and  which  he  enriched  with  ornaments 
of  silver,  and  of  gold.  ^    If,  however,  the  father 
was  an  admirer  and  a  protector  of  literature,  the 
son  united  to  these  characters  that  of  a  practical 
and  accurate  scholar.     Witli  tlie  Latin  language, 
we  are  told,  he  was  as  conversant  as  others  are 
with  their  native  tongue,  and  so  intimate  was  his 
knowledge  of  the  Greek,  that  he  was  acquainted 
with  its  minutest  peculiarities,  and  its  most  refined 
elegancies.     The  love  of  study  did  not,  however, 
extinguish  in  the  bosom  of  Guidubaldo,  that  thirst 
for  militar}^  glory,  by  Avhich  his  ancestors  had  been 
uniformly  characterized ;  and  if  his  health  had  not 
been  impaired  by  the  gout,  at  an  early  period  of 
life,  he  would  probably  have  acquired,  in  the  com- 
motions which  soon  after  this  period  disturbed  the 
repose  of  Italy,  a  still  higher  reputation.     In  his 
biographers  and  panegyrists  he  has  been  peculiarly 
fortunate ;  the  learned  Pietro  Bembo  has  devoted 
a  considerable  tract  to  the  celebration  of  his  me- 
rits, 


*"  Castiglione.,  lib.  del  Cortegiano,  lib.  i. 


156  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

q  H  A  P.'  rits,  ^  and  Baldassare  Castiglione,  in  his  admirable 
■    ^^-    .  Libra  del  Cortegiano,  has  honoured  his  memory 
1492.     -with  an  eulogium  which  will  probably  be  as  dura- 
JEt.  IT.    ble  as  the  Italian  language  itself.     His  wife,  Eliza- 
betta  Gonzaga,  is  not  less  the  subject  of  admiration 
and  applause  to  both  these  authors ;  the  latter  of 
whom  has,    in  the  commencement  of  his  work, 
given  a  striking  picture  of  the  vivacity,  the  taste, 
the  elegance,  the  temj)ered  wit,  and  decorous  free- 
dom, by  which  the  court  of  Urbino  was  at  tliis 
period  distinguished.''      Giovanna,   sister  of  the 
duke,  had  intermarried,  in  the  year   1475,  with 
Giovanni  della  Ro\^ere,  one  of  the  nephews  of  Six- 
tus  IV.  and  brother  of  the  cai'dinal  Guiliano  della 
Rovere,  afterwards  Julius  II.  on  which  occasion, 
Sixtus  had  invested  his  nephew  with  the  principality 
of  Sinigaglia,  and  the  beautiful  ten'itory  of  Mon- 
davia.     By  him  she  had  a  son,  Francesco  Maiia, 
who  was  educated  at  the  court  of  Urbino,  and  suc- 
ceeded to  his  maternal  uncle  Guidubaldo,  whom 
he,  however,  resembled  much  more  in  his  miUtary 
character,  than  in  his  literary  accomplishments. 

Francesco 


^  P.  Bembi  de  Guido-Ubaldo  Feretrio,  deque  Elisabetha 
Gonzaga  Urbini  ducibus,  liber.  First  printed  at  Venice^ 
under  the  inspection  of  the  author,  in  1530. 

The  union  of  the  duke  and  dutchess  of  Urbino  was 
not  crowned  with  the  expected  fruits  of  marriage,  the  rea- 
sons of  which  are  detailed  at  great  length  by  Bembo,  in  Op. 

•y.iv.i^.  299. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  157 

Francesco  Gonzaga,  marquis  of  Maiitua,  had  chap. 
succeeded  his  father,  Federigo,  in  the  year  1484.       ^^- 
Notwithstanding  the  many  hazardous  expeditions     1492. 
in  which  he  was  engaged,  the  numerous  battles  in  '^^'  ^ ' " 
which  he  held  a  principal  command,  and  the  ad-  conzaga, 

p      .  1   •    1.     1  •  marquis  of 

verse  fortune  \\^hich  he  on  some  occasions  expe-  Mantua. 
rienced,  he  found  time  to  apply  himself  to  the 
study  of  polite  letters ;  and  there  is  reason  to  be- 
lieve, that  he  A\as  the  author  of  many  sonnets, 
capitoli,  and  other  A^erses,  which  have  been  printed 
in  the  collections  of  the  ensuing  century.  His  wife, 
Isabella  of  Este,  was  not  less  distinguished  by  her 
elegant  accomplishments  and  refined  taste,  which 
led  her  to  collect  antique  statues,  cameos,  medal- 
lions, and  other  specimens  of  art,  some  of  \\  hich 
are  celebrated  in  the  verses  of  the  poets  of  tlie 
time. '     Nor  \\^as  the  court  of  Mantua  deprived  of 

those 


*  F.  Tirab.  Storia  della  Let.  Ital.  vii. /zar,  i.  53.  Ariosto 
has  devoted  several  stanzas  in  his  37th  Canto  to  the  cele- 
bration of  the  praises  of  the  marquis,  and  Isabella  of 
Este,  his  wife  : 

"  Di  lei  degno  egli,  e  degna  ella  di  lui ; 
"  Ne  meglio  s'accoppiaro  unq'  altri  dui." 

Stan.  1 1 

That  the  marquis  was  distinguished  by  his  literary  pro- 
ductions may  be  conjectured  from  the  following  lines  : 

"  Da  insieme  egli  materia,  ond'  altri  scriva, 
"  E  fa  la  gloria  altrui  scrivendo  viva." 

Htan.  10. 


158  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

I 
I 

CHAP,  those  honours,    which  the  favour  of  the  muses 

££•__  could  alone  confer.     Among  the  men  of  talents, 

1492,  -yyho  either  adopted  that  place  as  their  constant  resi- 
JEt.  17.  dence,  or  enlivened  it  by  their  frequent  visits, 
Giampietro  AiTivabene,  and  Battista  Mantuano, 
are  entitled  to  particular  notice.  The  former  of 
these  eminent  men,  was  the  scholar  of  Francesco 
Filelfo,  who  has  addi'essed  to  him  several  of  his 
letters,  and  Avho  transformed  his  Italian  name  of 
Arrivabene,  into  the  Greek  appellation  of  Euiychius, 
That  he  enjoyed  the  confidential  office  of  Latin 
secretary  to  the  marquis  Francesco,  might  be 
thought  to  confer  sufficient  honour  on  his  memory ; 
but  he  was  also  a  man  of  blameless 'manners,  un- 
common eloquence,  and  a  considerable  share  of 
learning.  His  principal  work  is  his  Gonzagidos,  a 
Latin  poem  in  four  books,  in  praise  of  Lodovico, 
mai*quis  of  Mantua,  who  died  in  1478,  and  not  in 
■  1484,  as  mentioned  by  Mazzuchelli.  From  this 
work,  which  is  said  to  be  written  in  a  much  more 
elegant  style,  than  from  his  early  age  might  have 
been  expected,  it  appears,  that  the  author  had  been 
present  at  many  of  the  victories  and  transactions 
which  he  there  relates.  ^ 

Battista 


k  This  poem  was  first  printed  by  Meuschenius,  in  the 
beginning  of  the  third  volume  of  his  collection,  entitled 
Vifx  summorum  dignitate  et  eruditione  -virorum, — Coburg; 
1738.  In  the  preface,  the  editor  observes,  that  the  poem 
is  written  "  elegantiori  modo,  quam  a  sua  adliuc  inculta 

«  xtate 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  liO 

Battista  Mantuano  may  be  enumerated  among  chap. 
those  writers  who  have  had  the  good  fortune  to  ob-       ^^' 
tahi,  for  a  long  time,  a  reputation  superiour  to     1*9^. 
their  merits. '     The  applause  which  his  works  ex-    -^^- 1^- 
cited  was  not  confined  to   Italy,    but  extended  j^*^H 
throughout  Europe,    where,  under  the   name  of 
Mantuanus,   or  Mantuan,  he  was  considered  as 
another  Virgil,    whose  writings   might  stand  in 
competition  with  those  of  his  immortal  country- 
man.    Nor  can  it  be  denied,  that  the  productions 
of  Battista  evince  a  facility  of  conception,  and  a        I 
flow  of  language,  which  prove  him  to  have  been 
possessed  of  considerable  talents.     But  in  admit- 
ting that  the  native  endowments  of  Battista  might 
beai'  some  comparison  with  those  of  his  great  pre- 
decessor, we  are  compelled  to  acknowledge,  that 
he  was  strangely  defective  in  the  method  of  em- 
ploying his  abilities  to  the  best  advantage.      Of  all 
authors,  there  are  perhaps  few,  or  none,  who  have 

been 


«  setate  vix  aliquis  expectare  poterat."     Mazzuchelli,  Scrit' 
tori  d'ltal.  ii.  1 138.      Tirab.  vi.  2.  230. 

1  It  is  generally  believed  that  Battista  was  of  illegitimate 
birth  ;  but  the  attention  paid  by  his  ftither,  Pietro  Spagnuo- 
lo,  to  his  improvement,  enabled  him  not  only  to  make  an 
early  and  considerable  proficiency  in  polite  literature,  but 
to  arrive  at  the  rank  of  general  of  his  order.  Respecting 
the  circumstances  of  his  birth.,  different  opinions  have, 
however,  been  entertained,  which  the  reader  will  find  fuUy 
stated  in  the  Menagiana,  vol.  i.  fi.  275. 


160  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  been  less  satisfied  with  their  own  productions,  than 

^^'  _  the  Roman  bard.     However  we  may  estimate  the 

1492.    powers  of  his  imagination,  or  the  melody  of  his 

Jx.  1 7.  verse,  his  taste  was  still  superiour  to  his  other  ac- 
complishments ;  and  his  efforts  were  unremitting, 
to  arrive  at  that  standard  of  perfection,  which  he 
had  conceived  in  his  own  mind. "  It  is  well 
knowTi  that  after  having  bestov^ed  the  labour  of 
twelve  years  on  his  immortal  poem,  the  convic- 
tion which  he  felt  of  its  imperfections  deter- 
mined him,  in  his  last  moments,  to  order  it  to 
be  committed  to  the  flames ;  and  it  was  only  by 
a  breach  of  his  solemn  testamentary  injunction, 
that  this  work  has  been  preserved  for  the  ad- 
miration of  posterity. "     To  the  conduct  of  the 

ancient 


*"  "  Amici,  familiaresque  P.  Virgilii,  dicere  eum  soli- 
"  turn  ferunt,  parere  se  versus  more  atqiie  ritu  ursino. 
"  Namqiie,  ut  ilia  bestia  fcetum  ederet  ineffigiatum  infor- 
"  memque,  lambendoqiie  id  postea,  quod  ita  edidisset, 
"  conformaret  et  fingeret,  proinde  ingenii  quoque  sui  par- 
'' tus  recentes  rudi  esse  facie  et  imperfecta :  seddeinceps 
'*  tractando,  colendoque,  reddere  iis  se  oris  et  vultus  linea- 
"  menta."     ^ul.  Gel.  lib.  xvii.  caji.  10. 

"  "  Divus  Augustus  carmina  Virgilii  cremari  contra 
"  testamenti  ejus  verecundiam  vetuit ;  majusque  ita  vati 
"  testimonium  contigit,  quam  si  ipse  sua  carmina  proba- 
"  visset."  Plin.  lib.  vii.  cap.  30.  P.  Crinitus,  Be  Poetis 
Latinisy  lib.  iii.  in  oft.  ft.  447.  has  cited  a  beautiful  copy 
of  verses  addressed  to  Augustus  on  this  subject. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  161 

ancient  poet,  that  of  the  modern,  was  an  exact  chap. 
reverse ;  and  if  they  originally  started  from  the  ^^- 
same  ground,  they  bent  their  course  in  opposite  1492. 
directions.  Of  the  productions  of  Battista,  the  '^^^  ^'^' 
earliest  are  incomparably  the  best,  and  as  these 
seem  to  have  gratified  his  readers,  so  it  is  probable 
they  delighted  himself.  As  he  advanced  m  years, 
he  poured  out  his  effusions  with  increasing  facility, 
until  he  lost  even  the  power  of  discriminating  the 
merit  of  his  o^vn  productions.  From  his  long 
poem,  De  Calamitatibus  temporum,  the  historian 
might  hope  to  select  some  passages,  which  might 
elucidate  his  researches ;  but  in  this  he  will  be  dis- 
appointed ;  the  adherence  of  Battista  to  the  track 
of  the  ancients,  having  prevented  him  from  en- 
tering into  those  particulars,  which  would  have 
rendered  his  works  interesting ;  whilst  the  heavy 
commentary  in  which  they  have  been  enveloped, 
by  Badius  Ascenscius,  presents  them  in  so  formi- 
dable an  aspect  to  the  modern  reader,  as  fully  to 
account  for  that  neglect,  which  they  have  for  a  long 
time  past  experienced. 

The  tranquillity  which  had  now  for  some  years  i-°dovico 

T  •'  •'  Sforxaencou* 

reigned  in  Italy,  had  introduced  into  that  country  rages  men  «f 
an  abundance,  a  luxury,  and  a  refinement,  almost 
unexampled  in  the  annals  of  mankind.  Instead  of 
contending  for  dominion  and  power,  the  sovereigns 
and  native  princes  of  that  happy  region,  attempted 
to  rival  each  other  in  taste,  in  splendour,  and  in 
elegant  accomplishments ;  and  it  was  considered  as 
VOL.  I.  X  essentisll 


162  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  'h  A  P.  essential  to  their  grandeur,  to  give  their  household 

__i£l___  establishments  a  literary  character.     Hence  their 

1492.     palaces  became  a  kind  of  polite  academy,  in  which 

Mt.  17.  the  nobility  of  both  sexes  found  a  constant  exercise 
for  their  intellectual  talents;  and  courage,  rank, 
and  beauty,  did  not  hesitate  to  associate  with  taste, 
with  learning,  and  with  wit.  In  this  respect,  the 
court  of  Milan  was  eminently  distinguished.  By 
the  ostentatious  liberality  of  Lodovico  Sforza,  who 
then  held,  in  the  name  of  his  nephew  Galeazzo,  but 
directed  at  his  own  pleasure,  the  government  of 
that  place,  several  of  the  most  distinguished  artists 
and  scholars  of  the  time,  were  induced  to  fix  their 
residence  there.  Among  the  former  of  these,  the 
celebrated  Lionardo  da  Vinci  deservedly  holds  the 

Lionardo  da  ,  .  i  rr^i  .  .  t 

viuci.  most  conspicuous  place.  1  his  extraordinary  man, 
who  united  in  himself  the  various  qualifications  of 
a  painter,  a  sculptor,  a  poet,  a  musician,  an  archi- 
tect, and  a  geometrician,  and  who  in  short,  left 
untouched  very  few  of  those  objects,  which  have 
engaged  the  attention  of  the  human  faculties,  was 
born  about  the  year  1443,  at  the  castle  of  Vinci 
in  Valdarno.  After  having  given  striking  indica- 
tions of  superiour  talents,  he  for  some  time  availed 
himself  of  the  instructions  of  Andrea  Verocchio, 
whom  he  soon  surpassed  in  such  a  degree,  as  to 
render  him  dissatisfied  with  the  efforts  of  his  own 
pencil.  His  singular  productions  in  every  branch 
of  art  had  already  excited  the  admiration  of  all 
Italy,  when  he  was  invited  by  Lodovico,  in  the 
year  1492,  to  fix  his  residence  at  Milan.     By  his 

astonishing 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  163 

astonishing  skill  in  musick,  which  he  performed  on  c  h  a  r. 
a  kind  of  l}Te  of  his  own  invention,  and  by  his  ^^- 
extraordinary  facility  as  an  Improwisatore^  in  the  J ^^2. 
recitation  of  Italian  verse,  no  less  than  by  his  pro-  -^t.  17 
fessional  talents,  he  secured  the  favour  of  his  pa- 
tron, and  the  applauses  of  the  Milanese  court. 
Lodovico  had,  however,  the  judgment  to  avail 
himself  of  the  opportunity  afforded  him  by  this 
great  artist,  to  enrich  the  city  of  Milan  with  some 
of  the  finest  productions  of  his  pencil ;  and  if  the 
abilities  of  Lionardo  were  to  be  estimated  bv  a 
single  effort,  his  panegyrist  might  perhaps  select 
his  celebrated  picture  of  the  last  supper,  in  the 
refectory  of  the  Dominicans,  as  the  most  valuable 
of  his  works.  In  this  piece  it  was  doubtless  the 
intention  of  the  painter  to  surpass  whatever  had 
before  been  executed,  and  to  represent,  not 
merely  the  external  form  and  features,  but  the 
emotions  and  passions  of  the  mind,  from  the 
highest  degree  of  virtue  and  beneficence  in  the 
character  of  the  Saviour,  to  the  extreme  of  treachery 
and  guilt  in  that  of  Iscariot ;  whilst  the  various  sen- 
sations of  affection  and  veneration,  of  joy  and  of 
sorrow,  of  hope  and  of  feai',  displayed  in  the 
countenances  and  gestures  of  the  disciples,  might 
express  their  various  apprehensions  of  the  myste- 
rious rite.  In  the  midst  sits  the  great  founder, 
dispensing  with  unshaken  firmness,  from  either 
hand,  the  emblems  of  his  own  approaching  suf- 
ferings. The  agitation  of  the  disciples  is  marked 
by  their  contrasted  attitudes,  and  various  expres- 
sions. 


164 


LIFE   AND   PONTIFICATE 


CHAP,  sions.    Treachery  and  inhumanity  seem  to  be  con- 

^^'      centered  in  the  form  and  features  of  Judas  Iscariot. 

1492.     In  representing  the  countenance    of   Christ,    he 

Mt.  17.  found,  however,  the  powers  of  the  artist  inadequate 
to  the  conceptions  of  his  own  mind.  To  step  be- 
*  yond  the  hmits  of  earth,  and  to  diffuse  over  these 
features  a  ray  of  divinity,  was  his  bold,  but  fruit- 
less attempt.  The  eifort  was  often  renewed,  and 
as  often  terminated  in  disappointment  and  humiha- 
tion.  Despairing  of  success,  he  disclosed  his 
anxiety  to  his  friend  and  associate,  Bernardo  Ze- 
nale,  who  advised  him  to  desist  from  all  further 
endeavours ;  in  consequence  of  which,  this  great 
work  was  suffered  to  remain  imperfect.  Nor  did 
Lionardo,  in  acknowledging  with  Timanthes,  the 
ineflicacy  of  his  skill,  imitate  that  artist  in  the  me- 
thod which  he  adopted  on  that  occasion.  Aga- 
memnon conceals  his  face  in  his  robe,  and  the 
imagination  of  the  spectator  is  at  liberty  to  supply 
the  defect ;  but  in  marking  the  head  of  his  princi- 
pal figure  by  a  simple  outline,  Lionardo  openly 
avows  his  inability,  and  leaves  us  only  to  regret, 
either  the  pusillanimity  of  the  painter,  or  the  im- 
potence of  his  art. " 

In 


°  Vasariy  in  vita  di  Lionardo.  Borg/iini,  il  Hi/wso.  368^ 
&  seg.  Notwithstanding  the  assertions  of  the  above  au- 
thors, and  that  of  M.  Mariette  in  later  times,  Lettere  sulla 
Pittura^  isfc.  vol.  ii.  let.  84,  that  Lionardo  left  the  head  of 
Christ  in  an  unfinished  state,  Richardson  assures  us,  that 

their 


"\ 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  165 

In  a  mind  devoted  to  ambition,  all  other  pas-  chap. 
sions  and  pursuits  are  only  considered  as  auxiliary       ^i- 
to  its  great  object;  and  there  is  too  much  reason     1492. 
to  suspect,  that  the  apparent  solicitude  of  Lodovico   ^t.  17. 
Sforza  for  the  promotion  of  letters  and  the  arts.  Eminent 

scholars  at 

was  not  so  much  the  result  of  a  disposition  sincerely  the  court  of 
interested  in  their  success,  as  an  instrument  of  his 
political  aggrandizement.  That  the  supplanting 
the  elder  branch  of  his  family,  and  vesting  in  him- 
self and  his  descendants,  the  government  of  Milan, 
had  long  been  in  his  contemplation,  cannot  be 
doubted  ;  and  it  is  therefore  highly  probable  that, 
after  ingratiating  himself  with  the  populace,  and 
securing  the  alliance  and  personal  friendship  of 

foreign 


their  information  is  false,  and  that  such  part  of  the  face 
as  yet  remains  entire,  is  highly  finished,  T'-aite  de  la  pein- 
ttcre,  tJ'c.  -vol.  iii.  The  account  given  by  Richardson  is, 
in  like  manner,  accused  of  being  grossly  incorrect,  by  the 
author  of  a  modern  description  of  Italy,  in  4  vols.  8vo. 
London,  1781.  As  it  can  scarcely  be  imagined,  that  any  of 
these  authors  would  be  guilty  of  wilful  misrepresentation 
on  a  subject  of  such  a  nature,  and  in  which  their  testi- 
mony would  be  always  exposed  to  contradiction,  may  we 
not  reasonably  suppose  that,  according  to  the  united  testi- 
mony of  all  the  elder  writers,  the  head  was  left  unfinished  ; 
but  that  in  the  course  of  the  repairs  which  the  picture  has 
undergone,  some  sacrilegious  hand  has  dared  to  trace 
those  features,  from  which  the  modest  genius  of  Lionardo 
shrunk  in  despair  ?  This  suggestion  appears  highly  pro- 
bable from  the  notes  on  the  Letter e  sidla  Pittura,  ilfc.  voU 
ii./j.  183. 


166  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  foreign  powers,  he  would  endeavour  to  strengthen 

^^-      his  authority  by  the  favour  and  support  of  men  of 

1492.     learning,  who  at  this  time  possessed  a  more  decided 

^t.  17.  influence  on  the  political  concerns  of  the  country 
than  at  any  other  period.  But  by  whatever  mo- 
tives Lodovico  was  actuated,  it  is  allowed,  that 
whilst  the  state  of  Milan  was  under  his  control, 
the  capital  was  thronged  with  celebrated  scholars, 
several  of  whom  adopted  it  as  their  permanent 
residence.  On  Bernardo  Bellincione,  a  Floren- 
tine, he  conferred  the  title  of  his  poet  laureat ;  and 
in  the  works  of  this  author,  printed  at  Milan  in 
1493,  are  inserted  some  stanzas  which  have  been 
attributed  to  Lodovico  himself.  Among  those 
who  at  this  period  contributed  by  their  talents 
to  give  splendour  to  the  court  of  Milan,  were 
Antonio   Cornazzano,^  Giovanni   Filoteo  Achilli- 

ni. 


P  A  native  of  Piacenza,  who,  having  adopted  a  military 
life,  held  a  respectable  rank  under  the  celebrated  Venetian 
general  Bartolommeo  Coglioni,  of  whom  he  has  left  a  life, 
written  in  Latin,  and  published  by  Burman  ;  but  a  great 
part  of  his  time  was  passed  at  Milan,  where  he  was  highly 
favoured  by  the  family  of  Sforza.  His  works,  both  in  Italian 
and  Lathi,  in  verse  and  in  prose,  are  very  numerous,  and 
his  poem,  De  re  Militari^  in  nine  books,  in  terza  rima,  has 
frequently  been  printed.  His  sonnets  and  lyrick  pieces, 
are  hoAvever  considered  as  the  most  valuable  of  his  works, 
and  are  acknowledged  by  Quadrio  to  be  among  the  best  in 
the  Italian  language — "  delle  migliori  che  abbia  la  volgar 
"  poesia."---In  the  latter  part  of  his  life  he  quitted  the  court 

of 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  167 

ni,''  Gaspai'O  Visconti,""  Benedetto  da  Cingoli,  Vin-  chap. 
cenzo  Calmeta, '  and  Antonio  Fregoso. '  Nor  were      Ji- 

there      1492. 


iEt.  17. 


of  Milan  for  that  of  Ferrara,  where  he  terminated  his  days  ; 
having  enjoyed  the  patronage  of  the  dutchess,  Lucrezia,  of 
whom  he  makes  frequent  and  honourable  mention  in  his 
works.  Cornazzario,  de  re  militari.  Ven.  1526.  Sonetti  e 
Canz.  Ven.  1508.     Tiraboschi  vi. /lar.  n.  fi.  160 

^  Author  of  an  Italian  poem  in  ottava  rima,  entitled,  I^ 
Viridarioy  printed  at  Bologna,  1513,  and  of  several  other 
works.  He  also  distinguished  himself  by  his  knowledge 
of  Greek  and  Latin,  his  proficiency  in  musick,  and  his 
acquaintance  with  medals,  statues,  and  other  monuments 
of  antiquity,  of  which  he  had  formed  a  large  collection.  He 
died  in  1538,  at  72  years  of  age  ;  but  his  poetry,  of  which 
specimens  appear  in  sundry  collections,  has  all  the  charac- 
teristick  rusticity  of  the  15th  century,  when,  says  Cres- 
cimbeni,  "  ando  spargendo  gemme  tra'l  fango." 

^  A  nobleman  of  Milan,  who  married  Cecilia,  the 
daughter  of  the  celebrated  Cecco  Simoneta,  and  died  at 
38  years  of  age,  in  1499,  His  sonnets  and  other  verses 
were  published  at  Milan  in  1493,  and  obtained  him  such 
reputation,  that  he  was  considered,  for  a  time,  as  not 
inferiour  to  Petrarca  ;  but  posterity  has  formed  a  different 
judgment.     Tirab.  y\.  fiar.  ii.  p.  253. 

^  Benedetto  da  Cingoli,  and  Vincenzo  Calmeta,  are 
enumerated  by  Quadrio,  H.  211.  among  the  poets  who  at 
this  time  honoured  the  city  of  Milan  by  their  residence, 
and  whose  verses  are  found  in  the  collections  of  the  times. 
The  works  of  the  former  were  also  collected  and  published 
with  those  of  his  brother,  Gabriello,  at  Rome,  in  1503. 
Tirab.  \\..  par .\\. p .  159, 

'  Called   also   Fulgcso  and    Campofregoso.     From  his 

love 


iEt.  17. 


168  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  there  wanting  distinguished  scholars  in  the  graver 
^^'  depaitments  of  literature  ;  of  which  number  were 
1492.  Bartolommeo  Calchi  and  Giacopo  Antiquario,  cele- 
brated not  only  for  their  own  acquirements,  but  for 
their  liberality  in  promoting  the  improvement  of 
others ;  Donato  Bossi,  commemorated  both  as  an 
eminent  professor  of  law,  and  an  industrious  histo- 
rian ;''  Dionysius  Nestor,  whose  early  labours  high- 
ly contributed  to  the  improvement  of  the  Latin 

tongue  ; 


love  of  solitude,  he  also  assumed  the  name  of  Phileremo. 
His  chief  residence  was  at  the  court  of  Milan,  which  he 
quitted  on  the  expulsion  of  Lodovico  Sforza,  and  retired  to 
his  villa  at  Colterano.  His  Cerva  Bianca  is  an  Italian  poem 
of  considerable  extent,  written  with  great  facility,  and  occa- 
sionally interspersed  with  beautiful  description,  and  genuine 
poetry.  For  his  adoption  of  the  ottava  rima  he  apologizes 
by  the  example  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  and  Agnolo  Poli- 
tiano.  This  poem  has  been  several  times  reprinted  ;  par- 
ticularly at  Venice,  1521,  1525.  The  first  of  these  editions 
is  entitled  Ofiera  jwva  del  magnifico  Caxialiero  Messer  Antonio 
Phileremo  Fregoso,  intitulata  Cerva  Biancha.  His  Dialogo 
di  Fortuna.)  consists  of  18  cafiitoli^  interzarima^  Ven.  1531. 
Besides  these,  he  is  also  the  author  of  another  poem,  IL  riso 
di  Democrito^  e  iljiianto  d'  Eraclito,  in  30  Capitoli  :  but  this 
work  has  hitherto  eluded  my  researches. 

"  His  chronicle  of  the  principal  events,  from  the  earliest 
records  to  his  own  times,  is  of  occasional  use,  particularly 
with  respect  to  the  affairs  of  Milan.  This  work  was 
printed  at  Milan  in  1492,  by  Antonio  Zaroii,  and  is  dedi- 
cated to  the  I'eigning  duke  Giovan-Galeazzo  ;  not,  however, 
without  great  commendations  of  Lodovico,  whose  loyalty 
and ^delity  the  author  particularly  celebrates.. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  169 

tongue ;''  and  Pontico  Virunio,  deservedly  held  in  c  h  a  p. 
great  esteem,  both  as  a  scholar  and  a  statesman,      ^^- 
and  who  will  demand  more  particular  notice   in     1492. 
the  transactions  of  the  succeeding  century.  •^*-  ^'^' 

From  the  commencement  of  the  century,  the 
city  of  Boloaria  had  endeavoured  to  maintain  its  '"'*  ^*"^^- 

"^  '-'  '  vogli  of 

independence  against  the  superiour  poAver  of  the  Boiogna. 
dukes  of  Milan,  aiid  the  continual  pretensions  of 
the  pontifical  see.  The  chiefs  of  the  noble  family 
of  Bentivoglio  M^ere  regarded  by  their  fellow  citi- 
zens as  the  patrons  and  assertors  of  their  liberties, 
and  after  various  struggles,  in  which  they  had 
frequently  been  expelled  from  their  native  place, 
they  concentered  in  themselves  the  supreme  au- 
thority, 


^  He  was  a  native  of  Novara,  and  a  descendant  of  the 
noble  family  of  Avvenada,  of  the  order  of  the  Minorites. 
His  vocabulary  of  the  Latin  tongue,  printed  in  folio  at  Mi- 
lan, in  1483,  and  afterwards  at  Venice  1488,  may  be  consi- 
dered as  one  of  the  first  attempts  in  modern  times  to  facili- 
tate the  study  of  that  language,  and  displays  an  intimate 
acquaintance  with  the  writings  of  the  ancients,  which  are 
diligently  cited  as  authorities  throughout  the  work.  To 
the  earliest  edition  is  prefixed  a  copy  of  Latin  verses  ad- 
dressed to  Lodovico  Sforza,  and  towards  the  close  are  seve- 
ral poems  of  the  same  author,  both  Italian  and  Latin.  The 
following  colophon  concludes  the  book  : 

0/ius  Mediolani  imfiressum  fier  Leonardvm  Pachel  et 
Uldericum  Sinczenceler,  de  Alemannia  Socios,  Anno  Doniini 
M.cccc.Lxxxiii.  /iridic  nonas  Januarias. 

VOL.  I.  Y 


170  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  thority,   under  limitations  which  secured  to  the 

^^-       people  the  exercise  of  their  ancient  rights.     This 

1492.    authority  had  now,  for  nearly  half  a  century,  been 

^t.  17.  conceded  to  Giovanni  Bentivoglio,  who  was  only 
two  years  of  age  when  his  father  Annibale  was 
treacherously  murdered  by  the  rival  faction  of  the 
Canedoli,  in  the  year  1445,  and  who  frequently 
occurs  to  notice,  both  in  the  political  and  literary 
annals  of  the  time.  The  merit  of  Giovanni,  as  a 
friend  and  promoter  of  learning  and  of  art,  was, 
however,  eclipsed  by  that  of  his  three  sons,  Hermes, 
Annibale,  andGaleazzo,  all  of  whom  are  frequently 
commemorated  in  the  writings  of  their  contempo- 
raries ;  and  particularly  in  those  of  Antonio  Urceo, 
usually  denominated  Codrus  Urceus,  who  by  his 

codrusur-  scicntifick  and  critical  acquirements,  deservedly 
held  a  high  rank  among  the  scholars  of  Italy. 

This  author  was  bom  at  Rubiera,  in  the  year 
1446.  His  appellation  of  Codrus  was  derived  from 
an  incident  that  occurred  to  him  at  the  city  of 
Forli,  where  happening  one  day  to  meet  with 
Pino  Degli  Ordelaffi,  then  lord  of  that  place,  who 
recommended  himself  to  his  favour,  "  Good 
"  heavens,"  exclaimed  the  poet,  "  the  world  is 
"  in  a  prett}^  state  when  Jupiter  recommends  him- 
"  self  to  Codrus."  During  his  residence  at  Forli, 
where  he  was  intrusted  with  the  education  of 
Sinibaldo,  tlie  son  of  Pino,  he  met  with  a  disaster 

which 


ceus, 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  171 

which  had  nearly  deprived  him  of  his  reason."'  chap. 
Having  incautiously  left  his  study  without  extin-        n- 
guishing  his  lamp,  his  papers  took  fire,  by  which      i^gs. 
many  literary  productions,  which  stood  high  in    ^-t.  17. 
his  ovvTi  estimation,  were  destroyed  ;  and  particu- 
larly a  poem  entitled  Pastor.     In  the  first  impulse 
of  his  passion  he  vented  his  rage  in  the  most  blas- 
phemous imprecations,  and  rushing  from  the  city, 
passed  the  Avhole  of  the   day  in  a  'VA^ood  in  the 
vicinity,  without  nutriment.   Compelled  by  hunger 
to  return  in  the  evening,  he  found  the  gates  closed, 
and  took  up  his  lodgings  for  the  night  on  a  dung- 
hill.    When  he  again  obtained  admission  into  the 
cit}%  he  shut  himself  up  in  the  house  of  an  aitificer, 
where  for  six  months  he  abandoned  himself  to 
melancholy  and  grief.     After  a  residence  of  about 
thirteen  years  at  Forli  he  was  invited  to  Bologna, 
where  he  was  appointed  professor  of  grammar  and 
eloquence,    and  where  he   passed  in  great  credit 

the 


'^^  Codrus  survived  both  his  patron  and  his  pupil,  the 
latter  of  whom  was  deprived  of  his  territories  by  Girolamo 
Riario,  in  the  year  1480,  after  his  family  had  possessed 
them  upwards  of  1 50  years  ;  and  has  devoted  the  following 
epitaph  to  their  memory. 

"  Tertius  armorum  pacis  quoque  gloria  Pinus 
"  Ordelaphus,  per  quem  nomina  sanguis  habet. 

"  Hie  nati  gremio  Sinibaldi  continet  ossa  ; 
"  Ossa  ducem  quinto  mense  secuta  patrem. 

"  iEquus  uterque  fuit  princeps  tibi,  Livia,  post  quos 
"  Ordelaphi  sceptris  mox  cecidere  suis." 


172  LITE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  the  remainder  of  his  days.     Of  his  extraordinary 
!!•       learning  it   might  be   considered  as  a   sufficient 
1493.     proof,  that  Politiano  submitted  his  Greek  epigrams, 
^^'  ^'^'    and  other  writings,  to  his  examination  and  correc- 
tion ;  but  his  talents  and  acquirements  more  fully 
appear  in  his  own  works,  which  consist  o{  Sermo?ieSy 
or  essays ;  of  letters  to  Politiano,  Aldo,  and  others 
of  his  learned  friends,  and  of  poems  on  a  great 
vai'iety  of  subjects ;  among  which  the  praises  of 
the  family  of  Bentivoglio  form  the  most  conspi- 
cuous part.     He  died  in  the  year  1500.     After 
his   death  his  productions  were  collected  by  the 
younger  Filippo  Beroaldo,  who  had  lived  with  him 
in  friendly  intimacy,  and  published  at  Bologna  in 
the  year  1502,  with  a  preface,  in  which  he  highly 
extols  the  poetical  effusions  of  his  friend.  Succeed- 
ing criticks  have  however  been  less  indulgent  to 
his  fame :    Giraldi,    whilst    he  admits  that    the 
writings  of  Codius  are  sufficiently  correct,  denies 
to  them  the  charm  of  poetry,  and  Tiraboschi  is 
of  opinion,  that  neither  his  prose  nor  his  verse 
can  be  recommended  as  models  of  elegance.    That 
the  poems  of  Codrus  are  not  entitled  to  the  highest 
rank  among  those  of  liis  contemporai-ies  will  suffi- 
ciently appear  from  the  lines  addressed  to  Galeazzo 
Bentivoglio,  as  an  acknowledgment  for  the  honour 
done  to  the  poet  in  placing  his  portrait  amongst 
those  of  the  learned  men  which  Galeazzo  had  col- 
lected.    Such  a  subject  was  certainly  calculated 
to  call  forth  all  his  powers,  but  those  efforts  which 

were 


tus. 


OF  LEO  TH£  TENTH.  173 

were  intended  to  justify,  will  perhaps  be  thought  chap. 
rather  to  impeach  the  judgment  of  his  patron.  ^^- 

1492. 

Among  the  men  of  talents  who  at  this  period  ^t.  17. 
contributed  to  support  the  literar\'  character  of 
Italy,  it  would  be  unjust  to  omit  Piero  Ricci ;  or, 
as  he  denominated  himself,  according  to  the  custom 
of  the  times,  Fetrus  Crinitus.  This  notice  of  him  "*"'"  *^'"'' 
is  the  more  necessary,  as  little  is  to  be  found 
respecting  him  in  those  works  of  general  informa- 
tion, where  he  ought  to  have  held  a  conspicuous 
rank,  and  that  little  is  for  the  most  part  erroneous.  '^ 
He  was  descended  from  the  noble  and  opulent 
Florentine  family  of  the  Ricciy  ^  and  had  the  good 
fortune  when  young,  to  avail  himself  of  the  instruc- 
tions. 


*  The  notices  of  Crinitus  by  Tiraboschi,  founded  on  the 
equivocal  testimony  of  Jovius  and  Negri,  are  peculiarly 
brief  and  unsatisfactory. 

y  Jovius,  absurdly  enough,  informs  us,  that  Piero  de- 
rived his  name  from  the  curled  locks  of  his  father,  daW 
intorta  isf  inanellata  cafiillatura  del  padre  ;  but  from  what- 
ever cause  the  family  appellation  might  originally  arise,  it 
was  of  much  greater  antiquity  than  Jovius  supposed.  The 
Ricci  being  called  by  Negri,  Famiglia  antichissima  isf  nobi- 
lissima.  The  latter  author,  however,  with  no  less  absurdity 
than  Jovius,  adds,  that  Crinitus  was,  on  account  of  his  own 
curled  locks  (arriciata  bionda  sua  Cafiigliera)  called  Pietro 
di  crisfia  chioma,  which  he  transformed  into  the  Latin  name 
of  Crinitus.  But  it  is  apparent  that  this  name  is  only  his 
family  appellation  latinized. 


**S>t 


174  LITE   AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  tions,  and  to  obtain  the  friendship  of  Politiano. 

^J-       Hence  he  was  introduced  into  the  family  of  the 

1492.     Medici,  and  became  an  associate  in  those  literary 

^t-  5  7  and  convivial  meetings  at  the  palace  of  the  Medici 
in  Florence,  or  at  their  different  seats  in  the  coun- 
try, M'hich  he  has  himself  occasionally  celebrated 
in  his  -vvi-itings.  ^  It  is  not  therefore  surprising, 
that  on  the  death  of  Lorenzo  the  Magnificent,  he 
honoured  his  memoiT  in  a  Latin  ode,  which  he 
addressed  to  Pico  of  Mirandula ;  but  it  is  remark- 
able, that  in  this  production  (if  indeed  it  was  ^mtten 
at  the  time  to  which  it  relates)  he  has  predicted  in 
forcible  terms  the  approaching  calamities  of  Italy.* 
After  this  event,  Crinitus  still  continued  to  enjoy 
at  Florence  the  society  of  Pico  and  of  Politiano, 
till  the  death  of  these  distinguished  scholai's,  which 
happened  within  two  months  of  each  other,  in  the 
year  1494.''  It  may  serve  as  an  instance  of  the 
negligence  with  which  literary  memoirs  are  often 
written,  and  of  the  necessity  of  a  more  intimate 
acquaintance  M'ith  the  general  history  of  the  times, 

to 


'   F.  Life  of  Lor.  de'  Medici,  ii.  140.  4to.  ed. 

^  At  tu  moesta  novis  patria  lachrymis 
Indulge  ;  iicc  enim  cernere  adhuc  potes 
Quantum  mox  miseris  civibus  imminet 
Fatorum  gravis  exitus. 
J\,'£nia,  de  obitu  Laur.  Med.     Crin.  oji.  p.,  529. 

'^  Crinitus  has  also  consecrated  a  Latin  poem  to  the 
memory  of  each  of  his  friends,  in.  op.  p.  532,  563. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  175 

to  notice  some  of  the  errours  to  which  the  Life  of  c  h  a  p. 
Crinitus  has  given  rise.  By  one  author  we  are  n- 
informed,  that  after  the  death  of  Pohtiano,  Crinitus  1492 
was  intrusted  by  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  with  the  ^'-  ^'^• 
instruction  of  his  children,  and  that  this  example 
was  followed  by  the  principal  nobility  of  Florence, 
who  rejoiced  in  having  obtained  such  a  successour 
to  so  accomplished  a  preceptor.  ^  If  this  were  true, 
Crinitus  would  be  entitled  to  our  more  particular 
notice,  as  one  of  the  early  instructers  of  Leo  X. 
but  when  we  recollect,  that  at  the  time  of  the  death 
of  Politiano,  Lorenzo  had  been  dead  upwards  of 
two  years,  we  are  compelled  to  reject  this  infor- 
mation as  wholly  groundless.  Another  author, 
who  was  a  contemporary  with  Crinitus,  has  how- 
ever informed  us,  that  at  the  death  of  Politiano, 
Crinitus  continued  to  deliver  instructions  to  the 
younger  branches  of  the  Medici  family,  and  others 
of  the  Florentine  nobility  ;  "^  forgetting  that  the 
Medici  were,  about  the  time  of  the  death  of  Poli- 
tiano, 


*=  "  Quel  gran  Mecenati  de'  virtuosi,  Lorenzo  de'  Me- 
"  did,  non  dubito  confidare  alia  di  lui  direzione  nelle  lettere 
"  i  suoi  figliuoli,  dopo  la  morte  del  Poliziano  ;  e  fu  segiiitato 
"  il  di  lui  esempio  da  tutta  la  nobile  gioventu,  che  lo  gode 
"  successore  d'un  si  valente  maestro." 

A^tgri,  ScrittQriFiorent.fi.  462, 

^  Morto  il  Politiano,  merito  (Crinito)  d'essere  in  grade 
di  compagno,  e  di  precettore  appresso  quei  Giovanni  dt' 
Medici  8c  d'altri  nobili,  che  davano  opera  alle  buone  lettere. 

Qioxioy  Iscritt.p.  106. 


176 


LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 


CHAP,  tiano,  expelled  from  Florence,  and  became  fu,^i- 

'^'      tives  in  different  parts  of  Italy,  where  they  could 

1492     not  avail  themselves  of  the  precepts  of  Crinitus, 

^t.  17.  and  where  indeed  they  had  other  occupations  than 
the  studies  of  literature.  It  is  therefore  more  pro- 
bable that  Crinitus,  after  this  period,  quitted  his 
native  place,  and  took  an  active  part  in  the  com- 
motions which  soon  afterwaids  occurred;  as  he 
frequently  refers  in  his  writings  to  the  labours  and 
misfortunes  which  he  has  sustained,  and  avows 
his  determination  to  return  to  his  literaiy  studies.' 
That  he  passed  some  part  of  his  time  at  Naples 
may  be  presumed,  not  only  from  his  intimacy  with 
Bernardo  Caraffa,  Tomaso  Fusco,  and  other  Nea- 
politan scholars,  but  from  the  particular  interest 
which  he  appears  to  have  taken  on  behalf  of  the 
house  of  Aragon,  and  the  vehemence  with  which 
he  inveighs  against  the  French  in  his  writings. 
In  this  respect  his  opinions  were  directly  opposed 
to  those  of  his  friend  Marullus,  who  openly  es^ 
poused  the  cause  of  Charles  VIII.  It  may  also  be 
conjectured  that  he  passed  a  part  of  his  time  at 
Ferrara,  where  having,  by  accident,  fallen  into  the 
Po,  and  escaped  with  safety,  he  addressed  an  ode 
of  gratitude  to  the  river.  ^     We  are  informed  by 

Negri, 


^  De  sua  quiete  fiost  multas  calamitates.    Crin.  op.  p.  531. 

Car?nen  Charisticon,  ad  Eridanum  Jluvium<)  pro  recfpta 
salute,  cumin  eum  decidisset.  op.  Crin,  p.  543. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  j'  177 

1 

Negri,  that  Crinitus  died  about  the  close  of  the  chap. 
fifteenth  century,  at  the  age  of  thirty  nine  years ;  ^  ^^' 
but  his  writings  refer  to  many  events  beyond  that  1492. 
period ;  and  his  dedication  of  his  treatise  De  Poetis  ^t.  \7. 
Lat'inis^  to  Cosmo  de'  Pazzi,  then  bishop  of 
Arezzo,  and  afterwards  archbishop  of  Florence, 
nephew  of  Lorenzo  the  Magnificent,  is  dated  in 
the  year  1505,  which  period,  it  is  however  proba- 
ble, he  did  not  long  survive.  We  are  also  informed 
that  his  death  was  occasioned  by  the  irregularity  of 
his  conduct  and  the  licentiousness  of  liis  friends, 
one  of  whom,  in  the  frolicks  of  a  convivial  enter- 
tainment, at  the  villa  of  Pietro  Martelli,  poured 
over  him  a  vessel  of  water,  with  the  disgrace  of 
which  he  was  so  greatly  affected,  that  he  died  in  a 
few  days.  ^  Not  to  insist  merely  on  the  improba- 
bility of  such  a  narrative,  a  sufficient  proof  that  the 
life  of  Crinitus  was  not  terminated  by  any  sudden 
accident,  appears  in  his  beautiful  and  pathetick 
Latin  ode  on  his  long  sickness  and  approaching 
death,  from  \\'hich  we  find,  that  he  had  struggled 
^\ith  a  tiresome  feverish  indisposition,  wliich  had 
baffled  the  skill  of  his  physicians,  and  in  Avhich  he 
resigns  himself,  to  his  untimely  fate ;  at  the  same 
time  asserting  his  claim  to  the  esteem  of  posterity 
from  the  integrity  of  his  life  and  conduct.     From 

the 


e  JVegriy  Scrittori  Fiorent.fi.  462. 

U  J\/egri,  ubi.  suji.     Giovio  Iscrift,  106. 
VOL.  I.  Z 


178  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  the  same  piece  we  also  learn,  that  he  intended  to 

II. have  written  a  poem  on  the  descent  of  the  French 

1492.  into  Italy,  but  this,  with  many  other  works,  was 
JFa.  17.  left  unfinished.  After  the  death  of  Politiano,  Cri- 
nitus  assisted  his  friend  Alessandro  Sarti,  in  col- 
lecting the  works  of  that  great  scholai',  for  the 
edition  printed  by  Aldo  Manuzio,  in  1498.  The 
principal  work  of  Crinitus,  De  Honesta  Disciplhia, 
as  well  as  his  treatise  on  the  Latin  poets  before 
mentioned,  demonstrates  the  extent  of  his  learn- 
ing and  the  accuracy  of  his  critical  taste, '  and  in 
these  respects  are  not  unworthy  the  disciple  of  his 
great  preceptor.^  His  poetry,  all  of  which  is  in 
the  Latin  language,  is  also  entitled  to  commenda- 
tion, and  will  occasionally  be  adduced  in  the  follow- 
ing pages,  as  illustrating  the  publick  transactions 
of  the  times  in  which  he  lived. 

It 


i  He  was  the  first  who  pointed  out  the  mistake  of  the 
learned  respecting  the  supposititious  elegies  of  Cornelius 
Gallus  ;  a  subject  which  has  given  rise  to  great  diversity 
of  opinion. 

■V.  Menagiana^  tom.'i.fi.  336. 

J  A  few  Letters  of  Crinitus  appear  in  the  works  of  Poli- 
tiano, Efi.  lib.  xii.  and  in  those  of  Giovanni  Francesco  Pico 
of  Mirandula,  fi.  839.  Andreas  Dactius  has  commemorated 
him  in  the  following  epitaph  : 

"  Heus  audi,  properes  licet  Viator, 
"  Criniti,  tumulo  teguntur  isto, 
"  Dilecti  cineres  sacris  camoenis. 
"  Hoc  scires  volui.     Recede  fcelix." 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  179 

It  may  not  be  improper  to  close  this  general  chap. 
view  of  the  state  of  literature  in  Italy,  in  the  }ear  ^^' 
1492,  with  some  accomit  of  a  person,  whose  in-  i-i^^s. 
calculable  services  to  the  cause  of  sound  learning,  ^^'  ^^' 
obtrude  themselves  upon  our  notice  at  every  step, 
and  the  productions  of  whose  skill  are  at  every 
moment  in  the  hands  of  the  historian  of  this  period. 
This  can  only  be  referred  to  the  eminent  printer 
Aldo  Manuzio,  to  whom  the  world  is  indebted, 
not  only  for  the  works  of  many  of  the  ancient  au- 
thors, which  he  either  first  discovered,  or  first  pub- 
lished in  a  correct  form,  but  for  those  of  manv  of 
his  contemporaries,  which  without  his  unparalleled 
industry  would  not  have  been  preserved  to  the  pre- 
sent day.  At  this  precise  time  he  was  making 
preparations  for  his  laudable  purpose,  and  had  de- 
termined to  devote  his  learning,  his  resources,  his 
industry,  and  his  life,  to  the  service  of  literature. 
But  before  we  advert  to  the  measures  which  he 
adopted  for  this  great  and  commendable  end,  it 
cannot  be  thought  uninteresting  briefly  to  com- 
memorate the  previous  events  of  his  life, 

Aldo  Manuzio  was  born  about  the  year  1447,  awo  Mann- 
at  Bassiano,  a  village  within  the  Roman  territory, 
whence  he  styles  himself  y^/<i//^  Manutius  Bassianus  ; 
but  more  frequently  Aldus  Romanus.  ^     Maittaire 

justly 


k  In  the  scarce  edition  of  the  Thesaurus  Cornucojiie,  of 
Varino  Camerti^  printed  by  Aldo  in  1496,  he  styles  him- 
self Aldus  Manutius  Bassianus  Romanus. 


180  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  justly  observes,  that  it  was  a  fortunate  circumstance, 

^^'      that  the  birth  of  so  skilful  an  artist  should  have 

1492.     happened  at  the  very  time  when  the  art  itself  was 

iLt.  17.  |^j,g^  meditated.  Respecting  his  education,  he  has 
himself  informed  us,  that  he  lost  a  great  part  of 
his  time  in  acquiring  the  principles  of  Latin  gram- 
mai'  by  the  rules  oC  Alessandro  de  Villadei, '  the 
book  then  commonly  used  in  the  schools  ;  but  this 
disadvantage  was  soon  afterwards  compensated  by 
the  instructions  which  he  obtained,  in  the  Latin 
tongue,  from  Gasparo  Veronese  at  Rome,  and  in 
both  Latin  and  Greek,  from  Battista  Guarino  who 
then  resided  at  Ferrara,  at  which  place  Aldo  also 
took  up  his  abode. '"  Under  such  tutors  the  pro- 
ficiency of  such  a  scholar  was  rapid,  and  at  an  early 
age  Aldo  became  himself  an  instructer,  having  been 
intrusted  with  the  education  of  Alberto  Pio,  lord 

of 


'  This  grammarian  lived  in  the  early  part  of  the  thir 
teenth  century.  His  work  is  written  in  barbarous  Latin 
verse,  which  the  pupils  were  compelled  to  repeat  by  me- 
mory. Manni  has  given,  from  a  MS.  copy*  in  his  own 
possession,  a  specimen  of  this  pedantick,  but  once  cele» 
brated  production,  which  thus  commences  : 

"  Scribere  clericulis  paro  doctrinale  novellis 
"  Pluraque  doctorum  sociabo  scripta  meorum, 
"  Jamque  legent  pueri  pro  nugis  Maximiani 
"  Que  veteres  sociis  nolebant  pandere  caris."  8cc. 

Manni,  vita  di  Mdo,  ji.  7.  ed  Fen,  1759. 

^^  Aldi  Manutii  fircej.  ad  Theocritum,  ^c.     Ven,   1495. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  181 

of  Carpi,  who  was  nearly  of  his  own  age. "  With  chap. 
this  young  nobleman  he  contracted  a  friendship      "• 
which  proved  throughout  his  life  of  the  greatest     1492. 
service  to  him,  and  which  was  afterwards  mani-   ^^'  i''- 
fested  by  his  disciple  conceding  to  him  the  honour- 
able privilege  of  using  his  family  name,  whence 
Aldus  has  often  denominated  himself  Aldus  Pius 
Maniitius, 

In  tlie  yeai'  1482,  ^vhen  the  safety  of  Ferrara  "''  3'='!"=*'"t- 

ance  with 

was  threatened  by  the  formidable  attack  of  the  Ve-  Alberto  pio. 
netians,  Aldo  retreated  to  Mirandola,  °  -where  he  vu  and  pico 
contracted  a  strict  intimacy  with  the  celebrated 

Gio\anni 


"  The  subsequent  commotions  of  Italy,  in  which  Al- 
berto acted  an  important  part,  have  probably  deprived  the 
world  of  the  fruits  of  his  literary  studies.  Such  at  least, 
is  the  inference  which  arises  from  the  following  passage, 
in  the  dedication  to  him  of  the  Aldine  edition  of  Lucre- 
tius,  at  the  time  when  he  was  engaged  as  the  Imperial 
envoy  at  the  court  of  Rome  :  "  Deus  perdat  perniciosa 
"  hsec  bella,  quae  te  perturbant,  qus  te  tamdiu  avertunt 
"  a  sacris  studiis  literarum  ;  nee  sinunt  ut  quiete,  et,  quod 
"  semper  cupivisti  atque  optasti,  fruaris  otio,  ad  eas  artes, 
"  quibus  a  puero  deditus  fuisti,  celebrandas  ;  jam  aliquem 
"  fructum  dedisses  studiorum  tuorum  utilem  sane  et  nobis 
"  et  posteris  :  qua  te  privari  re,  ita  moleste  fers,  ut  nullam 
"  aliam  ob  causam,  credendum  sit,  nuper  te  Romx  tarn 
"  gravi  morbo  laborasse,  ut  de  salute  tua  et  timerent  boni 
''  omnes  et  angerentur." 

•  Aldi  Efi.  in  Eju  Polit.  lib.  vii. 


182 


LIFE   AND   PONTIFICATE 


CHAP.  Giovanni  Pico.     His  intercourse  with  these  two 

IJ'      men  of  distinguished  rank  and  learning  continued 

1492.     witli  uninterrupted  esteem,  and  Alberto  had  ex- 

Mt.  \r.  pressed  an  intention  of  investing  him  with  the 
government  of  a  part  of  his  territory  of  Carpi ; 
but  this  project  was  relinquished  for  one  which 
proved  more  honourable  to  Aldo,  and  more  use- 
ful to  mankind.  In  the  friendly  interviews  which 
took  place  among  these  individuals,  the  idea  was 
gradually  formed  of  the  great  undertaking  which 
Aldo  was  destined  to  carry  into  effect,  and  in 
which,  as  it  has  been  with  great  probability  con- 
jectured, he  was  to  have  the  support  and  pecuniary 
assistance  of  his  two  illustrious  friends. 


publish  die 
works  of  the 
'.Lncients. 


Motives  of  Of  the  liberal  motives  by  which  Aldo  was 
f  mktgTo  actuated,  he  has  left  to  posterity  abundant  evidence. 
print  ana  ^,  rj,^^  neccssity  of  Greek  literature  is  now,"  says 
lie,  "  universally  acknowledged,  insomuch,  that 
'  not  only  our  youth  endeavour  to  acquire  it,  but 

*  it  is  studied  even  by  those  advanced  in  years. 
'  We  read  but  of  one  Cato  among  the  Romans 
'  who  studied  Greek  in  his  old  age,  but  in  our 
'  times  we  have  many  Catos,  and  the  number  of 
'  our  youth,  \\'ho  apply  themselves  to  the  study  of 

*  Greek,  is  almost  as  great  as  of  those  who  study 
'  the  Latin  tongue ;  so  that  Greek  books,  of  which 
'  there  are  but  few  in  existence,  are  now  eagerly 
'  sought  after.  But  by  the  assistance  of  Jesus 
'  Christ,  I  hope  ere  long  to  supply  this  deficiency, 
'  although  it  can  only  be  accomplished  by  great 

"  labour, 


OF  LEO   THE   TENTH.  183 


i< 


founds  an 
academy 


labour,  inconvenience,  and  loss  of  time.    Those  chap. 
■**  who  cultivate  letters  must  be  supplied  with  books      n- 
*' necessary  for  their  purpose,  and  till  this  supply      1*92. 
*'  be  obtained  I  shall  not  be  at  rest." ^  ^t.  17. 

But  although  the  publication  of  the  Greek  au-  Establishes 
thors  appears  to  have  been  his  favourite  object,  vlnicra^nd 
and  always  occupied  a  great  pait  of  his  attention, 
yet  he  extended  his  labours  to  other  languages,  *'"'* 
and  to  every  department  of  learning.     The  place 
which  he  chose  for  his  establishment  was  Venice, 
already  the  most  distinguished  city  in  Italy  for  the 
attention  paid  to  the  ai-t,  and  where  it  was  most 
probable  that  he  might  meet  ^\■ith  those  materials 
and  assistants  \\  hich  were  necessary  for  his  pur- 
pose. **     In  making  the  preparations  requisite  for 
commencing  his  work  he  ^^•as  indefatigable ;  •"  but 

the 


P  V.  Aldi  E/iist.  jiristoteli  Organo  1  ^'^S^firxfixam^  et  Mait- 
taire.  Annul,  i.  69.  His  magnanimity  and  publick  spirit  ap- 
pear also  from  many  other  passages  in  his  own  writings. 

^  If  this  city  has  not  produced  many  authors  of  the 
first  eminence,  it  has  compensated  the  world  by  multiply- 
ing and  perpetuating  the  works  of  others.  Yet  Venice  is 
not  without  its  panegyrists  :  thus  Battista  Mantuanus — 

"  Semper  apud  Venetos  studium  sapientia;  et  omnis 

"  In  pretio  doctrina  fuit ;  superavit  Athenas 

"  Ingeniis,  rebus  gestis,  Lacedemona  ct  Argos." 

■■  Maittaire  conjectures,  that  he  was  employed  in  these 
preparations  four  or  five  years ;  but  from  the  preface  of 

Aldus 


CHAP. 

II. 

1492. 

^t    17. 

184  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

the  more  pai'ticular  object  of  his  wishes  was  the 
discovery  of  some  method,  by  which  he  might 
give  to  his  pubhcations  a  greater  degree  of  correct- 
ness than  had  been  attained  by  any  preceding  artist- 
To  this  end  he  invited  to  his  assistance  a  great 
number  of  distinguished  scholars,  whom  he  pre- 
vailed upon  by  his  o^^^l  influence  and  that  of  his 
friends,  or  the  stipulation  of  a  liberal  reward,  to 
take  up  their  residence  at  Venice.  That  he  might 
attach  them  still  more  to  the  place  and  to  each 
other,  he  proposed  the  establishment  of  a  literary 
association,  or  academy,  the  chief  object  of  which 
was  to  be  the  correcting  the  works  of  the  ancient 
authors,  with  a  view  to  their  publication  in  as  cor- 
rect a  manner  as  possible.  Of  this  academy  Mar- 
cus Musurus,  Pietro  Bembo,  Angelo  Gabrielli, 
Andrea  Navagero,  Daniello  Rinieri,  Marino  Sa- 
nuto,  Benedetto  Ramberti,  Battista  Egnazio,  and 
Giambattista  Ramusio,  were  the  principal  orna- 
ments, and  will  be  entitled  to  our  future  notice. 
For  the  more  effectual  establishment  of  this  insti- 
tution, it  was  his  earnest  wish  to  have  obtained 
an  imperial  diploma ;  but  in  this  respect  he  was 

disappointed 


Aldus  to  the  Thesaurus  Cornucopia  of  Varino  Camerti, 
printed  in  1496,  it  appears  that  he  had  been  occupied  in 
this  undertaking;  from  the  year  1489,  "  Postquam  suscepi 
"  hanc  duram  provinciam  (annus  enim  agitur  jam  septi- 
"  mus)  possem  jurejurando  affirmare,  tot  annos  ne  horam 
"  quidem  solids  habuisse  quietis." 


OF  LEO  THE  tenth!.  185 

disappointed;  and  die  Venetian  academy,  ^^•hich  chap. 

ought  to  have  been  an  object  of  national  or  uni-       ii. 

\ersal  munificence,  was  left  to  depend  upon  the     U92. 
industry  and  bounty  of  a  private  individual,  under   ^i.  17. 
\^  hose  auspices  it  subsisted  during  many  years  in 
great  credit,  and  eft'ected,  in  a  \'ery  considerable 
degree,  the  beneficial  purposes  which  its  founder 
had  in  view. 

Such  were  the  motives,  and  such  the  prepa-  proc^"!  and 

success  •.  f  his 

rations  for  this  great  undertaking ;  but  its  execution  unUertaking. 
surpassed  all  the  expectations  that  its  most  sanguine 
promoters  could  have  formed  of  it.  The  first 
work  produced  from  the  Aldine  press,  was  the 
poem  of  Hero  and  Leander,  of  Museus,  in  the 
year  1494 ;  ^  fi-om  which  time,  for  the  space  of 
upAvai'ds  of  twenty  years,  during  \vhich  Aldo  conti- 
nued his  labours,  there  is  scarcely  an  ancient 
author,  Greek  or  Latin,  of  whom  he  did  not  gi\'e 
a  copious  edition,  besides  publishing  a  considera- 
ble number  of  books  in  the  Italian  tongue.  In  tlie 
acquisition  of  the  most  authentick  copies  of  the 
ancient  authors,  whether  manuscript  or  printed, 
he  spared  neither  labour  nor  expense ;  and  such 
was  the  opinion  entertained  of  his  talents  and  assi= 

duity 


'  This  work  is  not  marked  by  the  date  of  the  year  in 
which  it  was  printed,  and  Manni  seems  to  doubt  its  claim 
to  priority  ;  but  Mtittaire  had  before  sufficiently  shown 
that  this  opinion  was  well  founded.     Annal.  ty/i.  i.  70. 

VOL.  r.  A  a 


n 


186  LIFE   AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  duity  by  the  celebrated  Erasmus,  who  occasionally 
^^-  assisted  him  in  revising  the  ancient  writers,  that  he 
1492.  i^as  endeavoured  to  do  justice  to  his  merits,  by 
■^**,  ^T*  asserting  in  his  Adagia,  *'  that  if  some  tutelary 
"  deity  had  promoted  the  views  of  Aldo,  the 
"  learned  world  would  shortly  have  been  in  pos- 
*'  session,  not  only  of  all  the  Greeic  and  Latin 
"  authors,  but  even  of  the  Hebrew  and  Chaldaick  ; 
*'  insomuch,  that  nothing  could  have  been  \vanting 
"  in  this  respect,  to  their  wishes.  That  it  was  an 
enterprise  of  royal  munificence  to  reestablish 
polite  letters,  then  almost  extinct:,  to  discover 
*'  what  was  hidden ;  to  supply  what  was  wanting ; 
"  and  to  correct  what  was  defective."  By  the 
same  eminent  scholar  mc  are  also  assured,  that 
M  hilst  Aldo  promoted  the  interests  of  the  learned, 
the  learned  gave  him  in  return  their  best  assist- 
ance, and  that  even  the  Hungarians  and  the  Poles 
sent  their  AAorks  to  his  press,  and  accompanied 
them  by  liberal  presents.  How  these  great  objects 
could  be  accomplished  by  the  efforts  of  an  indivi- 
dual, will  appear  extraordinary ;  especially  when 
it  is  considered,  that  Aldo  was  a  professed  teacher 
of  the  Greek  language  in  Venice ;  that  he  diligently 
attended  the  meetings  of  the  academy;  that  he 
maintained  a  frequent  correspondence  with  the 
learned  in  all  countries ;  that  the  prefaces  and 
dedications  of  the  books  which  he  published  w^erc 
often  of  his  own  composition ;  that  the  works  them- 
selves were  occasionally  illustrated  by  his  criticisms 
and  observations  ;  and  that  he  sometimes  printed 

his 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  187 

his  0U11  works :  an  instance  of  which  appears  in  c  h  a  p. 
his  Latin  grammar,  published  in  the  year   1507.       ^^- 
The  sokition  of  this  difficulty  may,  however,  in     1492. 
some  degi-ee  be  obtained,  by  perusing  the  inscrip-   Mt.  17. 
lion  placed  by  Aldo  over  the  door  of  his  study, 
in  which  he  requests  his  visiters  to  despatch  their 
business  with  him,  as  expeditiously  as  possible, 
and  be  gone  ;  unless  they  come,  as  Hercules  came 
to  Atlas,  with  a  view  of  rendering  assistance ;  in 
which  case  there  would  be  sufficient  employment, 
both  for  them,  and  as  many  otliers  as  might  repair 
thither. 


quiquis  Es  rogat  te  aldus  etiam  AxquE  etiam, 

UT    siquiD   est    qUOD    a   se    velis,    perpaucis    agas, 

deinde  actutum  areas  ;  nisi,  tamquam  hercules, 

defesso   atlante,    veneris   suppositurus  humeros  : 

SEMPER  ENIM  ERIT  qUOD  ET   TU    AGAS, 

ET  quoxquoT 

HUC   ATTULERINT  PEDES. 


CHAP.  III. 


1492—1494. 

THE  cardinal  de'  Medici  returns  to  Florence — Death  of 
Innocent  VIII.— Election  of  Alexander  VI. — Ambi- 
tious views  of  Lodovico  Sforza — .Invites  Charles  VIII. 
into  Italy — League  between  the  pope,  the  duke  of  Mi- 
lan, and  the  Venetians — Observations  on  the  respective 
claims  of  the  houses  of  Anjou  and  Aragon — Charles 
accommodates  his  differences  with  other  states — Nego- 
tiates with  the  Florentines — Alexander  VI.  remonstrates 
with  him  on  his  attempt — The  king  of  Naples  endea- 
vours to  prevail  on  him  to  relinquish  his  expedition 

Prepares  for  his  defence — Alfonso  II.  succeeds  to  the 
crown  of  Naples — Prepares  for  war — Views  and  con- 
duct of  the  smaller  states  of  Italy — Charles  VIII.  enga- 
ges Italian  stipendiaries — unsuccessful  attempt  of  the 
Neapolitans  against  Genoa — Ferdinand  duke  of  Calabria, 
opposes  the  French  in  Romagna — Charles  crosses  the 
Alps — His  interview  with  Gian-Galeazzo,  duk^  of  Mi- 
lan—- Hesitates  respecting  the  prosecution  of  hi?  enter- 
prise^Piero  de'  Medici  surrenders  to  Charles-  VIII. 
the  fortress  of  Tuscany — The  cardinal  de*  Medici  with 
his  brothers  Piero  and  Giuliano  expelled  the  city---Pisa 
asserts  its  liberties — Retreat  of  the  duke  of  Calabria 
before  d'Aubigny — Charles  VIII.  enters  Florence— In- 
tends to  restore  Piero  de'  Medici — Commotions  in 
Florence  and  treaty  with  Charles  VIII. — Charles  enters 
the  territories  of  the  church — The  states  of  Italy  ex- 
horted by  a  contemporary  writer  to  oppose  the  progress 
of  the  French. 

Scarcely  had  the  cai-didinal  de'  Medici  gone  (,  „  ^  p 
through  the   ceremonies    of    his  admission    into      m. 
the  consistory,  than  he  received  intelligence  of  the     j^gj. 

death  of  his  father,  which  happened  on  the  eighth  iEt.  17. 

day 


returns  to 
norencc. 


190  LIFE  AND   PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  day  of  April,   1492.     His  sensations  on  this  occa- 

m-      sion  are  strongly  expressed  in  his  letters  to  his 

1492.     brother  Piero;"^  but  not  satisfied   with  epistolary 

^*'  ^^"    condolence  and  advice,  he  prepared  to  pay  a  visit 

The  Cardinal  -[--,,  r        ,l  r  ^*  u      U* 

de'  Medici  ^0  T  lorcncc,  lor  the  purpose  oi  supporting,  by  his 
presence,  the  credit  and  authority  of  the  Medici 
in  that  city.  In  order  to  give  him  additional  im- 
portance on  this  occasion,  the  pope  appointed  him 
legate  of  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  and  of  the 
Tuscan  state. ""  Before  his  arrival,  the  magistrates 
and  council  had,  however,  passed  a  decree,  by 
which  they  had  continued  to  Piero  all  the  honours 
which  his  late  father  had  enjoyed.  The  general 
disposition  of  the  inhabitants  was  indeed  so  highfy 
favourable  to  the  Medici,  that  the  authority  of  Piero 
seemed  to  be  established  on  as  sure  a  foundation  as 
tliat  of  any  of  his  ancestors,  with  the  additional 
stability  which  length  of  time  al'ways  gives  to 
publick  opinion. 

During  the  residence  of  the  cardinal  at  Florence, 
he  distinguished  himself  amongst  his  fellow  citizens, 
not  only  by  the  decorum  and  gravity  of  his  conduct 
as  an  ecclesiastick,  but  bv  his  munificence  to  those 
numerous  and  eminent  scholars,  whom  the  death 
of  his  father  had  deprived  of  their  chief  protector. 

To 


*  -v.  Life  of  Lor,  de'  Med.  ii.  247.  Afifiendix^  Ko.  Ixxx. 
^  Fakroniiy  iita  Leon  x./i.  13.  adnot.  10. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  191 

To  his  favour  Marsilius  Ficiniis  was  indebted  for  chap. 
the  respectable  rank  of  a  canon  of  Florence ;  and      m- 
his  liberality  was  yet  more  particularly  sho^\n  to     1492. 
Demetrius  Chalcondyles,  from  whom  he  had  for-    -^t.  17. 
merly  received  instruction,  and  to  whom  he  afforded 
pecuniary  assistance,  not  only  for  his  own  pur- 
poses,   but  for  the   promotion  of  his  numerous 
offspring.     In  these,    and   similar  instances,    his 
conduct  corresponded  with  the  sentiments  profes- 
sed by  him,  in  the  assertion  which  he  made,  tJiat 
the  gi'eatest  alleviation,  which  he  could  experience 
of  his  recent  loss,  ^vould  be  to  have  it  in  his  power, 
to  promote  the  interest  of  those  men  of  learning, 
who  had  been  the  peculiar  objects,  of  the  affection 
and  regard  of  his  father.''     In  the  mean  time  the 
health  of  the  pope  was  rapidly  declining,  and  the 
cardinal  received  information,  which  induced  him 
to  hasten  with  all  possible  expedition  towards  Rome. 
On  this  occasion  the  magistrates  of  Florence  direct- 
ed their  general,  Paolo  Orsino,  to  accompany  him 
to  that  city,  with  a  body  of  horse ;  but  before  his 
arrival  there,  he  received  intelligence  of  tiie  death 
of  the  pontiff,  which  happened  on  the  twenty  fifth  °""'  °^  '"• 
day  of  July,   1492. 

If  the  character  of  Innocent  \\ere  to  be  impar- 
tially weighed,  the  balance  '\\'Ould  incline,  but  witli 
no  very  rapid  motion,  to  the  favourable  side.    His 

native 


Fabronii,    Vifa  Leon.  x.  p.  14. 


193  Lli-E  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  native  disposition  seems  to  have  been  mild  and 
m*  placable ;  but  the  disputed  claims  of  the  Roman 
1492.  see,  which  he  conceived  it  to  be  his  duty  to  en- 
Mt.  ir.  force,  led  him  into  embaiTassments,  from  which 
he  was  with  difficulty  extricated,  and  m  hich,  with- 
out increasing  his  reputation,  destroyed  his  repose. 
He  had  some  pretensions  to  munificence,  and  may 
be  ranked  with  those  pontiffs  to  whom  Rome  is 
indebted  for  her  more  modern  ornaments.  One 
of  the  faults  with  which  he  stands  charged  is  his 
unjust  distribution  of  the  treasures  of  the  church 
among  the  children  who  had  been  bom  to  him 
during  his  secular  life  ;'^  but  even  in  this  respect  his 
bounty  was  restrained  within  moderate  limits.  In- 
stead of  raising  his  eldest  son,  Francesco  Cibo,  to 
an  invidious  equality  with  the  hereditary  princes 
of  Italy,  he  conferred  on  him  the  more  substantial, 
and  less  dangerous  benefits  of  great  private  wealth ; 
and  although  to  these  he  had  added  the  small 
domains  of  Anguillara  and  Cervetii,  yet  Francesco, 
soon  after  the  death  of  his  father,  devested  himself 

of 


^  These  children  were  illegitimate,  as  appears  from 
the  evidence  of  Burchard,  who  denominates  Francesco 
Cibo — "  Filius  Papa,  etiam  bastardus,  prout  Domina 
^^  Theodorina."  Burchard.  Diar.  afi.  JVotices  des  MSS.  du 
Roi  i..93.  Nor  was  incontinency  the  only  crime  of  this 
pontiff,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  epigram  of  Marullus. 

"  Spurcities,  gula,  avaritia,  atque  ignavia  deses, 
"  Hoc,  Octave,  jacent  quo  tegeris,  tumulo." 


OF  Leo  the  tenth.  JL9G 

of  these  possessions,  for  an  equivalent  in  money,  chap. 
and  took  up  his  abode  at  Florence,  among  the      J^^- 
kinsmen  of  his  wife,  Maddalena  de'  Medici.  1492. 

JF.t.  17, 
On  the  death  of  the  pope,  his  body  was  carried 
to  the  church  of  St.  Peter,  attended  by  the  cardinal 
de'  Medici,  and  four  others  of  equal  rank.  His 
obsequies  were  performed  on  the  fifth  day  of  Au- 
gust, and  on  the  following  day  the  cardinals  entered 
the  conclave,  amidst  the  tumults  of  the  people, 
who,  as  usual  on  such  occasions,  abandoned  them- 
selves to  every  species  of  outrage  and  licentious- 
ness. *  The  chief  contest  appeared  to  subsist  be- 
tween Ascanio  Sforza,  whose  superiour  rank  and 
powerful  family  connexions  gave  him  great  credit, 
and  Roderigo  Borgia,  who  counterbalanced  the 
influence  of  his  opponent,  by  his  long  experience, 
deep  dissimulation,  and  the  riches  amassed  from 
the  many  lucrative  offices  which  he  liad  enjoyed. 
With  such  art  did  he  employ  these  advantages,  that 
Ascanio  himself,  seduced  by  the  blandishments 
and  promises  of  Roderigo,  not  only  relinquished 
his  own  pretensions,  but  became  the  most  earnest 
iidvocate  for  the  success  of  his  late  opponent.     So 

openly 


"  Per  Roma  scorrevano  a  schiera  i  ladroni,  gli  omici- 
darii,  ibanditi,  ed  ogni  pessima  sorte  d'uomini ;  ed  i  pakzzi 
de'  cardinal!  havevano  le  guardie  di  schioppettieri,  e  delie 
bombarde,  perche  non  fossero  saccheggiate. 

Conclari  de'  Pontef.  Rom.  v.  \.fi,  133. 

VOL.  I.  B    b 


194>  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  openly  was  this  scandalous  traffick  carried  on,  that 

__£££:_  Roclerigo  sent  four  mules,  laden  with  silver  to  As- 

1492.     canio,  and  presented  to  another  cardinal  a  sum  of 

Mt.  17.   five  thousand  gold  crowns,  as  an  earnest  of  what 

he  was  afterwards  to  receive.  ^     On  this  occasion, 

the  cardinal  de'  Medici  had  attached  himself  to  the 

cai'dinals  Francesco  Piccolomini  (afterwards  Pius 

III. )  and  Oliviero  Cai'affa,  men  of  great  integrity 

and  respectability,  but  who  were  induced  to  relax 

in  their  opposition  to  the  election  of  Roderigo,  by 

the  exertions  of  Ascanio  Sforza.  ^    Of  twenty  cai'- 

dinals  who  entered  the  conclave,  we  ai'C  informed 

there  were  only  five  who  did  not  sell  their  votes. '' 


Election  of 


VI. 


On  the  eleventh  day  of  August,  1492,  Rode- 
Aiexander  rlgo,  liaviug  assumcd  the  name  of  Alexander  VI. 
made  his  entrance,  as  supreme  Pontiff,  into  the 
church  of  St.  Peter.  The  ceremonies  and  pro- 
cessions on  this  occasion  exceeded  in  pomp  and 
expense  all  that  modern  Rome  had  before  witness- 
ed ;  and  whilst  the  new  pontiff  passed  through  the 
triumphal  arches  erected  to  his  honour,  he  might 
have  read  the  inscriptions  which  augured  the  return 
of  the  golden  age,  and  hailed  him  as  a  conqueror 
'    >  and 


'  Burchard  Diar.  ap.  ^Totices  des  MSS.  du  RoL  i,  101. 

8  Jovius,  171  vita  Leon,  yc.fi.  IS. 

^  Burch.  Diar.  afi.  Mt.  des  MSS.  du  Roi.  i.  101. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  195 

and  a  God. '     These  pageants  being  terminated,  chap. 
Alexander  underwent  the  final  test  of  his  qualifica-      ^^^' 
tions,  which,  in  his  particular  instance,  might  well     ^'^^2. 
have  been  dispensed  with,  ^  and  being  then  admit-    ^^-  *  '^' 

ted 


*  Of  these,  the  following  may  serve  as  a  sufficient  spe- 
cimen. 

"  Casare  magna  fuit,  nunc  Roma  est  maxima,  Sextus 
"  Regnat  Alexander ;  ille  vir,  iste  deus." 

"  Alexandro  invictissimo,  Alexandre  pientissimo,  Alex- 
*'  andro  magnificentissimo,  Alexandro  in  omnibus  maximo, 
^'  honor  et  gratia." 

"  Scit  venisse  suum,  patria  grata,  Jovem." 

Other  instances  of  preposterous  adulation  may  be  found 
in  Corio,  Storia  di  Mi/ano,  par  vii.  p.  888,  b'c.  If,  how- 
ever, all  the  enormities  recorded  of  him  be  true,  one  of 
the  Roman  poets  of  antiquity  would  have  furnished  him 
with  a  much  more  appropriate  motto  — 

"  Attulerat  secum  liquidi  quoque  monstra  veneni, 

"  Oris  Cerberei  spumas,  et  virus  Echidna, 

"  Erroresque  vagos,  cxcxque  oblivia  mentis, 

"  Et  scelus,  et  lachrymas,  rabiemque,  et  cxdis  amorem, 

"  Omnia  trita  simul."— • 

Ovid.  Met.  lib.  iv.  v.  499. 

^  "  Finalmente,  essendo  fornite  le  solite  solennita  in 
**  Sancta  Sanctorum^  e  domesticamente  toccatogli  i  testicoli, 
"  e  data  la  benedizione,  ritorno  al  palagio."  Corio.,  Storia 
di  Milano^  par.  vii.  p.  890.  Respecting  the  origin  of  this 
custom  T».  Shepherd's  Life  of  Poggio  Bracciolini,  p.  149. 
JVbte  (b.) 


196  LIPE  AND  PONTiriGATE 

CHAP,  ted  into  the  plenitude  of  power,  he  bestowed  his 
III-     pontifical  benediction  on  the  people.     "  He  en- 
1492.     "  tered  on  his  office,"  says  a  conteniporary  bisto- 
rt. 17.   rian,  "  with  the  meekness  of  an  ox,  but  he  ad- 
*'  ministered  it  with  the  fierceness  of  a  lion."' 

The  intelligence  of  this  event  being  dispersed 
thi'ough   Italy,  where  the  character  of  Roderigo 
Borgia  was  "well  known,  a  general  dissatisfaction 
took  place,  and  Ferdinand  of  Naples,  who  in  his 
reputation  for  sagacity  stood  the  highest  among  the 
sovereigns  of  Europe,  is  said  to  have  declared  to 
his  queen  with  tears,  from  which  feminine  expres- 
sion of  his  feelings  he  was  wont  to  abstain  even 
on  the  death  of  his  children,  that  the  election  of 
tliis  pontiff  would  be  destructive  to  the  repose, 
not  only  of  Italy,  but  of  the  whole  republick  of 
Christendom :    "  a  prognostick,"  says  Guicciar- 
dini,  "  not  unworthy  of  the  prudence  of  Ferdi- 
"  nand  ;  for  in  Alexander  VI.  were  united  a  sin- 
"  gular  degree  of  prudence  and  sagacity,  a  sound 
"  understanding,  a  wonderful  power  of  persuasion, 
"  and  an  incredible  perseverance,  vigilance,  and 
"  dexterity  in  whatever  he  undertook.     But  these 
.  * '  good  qualities  were  more  than  counterbalanced  by 
*'  his  vices.     In  his  manners  he  was  most  shame- 
■  *  less  ;  wholly  devested  of  sincerity,  of  decency, 

*'  and 


1  Entro  nel  Pontificato  Alessandro  vi.  mansueto  come 
bucj  t  I'ha  amministr.ito  come  Jeonc."  Coj-io,  ut  sup.  p.,  890. 


(C 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  197 

"  and  of  truth ;  without  fidelity,  without  religion  ;  chap. 
*'  in  his  avarice  immoderate ;  in  his  ambition  in-      i"- 
"satiable;  in  his  cruelty  more  than  barbarous;      ^4^2. 
"  with  a  most  ardent  desire  of  exalting  his  numer-   '^^'  ^"^ . 
ous  children,    by  whatever  means  it  might  be 
accomplished;  some  of  whom  (that  depraved 
instruments  might  not  be  wanting  for  depraved 
"  purposes)   were  not  less  detestable  than  their 
"  father."  ™     Such,  in  the  opinion  of  this  eminent 
historian,  was  the  man,  whom  the  sacred  college 
had  chosen  to  be  the  supreme  head  of  the  christian 
church. 

The  elevation  of  Alexander  VI.  was  the  signal 
of  flight  to  such  of  the  cardinals  as  had  opposed  his 
election.  Giuliano  della  Rovere,  who  to  a  martial 
spirit  united  a  personal  hatred  of  Alexander,  inso- 
much, that  in  one  of  their  quarrels,  the  dispute 
had  terminated  with  blows,  thought  it  prudent  to 
consult  his  safety  by  retiring  to  Ostia,  of  which 
place  he  was  bishop.  Here  he  fortified  himself  as 
for  a  siege,  alleging,  that  he  could  not  trust  the 
traitor,  by  which  appellation  he  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  distinguish  his  ancient  adversary.  "  The 
cardinal,  Giovanni  Colonna,  sought  a  refuge  in 
the  island  of  Sicily ;  and  the  cardinal  de'  Medici, 

equally 


•"  Guicciardin.  Storia  d'  Ital.  lib.  1. 


"  Muratori  ^nnali  d'  Italia,  v.  ix. //.  566; 


198  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  equally  inimical,  but  less  obnoxious  to  Alexander, 
III-     retired  to  Florence  ;  where  he  remained  till  the  ap- 
1492.    proaching  calamities  of  his  family  compelled  him 
^t.  17.  to  seek  a  shelter  elsewhere.  ° 


Ambitious 
views  of 
Lodovico 


No  sooner  was  the  new  pontiff  firmly  seated  in 
die  chair  of  St.  Peter,  than  those  jealousies,  in- 
sforza.  trigues,  and  disputes,  among  the  potentates  of 
Italy,  wliich  had  for  some  time  past  almost  ceased 
to  agitate  that  country,  began  again  to  revive,  and 
prepared  the  way,  not  only  to  a  long  series  of  blood- 
shed and  miseiy,  but  to  events  which  overturned 
in  a  great  degree  the  political  fabrick  of  Italy,  and 
materially  affected  the  rest  of  Europe.  During  the 
minority  of  his  nephew,  Gian-Galeazzo,  Lodovico 
Sforza  had  possessed  the  entire  direction  of  the 
government  of  Milan,  as  guardian  and  representa- 
tive of  the  young  prince.  ^  Gratified  by  the  exer-  ' 
cise  of  the  supreme  authority,  he  looked  forwards 
with  vexation  and  with  dread,  to  the  time  ^vhen 
he  was  to  relinquish  his  trust  into  the  hands  of  his 

rightful 


°  Jryunirato,  Ritratd  d'uomini  illustri  di  Casa  Medici. 
Ojiusc.  vol.  ui.fi.  64. 

P  From  the  ancient  chronicle  of  Donate  Bossi,  printed 
at  Milan,  1492,  it  appears,  that  the  Milanese  government 
at  this  time  mcluded  the  cities  and  districts  of  Milan,  Cre- 
mona, Parma,  Pavia,  Como,  Lodi,  Piacenza,  Novara, 
Alessandria,  Tortona,  Bobbio,  Savona,  Albingano,  Vin- 
timiglia,  and  the  whole  territory  of  the  Genoese. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  199 

rightful  sovereign;  and  having  at  length  silenced  chap. 
the  voice  of  conscience,  and  extinguished  the  sense  ^^^- 
of  duty,  he  began  to  adopt  such  measures  as  he  1492. 
thought  most  likely  to  deprive  his  nephew  of  his  ^t-  17. 
dominions,  and  vest  the  sovereignty  in  himself. 
For  this  purpose  he  intrusted  the  command  of  the 
fortresses  and  strong  holds  of  the  country  to  such 
persons  only,  as  he  knew  were  devoted  to  his  in- 
terests. The  revenue  of  the  state,  which  was  then 
very  considerable,  '^  became  in  his  hands  the  means 
of  corrupting  the  soldier}'^  and  their  leaders.  All 
honours,  offices,  and  favours  depended  upon  his 
^\  ill ;  and  so  completely  had  he  at  length  concen- 
trated in  himself  the  power  and  resources  of  the 
state,  that,  if  we  may  give  credit  to  a  historian  of 
those  times,  the  young  duke  and  his  consort  Isa- 
bella, the  daughter  of  Alfonso,  duke  of  Calabria, 
were  nearly  deprived  of  the  common  necessaries  of 
life.  "■  Witli  all  these  precautions  the  authority  of 
Lodovico  was  yet  insecure,  and  the  final  success 
of  his  purpose  doubtful.  The  hereditary  right  of 
Gian-Galeazzo  to  his  dominions,  was  unimpeacha- 
ble, and  he  was  now  of  age  to  take  upon  himself 

the 


1  Corio  states  the  ducal  revenue  at  this  period,  at  600,000 
ducats.     Storia  di  Milano.  lib,  vii.  fi.  883. 

r  "  Ed  in  tal  forma  fu  ristretta  la  corte  Ducale,  che  rt 
"  fatica  Giovanni  Gaieazzo,  ed  Isabella  sua  moglie,  pote- 
"  vano  havere  il  vitto  loro." 

Corio^  Storia  di  Milano,  lib.  vii./'-  883. 


200  J.IFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  the  supreme  authority.  *     His  wife  Isabella  of  Ara- 
^^^'      gon,  was  a  woman  of  a  firm  and  independent  spirit, 
1492.     and  by  her  he  had  already  several  children.  *  Under 
-^t'  ^'^'   these  circumstances  it  was  scarcely  to  be  supposed, 
that  Lodovico  could  devest  his  nephew  of  the  go- 
vernment without  incurring  the  resentment  of  the 
princes  of  the  house  of  Aragon,  who  might  probably 
also  excite  the  other  states  of  Italy  to  avenge  the 
cause  of  an  injured  so\'ereign.     That  these  appre- 
hensions 


^  It  appears,  however,  from  Summonte,  that  Lodovico 
had  pretended  a  legal  right  to  the  sovereignty,  on  the  plea, 
the  tGaleazzo,  the  father  of  the  young  duke,  was  bom  be- 
foT  e  the  time  that  his  father  Francesco  had  obtained  the 
dominion  of  Milan  ;  whereas  Lodovico  was  the  eldest  son 
born  after  that  acquisition,  and  consequently,  as  he  asserted, 
entitled  to  the  succession.  Summonte,  Storia  di  JVafioli,  v. 
iii. /2.  497.  It  is  however  remarkable,  that  Donato  Bossi, 
in  his  chronicle,  printed  in  1492,  and  dedicated  to  Gian- 
Galeazzo,  expressly  commends  the  fidelity  and  loyalty  of 
Lodovico  to  his  sovereign. — "  Opus  autem  ipsum  annalium, 
"  circa  quod  jam  ultra  tria  lustra  versatus  sum,  tibi  Joanni 
"  Galeazio  Sfortix,  Vicecomiti,  penes  quem,  hominum  di- 
"  vorumque  consensus,  justissimique  principis  patrui  tui 
"  Ludovici  fides  et  probitas,  Mediolanensis  principatus, 
"  reliquarumque  excelsarum  urbium,  regimen  esse  voluit, 
"  dedico  et  dono." 

^  "  La  dicte  fille,"  says  Commines,  speaking  of  Isabella? 
"  estoit  fort  courageuse,  et  eust  volontiers  donne  credit  i 
"  son  mari,  si  elle  eust  pu  ;  mais  il  n'estoit  gueres  sag-e,  et 
"  reveloit  ce  qu'elle  lui  disoit."  Mem.  de  Com  liv.  vii. /?. 
188.  cd.  Lyons  1559 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  201 

hensions  were  not  without  foundation,  he  had  alrea-  chap. 
dy  received  a  decisive  proof.     The  degraded  state      ^"- 
to  which  Isabella  and  her  husband  were  reduced,      i'*^^. 
had  compelled  her  to  represent  by  letter  to  her  Mt.  \7. 
father  Alfonso,  their  dangers  and  their  sufferings, 
in  consequence  of  which,  a  formal  embassy  had 
been  despatched  from  the  king  of  Naples  to  Lodo- 
vico,  to  prevail  upon  him  to  relinquish  the  supreme 
authority  into  the  hands  of  his  la^^'ful  prince.  "  This 
measure,  instead  of  answering  the  intended  pur- 
pose, ser\'ed  only  to  demonstrate  to  Lodovico  the 
dangers  which  he  had  to  apprehend,  and  the  neces- 
sity of  forming  such  alliances  as  might  enable  him 
to  repel  any  hostile  attempt. 

In  turning  his  eye  for  this  purpose  towards  the 
odier  states  of  Italy,  there  was  no  place  which  he 
regarded  with  more  anxiety  than  the  city  of  Flo- 
rence ;  not  only  on  account  of  the  situation  of  its 
territory,  Vvhich  might  open  the  \\^ay  to  a  direct 
attack  upon  him,  but  from  the  suspicions  which 
he  already  entertained,  that  Piero  de'  Medici  had 
been  induced  to  unite  his  interests  with  those  of 
the  family  of  Aragon,  in  preference  to  the  house 
of  Sforza ;  a  suspicion  not  indeed  without  founda- 
tion, and  which  some  circumstances  that  occun'ed 
at  this  period  amply  confirmed. 

On 


"  Corio,  Storia  di  Milan,  lib.  vii.  fi.  883.  where  the  let- 
ter from  Isabella  to  her  father  is  given. 
VOL.  I.  C  C 


202  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  HA  P.       On  the  elevation  of  Alexander  VI.  it  had  been 

__llii__  determined  to  despatch  an  embassy  from  Florence 

1492.    to  Congratulate  the  new  pontiff.    As  a  similar  mark 

^t,  17.  of  respect  to  the  pope  was  adopted  by  all  the  states 
of  Italy,  it  was  proposed  by  Lodovico  Sforza,  that 
in  order  to  demonstrate  the  intimate  union  and 
friendship  which  then  subsisted  among  them,  the 
different  ambassadours  should  all  make  their  publick 
entry  into  Rome,  and  pay  their  adoration  to  the 
pope  on  the  same  day.  This  proposition  was  uni- 
versally agreed  to ;  but  Piero  de'  Medici,  who  had 
been  nominated  as  one  of  the  Florentine  envoys, 
proud  of  his  superiour  rank,  which  he  conceived 
Would  be  degraded  by  his  appearing  amidst  an  as- 
sembly of  delegates,  and  perhaps  desirous  of  dis- 
playing in  the  eyes  of  the  Roman  people  an  extra- 
ordinary degree  of  splendour,  for  which  he  had 
made  great  preparations,  felt  a  repugnance  to  com- 
ply with  the  general  determination.  Umvilling, 
however,  to  oppose  the  project  openly,  he  applied 
to  the  king  of  Naples,  requesting  him,  if  possible, 
to  prevent  its  execution,  by  alleging  that  it  would 
rather  tend  to  disturb  than  to  confirm  the  repose  of 
Italy,  and  to  introduce  disputes  respecting  pre- 
cedency which  might  eventually  excite  jealousy 
and  resentment.  The  means  by  which  this  opposi- 
tion was  effected,  could  not,  however,  be  concealed 
from  the  vigilance  of  Lodovico,  to  whom  it  seemed 
to  impute  some  degree  of  blame,  in  having  origi- 
nally proposed  the  measure ;  while  it  served  to  con- 
vince him,  that  a  secret  intercourse  subsisted  be- 
tween 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  203 

tween   Ferdinand  and  Piero  de'  Medici,   which  chap. 
might  prove  highly  dangerous  to  his  designs.  m- 


1492. 

This  event  was  shortly  afterwards  followed  by  ^t-  ^7. 
another,    more   clearly   evincing  this   connexion. 
It  had  long  been  the  policy  of  the  Neapolitan  sove- 
reigns, always  fearful  of  the  pretensions  of  the 
holy  see,  to  maintain  a  powerful  interest  among 
the  Roman  nobility.     On  the  death  of  Innocent 
VIII.  his  son,  Francesco  Cibo,  preferring  the  life 
of  a  Florentine  citizen,  w  ith  competence  and  se- 
curity, to  that  of  a  petty  sovereign,    without  a 
sufficient  force  to  defend  his  possessions,  sold  the 
states  of  Anguillara  and  Cervetri,  to  Virginio  Or- 
sino,  a  near  relation  of  Piero  de'  Medici,  and  an 
avowed  partisan  of  Ferdinand  of  Naples,  at  whose 
instance  the  negotiation  was  concluded,  and  who 
furnished  Virginio  with  the  money  necessary  to 
effect  the  purchase.     As  this  measure  was  adopted 
without  the  concurrence  of  the  pope,  and  evident- 
ly tended  to  diminish  his  authority,  even  in  the 
papal  state,  he  not  only  poured  forth  the  bitterest 
invectives  against  all  those  who  had  been  privy  to 
the  transaction,  but  pretended,  that  by  such  aliena- 
tion, the  possessions  of  Francesco  had  devolved 
to  the  holy  see. ""     Nor  was  Lodovico  Sforza  less 
irritated  than  the  pope,  by  this  open  avowal  of 

confidence 


"  Guicciarclin.  Scoria  d'  Italia,  lib.  i. 


204  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  confidence  between  Piero  de'  Medici  and  the  king 

^^^-      of  Naples,  although  he  concealed  the  real  motives 

1493.     of  his  disapprobation,  under  the  plausible  pretext, 

■^^'  ^^-   that  such  an  alliance  formed  too  preponderating 

a  power  for  the  safety  of  the  rest  of  Italy. 


Sforza,  deter 
mines  to  iir 
vite  Chaiies 
VIU.  into 


todovico  In  endeavouring  to  secure  himself  from  the 

perils  which  he  saw,  or  imagined,  in  this  alliance, 
Lodovico  was  induced  by  his  restless  genius,  to 

".«])••  adopt  the  desperate  remedy  of  inviting  Charles 

VIII.  of  France,  to  make  a  descent  upon  Italy, 
for  the  purpose  of  enforcing  his  claim,  as  repre-' 
sentative  of  the  house  of  Anjou,  to  the  sovereignly 
of  Naples  ;  an  attempt,  which  Lodovico  conjec- 
tured, would,  if  croAvned  with  success,  for  ever 
secure  him  from  those  apprehensions,  of  which 
he  could  not  devest  himself,  whilst  the  family  of 
Aragon  continued  to  occupy  the  throne  of  their 
ancestors, 

i^eague  be-  With  tliis  vicw,  Lodovico,  iu  the  eai'ly  part  of 
^rr  the  ^^^  y^^  1493,  despatched  the  count  di  Belgioioso, 
duke  of  Mi-  as  his  confidential  envoy  to  France ;    but  as  the 

Ian,  and  the  i  -i--  i 

Venetians,  interference  of  the  r  rench  monarch  was  regai'ded 
by  him  only  as  a  resource  in  case  of  necessity,  he 
did  not  neglect  any  opportunity  of  attaching  to  his 
interests  the  different  sovereigns  of  Italy.  His  en- 
deavours were  more  particularly  exerted  to  effect 
u  closer  union  with  the  pope,  who,  besides  the 
publick  cause  of  offence  v.hich  he  had  received 
from  the  king  of  Naples,  was  }et  more  strongly 

actuated 


T  OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  205 

actuated  by  the  feelings  of  \\ounded  pride,  and  of  c  h  a  p. 
personal  resentment.     From  the  time  of  his  eleva-      ^^^- 
tion  to  the  pontificate,  the  aggrandizement  of  his     1493. 
family  became  the  leading  motive  of  his  conduct ;    -^t.  18. 
and  very  soon  after\Aards,  he  had  ventured  to  pro- 
pose a  treaty  of  marriage  between  his  youngest  son, 
Geoifroi,  and  Sancia  of  Aragon,  a  natural  daughter 
of  Alfonso,  duke  of  Calabria,  with  whom  he  ex- 
pected  his  son  A^ould  obtain  a  rich  territory  in  the 
kingdom  of  Naples.     Alfonso,  who  abhorred  the 
pontiff,  and  whose  pride  was  probably  wounded  by 
the  proposal  of  such  an  alliance,  found  means  to 
raise  such  obstacles  against  it,  as  wholly  frustrated 
the  views  of  the  pope.     The  common  causes  of 
resentment  which  Lodovico  Sforza  and  the  pontiff 
entertained  against  the  family  of  Aragon,  were  mu- 
tually communicated  to  each  other,  by  means  of 
the  cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza,  Avho  had  been  pro- 
moted by  Alexander  to  the  important  office  of  vice 
chancellor  of  the  holy  see ;  and  on  the  twenty  first 
day  of  April,   1493,'''  a  league  m- as  concluded  be- 
tween the  pope,  the  duke  of  Milan,  and  the  Vene- 
tians, the  latter  of  Axhom  had  been  induced  by  the 
solicitations  of  Lodovico  Sforza,  to  concur  in  this 
measure.     By  this  treat}-,  which  gave  a  new  aspect 
to  the  affairs  of  Italy,  the  parties  engaged  for  the 
joint  defence  of  their  dominions.     The  pope  was 
also  to  have  the  assistance  of  his  colleagues  in 

obtaining 


^^  Guicciardin.lib.l.p.  11.  Murat.vol.iyi.p.  i(>S:. 


206 


LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 


rests, 


CHAP,  obtaining  possession  of  the  territories  and  fortresses 

^^^'      occupied  by  Virginio  Orsino.     But  although  the 

1493.    formalities  were  expedited  in  the  name  of  Gian- 

iEt.  18.   Galeazzo,  the  rightful  sovereign  of  Milan,  yet  an 

article  was  introduced  for  maintaining  the  authority 

of  Lodovico  as  chief  director  of  the  state. 

As  these  proceedings  could  be  regarded  by  the 

family  of  Aragon,  in  no  other  light  than  as  prelimi- 

The  Fioren.  ^^ries  to  direct  hostilities,  they  excited  srreat  appre- 

tines  and  the  ^  _  _  . 

king  of  Na-   hensions  in  the  mind  of  Ferdinand,  who  was  well 
their  inte-     awarc  how  little  cause  he  had  to  rely  on  the  assist- 
ance of  his  nobility  and  powerful  feudatories,  in 
resisting  any  hostile  attack.     The  direct  conse- 
quences of  this  league  were,  however,  such  as  to 
induce  a  closer  union  between  the  family  of  Aragon 
and  the  state  of  Florence ;  in  consequence  of  which, 
Piero  de'  Medici,  as  tlie  chief  of  that  republick,  no 
longer  hesitated  to  avow  his  connexions  with  Fer- 
dinand.    In  the  first  impulse  of  resentment,  it  was 
proposed  between  Piero,  and  Alfonso,    duke  of 
Calabria,  that  they  should  join  with  Prospero  and 
Fabrizio  Colomia,  in  a  design  formed  by  the  cardi- 
nal Giuliano  della  Rovere,  the  avo\\^ed  adversary 
of  Alexander,  for  attacking  the  city  of  Rome ;  an 
enterprise  to  which  the  sanction  of  the   Orsini, 
with  whom  Piero  de'  Medici  possessed  great  in- 
fluence, would,  in  all  probability,  have  given  deci- 
sive success.     In  this  daring  attempt,  Ferdinand, 
however,  refused  to  concur ;  judging  it  expedient 
rather  to  sooth  the  resentment,   and  perhaps,  in 

some 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  207 

some  degree,  to  gratify  the  wishes  of  "his  ad  versa-  chap. 
ries,  than  to  involve  himself  in  a  contest,  the  result      iii» 
of  which  he  could  not  contemplate  without  the      1493. 
most  alarming  apprehensions.     On  this  account    ^t.  18. 
he  not  only  determined  to  withdraw  his  opposition 
to  the  pope,  respecting  the  possessions  of  Virginio 
Orsino,  but  found  means  to  renew  the  treaty  for 
an  alliance  between  his  own  family  and  that  of  the 
pontiff.     To  these  propositions  Alexander  listened 
w  ith  eagerness,  and  the  marriage,  between  Geoffroi 
Borgia  and  Sancia  of  Aragon,   was  finally  agreed 
upon ;  although,  on  account  of  the  youth  of  die 
parties,  a  subsequent  period  was  appointed  for  its 
consummation. " 

No  sooner  was  the  intelligence  of  this  new 
alliance,  and  the  defection  of  the  pope,  communi-  chariesre. 
cated  to  Lodovico  Sforza,  than  his  feai's,  for  the  deruL  uT' 
continuance  of  his  usurped  authority,  increased  to  ^rje!^  °' 
the  most  alarming  degree,  and  he  determined  to 
hasten,  as  much  as  possible,  the  negotiation,   in 
which  he  was  already  engaged,  for  inducing  Charles 
VIII.  to  attempt  the  conquest  of  Naples.     This 
young  monarch,  the  only  son  of  Louis  XI.  liad 
succeeded,  on  the  death  of  his  father  in  1483,  to 
the  cro^^^l  of  France,  when  only  twelve  years  of 
age.     Although  destined  to  the  accomplishment 

of 


«  This  treaty  was  concluded  on  the  12th  day  of  June^ 
149,S.     Mttrat.  Jn.i-K.  5b9. 


208  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  of  great  undertakings,  he  did  not  derive  from 
^^^'  nature  the  characteristicks  of  a  hero,  either  in  the 
1493.     endowments  of  his  body,  or  in  the  qualities  of  his 

Mt.  18.  niii-i(j,  His  stature  was  low,  his  person  ill  pro- 
portioned, his  countenance  pallid,  his  head  large, 
his  limbs  slender,  and  his  feet  of  so  uncommon  n 
breadth,  that  it  was  asserted  he  had  more  than  the 
usual  number  of  toes.  His  constitution  was  so 
infirm,  as  to  render  him,  in  the  general  opinion, 
\vholly  unfit  for  hardships  and  military  fatigues. 
His  mind  was  as  ■',\  eak  as  his  body ;  he  had  been 
educated  in  ignorance,  debarred  from  the  com- 
merce of  mankind,  and  on  some  occasions  he  ma- 
nifested a  degree  of  pusillanimity  which  almost 
exceeds  belief.  ^  With  all  these  defects,  both 
natural  and  acquired,  Charles  was  not  destitute  of 
ambition ;  but  it  was  the  ambition  of  an  impotent 
mind,  which,  dazzled  by  the  splendour  of  its 
object,    sees   neither  the  dangers  that  attend  its 

acquisition, 


y  Commines  gives  us  to  understand,  that  Charles  was 
not  displeased  at  the  death  of  his  son,  at  three  years  of  ager 
because  he  was,  "  bel  enfant,  audacieux  en  parole,  8c  ne 
"  craignoit  point  les  choses  que  les  autres  enfans  sont 
"  accoutumes  a  craindre,"  and  the  king  it  seems  was  there- 
fore afraid,  that  if  the  child  lived,  he  might  diminish  his 
consequence,  or  endanger  his  authority  ;  "  car  le  roi  ne 
"  fut  jamais  que  petit  homme  de  corps,  et  peu  etendu  ; 
"  mais  etoit  si  bon,  qu'il  n'est  pas  possible  de  voir  meilleure 
"  creature.". 

Mem.  de  Com.  Ub.Vm.p.  248. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  209 

acquisition,  nor  the  consequences  of  its  attainment,  chap. 
On  a  character  so  constituted,  the  artful  represen-      ^^^- 
tations  of  Lodovico  Sforza,  were  well  calculated     ^^^-^ 
to  produce  their  full  effect;  but  as  the  prospect  ^'  ^*- 
of  success  opened  upon  Charles,  his  views  became 
more  enlarged,  till  at  length  he  began  to  consider 
the  acquisition  of  Naples,  as  only  an  intermediate 
step  to  the  overthrow  of  the  Turks,  and  the  resto- 
ration in  his  own  pei^son,  of  the  high  dignity  of 
emperour  of  the  east.     This  idea,  which  acted  at 
the  same  time  on  the  pride  and  on  the  superstition 
of  the  king,  Lodovico  encouraged  to  the  utmost 
of  his  power.     In  order  to  give  gi-eater  importance 
to  his  solicitations,  he  despatched  to  Paris  a  splen- 
did embassy  of  the  chief  nobilit}^  of  Milan,  at  tlie 
head  of  which  he  placed  his  former  envoy,   the 
Count  di  Belgioioso.     With  great  assiduity  and 
personal    address,    this    nobleman  instigated  the 
kmg  to  this  important  enterprise,  assuring  liim  of 
the  prompt  and  effectual  aid  of  Lodovico  Sforza, 
■and  the  favour  or  neutrality  of  the  other  states  of 
Italy ;     and    representing   to  him  the  inefficient 
resources  of  Ferdinand  of  Naples,  and  the  odium 
with  Avhich  both  he  and  his  son  Alfonso  \vere 
regarded  by  the  principal  barons  of  the  realm ;  a 
truth  which  was  confirmed  to    Charles   by   the 
princes  of  Salerno  and  Bisignano,  who  had  sought, 
in  the  court  of  France,  a  refuge  from  the  resent- 
ment of  Ferdinand.     These  solicitations  produced 
the  effect  which  Lodovico  intended,  and  Chai'les 
not  only  engaged  in  the  attempt  to  recover  the 
VOL.  T.  D  d  kingdom 


210  '  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

<i  H  A  P.  kingdom  of  Naples,  but,  to  the  surprise  of  aH 
HJ-     his  courtiers,  he  determined  to  lead  his  army  in 
1493.     person.'' 
-^Et.  18.  ..  :  .';L  ij.';o'!''   Ui 

The  respective  claims  of  the  houses  of  Anjou 
and  Aragon  upon  the  crown  of  Naples,  were,  in 
the  estimation  of  sound  sense  and  enlightened  po- 
licy, equally  devoid  of  foundation.  In  all  coun-' 
tries,  the,  supreme  authority  has  been  supposed  to 
Claims  of  tiie  bc  riarhtfully  vested  only  in  those  who  claim  it  by 

houses  of  An.  ?  ,  . 

jou  and  Ara.  hereditary  descent,  or  by  the  consenting  voice  of 
crown  of  Na- the  peoplc ;  but  with  respect  to  the  kingdom  of 
Naples,  each  of  the  contending  parties  founded  its 
pretensions  on  a  donation  of  the  sovereignty  to 
their  respective  ancestors.  The  origin  of  these 
contentions  is  to  be  traced  to  a  remote  assumption 
of  the  holy  see,  by  which  it  was  asserted,  that  the 
kingdom  of  Naples  was  held  by  its  sovereigns  as  a 
fief  of  the  church,  and  in  certain  cases,  on  which 
the  pontiffs  arrogated  to  themselves  the  right -of 
deciding,  reverted  to  its  actual  disposal.  That 
dominion,  which  the  sovereign  had  received  as  the 
gift  of  another,  it  was  supposed  that  he  could  him- 
self transfer  by  his  voluntary  act ;  the  consent  of 
the  church  being  all  that  was  necessary  to  render 
such  transfer  valid;  and  to  this  pernicious  and 
absurd  idea,  we  are  to  trace  all  the  calamities  which 

destroyed 

^   Guicciard.  Storia  d*  Ital.  lib.  i.     Murat.  jinnali.  ix. 
fiassim.     CoriOy  Scoria  di  Milan,  fiar.  vii.  fi.  890.  isfc. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  211 

destroyed  for  several  centuries  the  repose  of  Italy,  chap. 
and  rendered  it,  on  various  occasions,  tlie  theatre      J^^- 
of  massacre,  of  rapine,  and  of  blood.*  .  149 


^t.  18. 


To  balance  against  each  other  pretensions  which 
are  equally  unsubstantial  on  any  principle  of  sound 
policy,  or  even  of  ackno\vledged  and  positive  law, 
may  seem  superfluous.  If  long  prescription  can 
be  presumed  to  justify  that  which  commenced  in 
violence  and  in  fraud,  the  title  of  the  house  of 
Anjou  may  be  allowed  to  have  been  confirmed  by 
a  possession  of  nearly  two  centuries,  in  which  the 
reins  of  arovernment  had  been  held  bv  several  mo- 
narchs  who  had  preserved  the  rights  and  secured 
the  happiness  of  their  subjects.  On  the  expulsion 
of  Renato,  in  1442,  by  Alfonso  of  Aragon,  the 
family  of  Anjou  were  devested  of  their  dominions ; 
and  by  several  successive  bequests,  which  would 
scarcely  have  had  sufficient  authenticity  to  transfer 
a  private  inheritance  from  one  individual  to  ano- 
ther, in  any  country  in  Europe,  the  rights  of  tlie 
exiled  sovereigns  became  vested  in  Louis  XI. 
from  whom  they  had  descended  to  his  son  Charles 

VIII. 


*  Should  the  readei'  wish  for  more  pardcular  informa- 
don  respecting  the  claims  of  the  contending  parties  to  the 
crown  of  Naples,  he  may  peruse  with  great  advantage  the 
acute  and  learned  observations  of  Mr.  Gibbon  on  this  sub- 
ject, published  in  the  second  volume  of  his  miscellaneous 
works,  under  the  title  of  Critical  researches  concerning  the 
title  of  Charles  VIII.  to  the  crown  of  Mifilea. 


212  tlFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

G  H  A  P.  VIII.     The  title  of  Ferdinand  was,  on  the  other 
III'     hand,  open  to  formidable  objections ;  the  illegita- 
1493.     macy  and  usurpation  of  his  ancestor  Manfredo,  the 
Mt.  18.  deduction  of  his  rights  by  the  female  line,  the  long 
acquiescence  of  his  family,  and  the  circumstances 
of  his  own  birth,  afforded  plausible  pretexts  for  the 
measures  adopted  against  him ;    but  it  must  be 
remembered,  that  the  same  power,  which  had  con- 
ferred the  kingdom  on  the  family  of  Anjou,  had, 
on  another  occasion,  bestowed  it  on  Alfonso,  the 
father  of  Ferdinand ;  and  the  paramount  authority 
of  the  Roman  see,  to  which  both  parties  alternately 
resorted,  must,  m  the  discussion  of  their  respective 
claims,  be  considered  as  decisive.     Alfonso  on  his 
death  had  given  it  to  his  son,  who,  whether  capable 
or  not  of  hereditary  succession,  might  receive  a 
donation,  which  had  been  transferred  for  ages  with 
as  little  ceremony  as  a  piece  of  domestick  furniture ; 
and  if  a  nation  is  ever  to  enjoy  repose,  Ferdinand 
might,  at  this  time,  be  presumed  to  be,  both  de 
jure  and  defacto^  king  of  Naples. 

In  the  discussion  of  questions  of  this  nature, 
there  is,  however,  one  circumstance  which  seems 
not  to  have  been  sufficiently  attended  to,  either  by 
the  parties  themselves,  or  those  who  have  examined 
their  claims,  and  which  may  explain  the  mutability 
of  the  Neapolitan  government  better  than  an  appeal 
to  hereditary  rights,  papal  endowments,  or  feudal 
customs.  The  object  of  dominion  is  not  the  bare 
territory  of  a  country,  but  the  command  of  the 

men 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  213 


men  who  possess  that  country.     These,  it  ought  chap. 
to  be  recollected,  are  intelligent  beings,  capable  of     ^^^' 
being  rendered  happy  or  miserable  by  the  virtues     i'^^^- 
or  the  vices  of  a  sovereign,  and  acting,  if  not  always 
under  the  influence  of  sober  reason,  with  an  im- 
pulse resulting  from  the  nature  of  the  situation  in 
which  they  are  placed.     Whilst  the  prince,  there- 
fore, retains  the  aflfections  of  his  people  ;  whilst  he 
calls  forth  their  energies  without  rendering  them 
ferocious,  and  secures  their  repose  without  deba- 
sing their  character ;  the  defects  of  his  title  to  the 
sovereignty  will  disappear  in  the  splendour  of  his 
virtues.     But  when  he  relinquishes  the  sceptre  of 
the  king,  for  the  scourge  of  the  tyrant,  and  the  ties 
of  attachment  are  loosened  by  reiterated  instances 
of  rapacity,  cruelt}*,  and  oppression,  the  road  to 
innovation  is  already  prepared;    the  approach  of 
an  enemy  is  no  longer  considered  as  a  misfortune, 
but  as  a  deliverance  ;  the  dry  discussion  of  abstract 
rights  gives  way  to  more  imperious  considerations ; 
and  the  adoption  of  anew  sovereign  is  not  so  much 
the  result  of  versatility,  of  cowardice,  or  of  treach- 
ery, as  of  that  invincible  necessity,  by  which  the 
human  race  are  impelled  to  relieve  themselves  from 
intolerable  calamities. 

.  The  resolution  adopted  by  Charles  VIII.  to 
attempt  the  conquest  of  Naples,  was  no  sooner 
known  in  France,  than  it  gave  rise  to  great  diver- 
sity of  opinion  among  the  barons  and  principal 
counsellors  of  the  realm ;  many  of  whom,  as  \\ell 


214  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  as  his  nearest  relations,  endeavoured  to  divert  him 
,  ^^^'  from  his  purpose,  by  representing  to  him  the  im- 
1493.  policy  of  quitting  his  own  dominions,  tlie  dangers 
^^'  to  which  he  must  infallibly  expose  himself,  and, 
above  all,  the  depressed  state  of  his  finances,  which 
were  totally  inadequate  to  the  preparation  of  so 
great  an  armament.  They  reminded  him  of  the 
prudent  conduct  of  his  father,  who  was  always 
averse  to  the  measure  which  he  now  proposed  to 
take,  and  unwilling  to  involve  himself  in  the  intri- 
cate web  of  Italian  politicks  ;  of  the  long  established 
authority  of  Ferdinand  of  Naples,  confirmed  by 
his  late  triumphs  over  his  refractory  nobles ;  and 
of  the  high  military  reputation  of  Alfonso  duke  of 
Calabria,  whose  expulsion  of  the  Turks  from 
Otranto,  had  ranked  him  amongst  the  greatest 
generals  in  Europe.  The  die  was  however  cast ; 
the  measure  of  prosperity  in  Italy  was  full ;  and 
instead  of  listening  to  the  remonstrances  of  his 
friends,  Charles  bent  his  mind  on  the  most  speedy 
means  of  carrying  his  purpose  into  execution. 
The  grandeur  of  the  object  called  forth  energies 
which  none  of  his  courtiers  supposed  that  he  pos- 
sessed. The  ardour  of  the  king  communicated 
itself  to  the  populace,  whose  favour  was  still  further 
secured,  by  representing  the  conquest  of  Naples, 
as  only  the  preliminary  step  to  that  of  the  capital 
of  the  Turkish  empire,  and  to  the  diffusion  of  the 
catholick  faith  throughout  the  eastern  world.  An 
ignorant  people  are  never  so  courageous,  or  rather 
so  ferocious,  as  when  they  conceive  themselves  to 

be 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  215 

be  contending  in  the  cause  of  religion.     Charles  chap. 

had  the  artifice  to  avail  himself  of  this  propensit}',     ^^^- 

and  to  represent  his  expedition  as  undertaken  to     1493.  - 

fulfil  a  particular  call  from  heaven,  manifested  by   -^^^  ^^• 

ancient  prophecies,  which  had  promised  him,  not 

only  the  empire  of  Constantinople,  but  also  the 

kingdom  of  Jerusalem.''     From  all  parts  of  his 

dominions,  his  subjects  of  every  rank,  \  oluntarily 

presented  themselves  to  share  his  honours,  or  to 

partake  his  dangers ;  and,  including  some  bands 

of  mercenaries,  he  found  himself  in  a  short  time 

at  the  head  of  an  army,  the  numbers  of  which 

have  been  ver}-  differently  estimated,  but  at  the 

time  of  his  departiu-e,  it  could  not,  in  its  difierent 

detachments,   have    consisted    of  less    than  fiftj- 

thousand  men. 

Before 


'•  This  expedition  was  the  subject  of  several  publica- 
tions in  France,  some  of  which  are  cited  by  M.  Foncemagne, 
in  his  Eclaircissemens  /dstoriques  sur  quelques  circonstancee 
du  voyage  de  Charles  VIII.  en  ItaUe.  r.  Mem.  de  l' Academic 
dea  Inscnfi.  torn.  xvii.  p.  539.  In  one  of  these  entitled 
La  firofihetie  du  roy  Charles  htutieme  de  ce  nom,  /lar  maitre 
Giiilloche  de  Bourdeaux,  is  the  following  passage  : 

''  II  fera  de  si  grants  batailleS 

'*  Qu'il  subjugera  les  Ytailles. 

"  Ce  fait,  d'ilec  il  s'en  ira 

"  Et  passera  dela  la  mer. 

''  — Entrera  puis  dedans  la  Grecc. 

"  Ou,  par  sa  vaillant  prouesse, 

'*  Sera  nomme  le  roi  des  Grecs  ; 

"  En  Jerusalem  entrera,  * 

•**  Et  mont  Olivel  montcra."  fee 


216  LIFE   AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.        Before  Charles   could,  however,  engage  with 
^^^'     any  reasonable  degi'ee  of  safety  in  his  intended 
1493.    expedition,  some  important  difficulties  yet  remain. 
■^  19.  ed  to  be  overcome.     The  countenance,   or  the 
acquiescence  of  the  principal  sovereigns  of  Europe- 
was  indispensably  necessary  ;  but  although  he  was 
on  terms  of  amity  with  the  king  of  England  (Henry 
Charles  ac-    VII.)  hc  was  iuvolvcd  iu  quarrels  with  Ferdi- 
his  differen-  naud  of  Spalu,  and  with  Maximilian,  king  of  the 
FeldTnInd  of  Rom^ns.  Thc  formcr  of  these  monarchs,  having  had 
Spam.         occasion  to  borrow  a  sum  of  one  hundred  thousand 
ducats,  had  proposed  to  Louis  XI.  that  on  his 
advancing  the  money,  he  should  be  secured  for 
its  due  return  by  the  possession  of  the  counties 
of  Perpignan  and  Roussillon,  which  were  accord- 
ingly surrendered  to  him  ;  but  when,  some  years 
afterwards,  Ferdinand  offered  to  repay  the  money, 
Louis,  being  unwilling   to    relinquish  a    district 
which   adjoined   his  own  dominions,  refused  to 
perform  the  stipulations  of  the  agreement.     This 
undisguised  instance  of  perfidy,  gave  occasion  to 
complaints  and  remonstrances  on  the  part  of  Fer- 
dinand, to  which  neither  Louis  nor  his  successour 
had  hitherto  paid  the  least  regard.     But  no  sooner 
had  Charles   determined  on  his  expedition  into 
Italy,  than  he  proposed  to  restore  these  provinces 
to  Ferdinand,  in  such  a  manner  as  seemed  most 
likely  to  secure  his  future  favour.    By  an  embassy 
despatched  for  this  purpose,  he  represented  to  the 
Spanish  monarch,  that  whilst  the  crown  of  France 
had  been  attacked  on  all  sides  by  powerful  enemies, 

and 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  Ojy 

and  compelled  to  defend  itself  at  the  same  time  chap. 
against  the  late  emperour  Frederick,  the  king  of     m. 
England,  and  the  dukes  of  Burgundy  and  Britany,      1493. 
both  he  and  his  fatlier  had  retained  these  provinces,   ^t-  18. 
notwithstanding  the  threats  and  remonstrances  of 
the  court  of  Spain  ;  but  that  having  now  repulsed 
or  conciliated  all  his  enemies,  and  having  nothing 
to  apprehend  fi-om  any  hostile  attack,  he  had  re- 
solved to  restore  these  contested  territories,  without 
any  other  compensation  than  the  friendship  and 
alliance  of  Ferdinand.     The  restitution  according- 
ly took  place,  and  was  soon  followed  by  a  treaty 
between  the  two  sovereigns,  in  which  Ferdinand 
solemnly  engaged,  that  he  would  not  interfere  in 
the  concerns  of  Naples,  notwithstanding  the  near 
degree  of  relationship  which  subsisted   between 
him  and  the   sovereign  of  that  kingdom  and  his 
family,  to  whom  he  was  connected  by  the  ties  of 
both  consanguinity  and  affinity.''     Chai'les  did  not, 
however,  consider  this  treaty,  which  he  concluded 
with  the  ambassadours  of  Ferdinand  at  Lyons,  as 
an  effectual  security  for  his  neutrality;  for  he  soon 
afterwards  despatched  his  envoys  to  Madrid,  who 
required   and  obtained   the  personal  and  solemn 
©ath,  not  only  of  Ferdinand  himself,  but  of  his 

queen 


^  The  two  sovereigns  were  brothers'  children,  and 
Ferdinand  of  Naples  liad  married,  for  his  second  wife, 
Joanna,  the  sister  of  Ferdinand  of  Spain. 

VOL.  I.  E»  e 


218  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  queen  Isabella,  and  their  son  John,  prince  of  Castile, 
^^^'     then  of  mature  age,  to  the  same  eifect. 

1493. 

Mt.  18.        j-j^g  disagreement  between  Charles  and  Maxi- 
And  with  the  milian,  king;  of  the  Romans,  was  of  a  much  more 

Emperour  "^ 

elect,  Maxi-  dcHcate  nature.      Durinsr  the  life  of  his  father. 

milian.  ° 

Charles  had  been  betrothed  to  Margaretta,   the 
daughter  of  Maximilian,    who    was  accordingly 
sent  to  France  whilst  an  infant,  to  be  educated 
among  her  future  subjects ;  but  when  the  time 
approached  that  the  nuptial  ceremony  should  have 
taken  place,  circumstances  occurred  which  induced 
Charles  to  change  his  intentions,  and  to  disregard 
his  engagements.    Francis,  duke  of  Bretagne,  who 
then  held  his  rich  and  extensive  domains  as  an 
independent  prince,  finding  himself  at  open  war 
with  the  French  monarch,  had  been  led,  by  the 
hopes  of  a  powerful  alliance,  to  engage  his  daughter 
Anna,  in  marriage  to  Maximilian.    After  the  deatli 
of  the  duke,  Charles  persevered  in  his  hostilities, 
and  notwithstanding  tlie  interference  of  Henry  VII. 
of  England,  who  sent  a  body  of  troops  to  the 
relief  of  the  young  dutchess,  the  greater  part  of 
her  territories  was  occupied  by  the  French  troops, 
and  the  dutchess  herself,  besieged  in  her  capital 
of  Rennes,  was  at  length  obliged  to  submit  to  the 
terms  imposed  by  the  conqueror.     The  youth  and 
beauty  of  the  dutchess,  and  the  important  advan- 
tages vvliich  Charles  foresaw  from  the  union  of  her 
dominions  with  his  own,  induced  him,  notwith- 
standing his  engagements  with  Margaretta  of  Aus- 
tria, 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  219 

tria,  to  make  her  proposals  of  maniage,  and  her  chap. 
consent  being  with  some  difficulty  obtained,  the  "i- 
nuptials  were  accordingly  carried  into  immediate  1493. 
effect.  Nor  can  it  be  denied,  that  tliis  union,  A'.t.  I8. 
pohtically  considered,  was  highly  judicious ;  as 
it  secured  to  Charles  the  command  of  a  country 
naturally  formed  to  be  governed  with  his  own,  and 
at  the  same  time,  prevented  the  powerful  family  of 
Austria  from  establishing  itself  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  French  dominions.'^  But  with  respect  to  Maxi- 
milian, the  conduct  of  Charles  included  two 
indignities  of  the  most  unpardonable  nature ;  the 
repudiating  his  innocent  daughter,  and  the  depri- 
ving  him  of  his  betrothed  wife.  Maximilian  was 
not,  however,  prepared  for  hostile  measures ;  and 
the  animosity  to  which  these  events  gave  rise,  soon 
became  a  matter  of  negotiation,  in  wliich  Lodovico 
Sforza  interposed  his  good  offices.  In  the  month 
of  June,  1493,  a  treaty  was  concluded  between 
the  two  sovereigns,  by  which  it  was  agreed,  that 
Margaretta  should  be  restored  to  her  fatlier,  with 
her  intended  dowry,  and  that  Charles  should  be 
released  from  his  contract.'  The  disappointment 
of  Maximilian,  Lodovico  alleviated  by  recommend- 
ing to  him  his  niece,  Bianca  Maria,  whom  Maxi- 
milian 


*  Memoire  sur  le  mariage  de  Charles  DaupJdn-,  isfc. 
inserted  in  the  collection  of  Du  Mont.,  vol.  iii.  par.  ii.  p* 
404.  Bacon.  Hist.  Hen.  VII. 

e  CoriOj  Storia  di  Milan,  jiar.  vii.  //.  898. 


their  assist- 
ance. 


^^0  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  milian  soon  afterwards  took  to  wife ;  whilst  his 

^^^'     daughter  Margaretta  found  a  husband  in  John^ 

1493.    prince  of  Castile,  the  son  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, 

^t.  18.  and  presumptive  heir  to  the  Spanish  monarchy; 

after  whose  death,  in  1497,  she  married  Filiberto, 

duke  of  Savoy, 

Negotiates  Nor  did  Charlcs  VIII.   in  preparing  for  his 

7eltmeI{ov'  NcapoHtan  expedition,  implicitly  rely  upon  the 
representations  of  Lodovico  Sforza,  with  respect 
to  the  disposition  of  the  other  states  of  Italy.  On 
the  contrary,  he  despatched  his  emissaries,  with 
directions  to  obtain,  if  not  the  assuraiice  of  their 
assistance,  at  least  the  knowledge  of  their  intentions. 
The  principal  argument  on  which  he  relied,  for 
conciliating  their  favour,  was  the  avowal  of  his 
determination  to  attempt  the  recovery  of  Constan- 
tinople, and  the  duty  imposed  upon  all  Christen-r 
dom  to  assist  him  in  so  magnanimous  and  pious 
an  enterprise.  In  order  to  obtain  greater  credit 
to  these  assertions,  he  assumed  the  titles  of  king  of 
Sicily  and  Jerusalem.  His  chief  endeavours  were, 
however,  employed  to  prevail  upon  the  Florentines 
and  the  pope,  to  withdraw  themselves  from  their 
alliance  with  Ferdinand.  The  answer  which  he 
obtained  from  the  former,  was  equivocal  and  unsa- 
tisfactory. Whilst  they  assured  the  king,  in  pri- 
vate, of  their  good  wishes,  they  excused  them- 
selves from  a  publick  avowal  of  them,  lest  they 
should  incur  the  resentment  of  Ferdinand  of  Na- 
ples, who,  by  turning  his  ai-ms  against  the  Tuscan 

territor}^. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  221 

territory,  might  render  it  the  seat  of  the  wai\  Such  chap. 
were  the  sentiments  of  the  Florentine  government,      ^^^' 
as  sanctioned  by  Piero  de'  Medici;  but  the  intel-     1493. 
ligence  of  the  intentions  of  the  French  monarch   -^t.  18. 
was  received  with  inconceivable  joy,  by  a  consi- 
derable number  of  the  most  powerful  inhabitants 
of  Florence,  who  were  hostile  to  the  views  of  Piero, 
and  conceived,  that  in  the  commotions  likely  to 
arise  from  such  a  contest,   they  should  find  an 
opportunity    of   devesting  him  of  his  audiority. 
Among  these,   the  most   distinguished  by  their 
wealth  and  rank  were,    Lorenzo  and  Giovanni, 
the     sons    of   Pier- Francesco    de'    Medici,   and 
grandsons  of   the  elder  Lorenzo,  the  brother  of 
Cosmo,  Faier  Patrice.     These  young  men,  jea- 
lous of  the  superiour  authority  of  Piero  and  his 
brothers,  in  the  affairs  of  Florence,    had  endea- 
voured, by  their  liberality  and  affability,  and  above 
all,  by  avowing  a  decided  attachment  to  the  liber- 
ties of  the  people,  to  establish  themselves  in  the 
favour  of  the  publick,  in  which  attempt  the}'^  had 
not  been  wholly  unsuccessful.     From  them  and 
their  friends,    the  envoys  of  Chai'les  received  a 
secret  assurance,  that  if  he  would  persevere  in  his 
intentions,  they  would  not  only  promote  his  views 
to  the  utmost  of  their  power,    but  would  also 
undertake  to  supply  him    with    a  large  sum  of 
money,    towards   defraying  the  expenses  of  his 
expedition.   The  conduct  of  the  two  brothers  was, 
however,  regarded  with  a  suspicious  eye.    They    • 
had  already  sliown  a  decided  partialit}^  to  the  French 

kinp:, 


^t.  18. 


222  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  king,  by  accepting  honorary  appointments  in  his 
^^^'  household ;  and  certain  information  having  been 
1493.  obtained  of  a  secret  correspondence  with  Charles, 
their  persons  were  seized  upon  by  the  orders  of 
Piero  de'  Medici,  who  has  been  accused  of  having 
entertained  private  causes  of  resentment  against 
them,  and  of  wishing  to  avail  himself  of  this 
opportunity  of  gratifying  his  enmity,  by  depriving 
them  of  their  lives/  Their  misconduct  was,  how- 
ever, apparent,  and  after  a  long  discussion,  and 
the  interference  of  many  powerful  friends,  they 
were  ordered,  by  a  lenient  sentence,  to  remain  at 
their  villas  in  the  vicinity  of  Florence ;  but  they 
soon  broke  the  conditions  imposed  on  them,  and 
fled  to  France,  where,  by  their  personal  interfe- 
rence 


'  Nardi  gives  us  reason  to  believe,  that  there  were  very 
sufficient  grounds  for  the  proceedings  against  the  two  bro- 
thers, which  he  adverts  to,  as  having  fallen  within  his  own 
knowledge,  many  years  afterwards,  "  Ma  havendo  io  sa- 
"  puto,  dopo  molti  anni,  per  qualche  altra  via,  che  poi  il 
"  detto  Giovanni  de'  Medici  era  stato  honorato  del  titolo 
"  del  Maestro  di  hostello,  cioe  Maestro  di  casa,  del  Re  di 
"  Francia,  Carlo  VIII.  non  pero  per  alcuna  altra  instante 
"  cagione,  che  per  haver  proccacciato,  forse  in  tempo 
"  troppo  alieno,  la  gratia  del  Re  di  Francia,  allora  inimi- 
"  CO  della  citta,  ho  potuto  facilmente  credere,  che  da 
"  questo  fosse  proceduta  la  suepitione  &  diffidentia,  e  con- 
"  sequentemente  I'odio  che  in  questo  fatto  si  dimostro  a 
"  questi  duoi  fratelli." 

Mirdi,  Hist.  Fior.  lib.  i.  p.  10. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH,  223 

rence,  they  encouraged  the  king  to  persevere  in  c  h  a  p.' 
his  claims.  m. 

1493. 

In  order  to  palliate  these  proceedings  to  the  Mt.  18. 
French  king,  and  to  conciliate,  if  possible,  his  ^^^'1^'""^^.. 
indulgence  and  favour,  Gentile,  bishop  of  Arezzo,  "do""'" 
and  Piero  Soderini,  afterwards  Gonfaloniere  for 
life,  were  despatched  as  ambassadours  of  tlie  re- 
publick  to  France.^  They  found  the  king  in  the 
city  of  Thoulouse,  where,  being  admitted  to  an 
interview,  they  entreated  him  not  to  press  the  citi- 
zens of  Florence  to  take  an  immediate  and  decided 
part  in  the  approaching  contest,  and  represented 
to  him  the  dangers  which  they  must  inevitably 
incur  by  such  a  measure.  They  artfully  extolled 
the  greatness  of  his  name,  the  extent  of  his  domi- 
nions, and  the  numbers  and  courage  of  his  troops ; 
but  they  also  suggested  to  him,  that  he  was  sepa- 
rated from  Italy  by  the  formidable  barrier  of  the 
Alps,  and  that  whilst  he  was  hastening  to  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Florentines,  they  might  fall  a  sacrifice 
to  the  merited  resentment  of  Ferdinand  of  Naples. 
At  the  same  time  they  assured  him,  that  as  soon  as 
he  should  have  surmounted  these  obstacles,  and 
made  his  appearance  in  Italy,  he  should  find  them 
disposed  to  render  him  ever)^  assistance  in  their 
power.  The  purport  of  this  discourse,  was  too  ob- 
vious to  escape  the  animadversion  of  Chai-les,  w  hose 

indig- 

^  AmmiratOy   Istorie  Fiorentine.  iii.  190. 


224  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATEr 

CHAP,  indignation  it  excited  to  such  a  degree,  that  he  not 
^^^'      only  drove  the  ambassadours  from  his  presence, 
1493.     but  threatened  instantly  to  seize  upon  the  property 
jEt.  18,   Qf  j^j  ^jjg  Florentines  within  his  realm,  and  to  ex- 
pel them  from  his  dominions;  and  although  he 
was  prevented,  by  his  advisers,  from  carrying  this 
purpose  into  execution,  he  ordered  that  the  agents 
of  Piero  de'  Medici,  should  instantly  be  sent  from 
the  city  of  Lyons,  where  the  family  had  carried  on 
the  business  of  bankers  for  a  long  course  of  years ; 
thereby  clearly  manifesting  from  what  quarter  he, 
conceived  tlie  opposition  to  arise.  ^ 


VI.  remon. 
St  rates  with 
him  on  his 

attempt. 


Alexander  For  thc  purposc  of  asccrtaiuing  the  views  of 

Alexander  VI.  Chai'les  had  despatched  a  second 
embassy  to  Rome,  at  the  head  of  which  was  his 
general  and  confidential  friend  D'Aubigny.  The 
success  of  this  mission  was  highly  desirable  to 
him ;  as  its  principal  object  was  to  obtain  from 
Alexander,  by  promises  on  the  one  hand,  or  by 
threats  on  the  other,  the  formal  investiture  of 
the  kingdom  of  Naples.  If,  as  it  has  been  as- 
serted by  many  historians,  Alexander  had  before 
concurred  in  inciting  the  king  to  this  undertaking, 
he  did  not  scruple,  on  the  present  occasion,  to 
change  his  sentiments,  and  his  reply  was  not  fa- 
vourable to  the  hopes  of  Charles.  He  entreated 
him  to  remember,  that   the  kingdom  of  Naples 

had 


1»  Guicciard.   Storia  tVItaUlib.  i.  1.  36 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  225 

had  been  three  times  conceded  by  the  holy  see  to  c  h  a  p. 
the  family  of  Aragon,  the  investiture  of  Ferdinand      m- 
having  expressly  included  that  of  his  son  Alfonso ;      1493. 
that  these  adjudications  could  not  be  rendered  void,   ^t.  18. 
unless  it   appeared  judicially  that  Charles  had  a 
superiour  right,  which  could  not  be  affected  by 
these  acts  of  investiture,  in  which  there  was  an 
express  reservation  that  they  should  not  prejudice 
the  rights  of  any  person;    that  the  dominion  of 
Naples,  being  under  tlie  immediate  protection  of 
the  holy  see,  the  pontiff  could  not  persuade  him- 
self that  his   most  christian    majesty   would    so 
openly  oppose  himself  to  the  church,  as  to  hazard, 
without  its  concurrence,  a  hostile  attack  on  that 
kingdom ;  that  it  would  be  more  consistent  \\ith 
his  knoAvn  moderation  and  dignity,  to  assert  his 
pretensions  in  a  civil  form  ;  in  which  case,  Alex- 
ander, as  the  sole  judge  of  the  right,  declared  him- 
self ready   to   enter  upon  the  discussion  of   the 
claims  of  the  respective  parties.     These  remon- 
strances he  afterwai'ds  more  fully  enforced  in  an 
apostolick  brief,  in  which  he  exhorted  the  French 
monarch  to  unite  his  arms  witli  those  of  the  other 
sovereigns  of  Europe,  against  the  common  ene- 
mies of  Christendom,  and  to  submit  his  claims  on 
the  kingdom  of  Naples  to  the  decision  of  a  pacifick 
judicature. '     Instead  of  altering  the  purpose,  tliese 

admonitions 


'  Although  Guicciardini,  Rucellai,  and  other  contem- 
porary authors,  expressly  assert,  that  Charles  VIII.  was  in- 
VOL.  I.  ^  F   f  '^ite'l 


226  LITE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  admonitions  only  excited  the  resentment  of  the 
11^-     king,  who  in  return,  avowed  his  determination  to 
1493.    expel  Alexander  from  the  pontifical  throne.  ^ 
Mt.  18.  The 


cited  by  Alexander  VI.  to  attempt  the  conquest  of  Naples, 
in  which  they  have  been  implicitly  followed  by  subsequent 
writers,  I  have  not  ventured  to  adopt  their  representations 
in  my  narrative  ;  I.  because  Commines,  who  has  related, 
at  great  length,  the  motives  by  which  Charles  VIII.  was 
induced  to  this  undertaking,  adverts  not,  in  the  most  dis- 
tant manner,  to  any  invitation  from  the  pope  on  that  sub- 
ject ;  on  the  contrary,  he  attributes  the  determination  of 
the  king  solely  to  the  persuasions  of  Lodovico  Sforza,  and 
informs  us,  that  he  sent  Perron  de  Basche,  as  his  ambassa- 
dour  to  Rome,  apparently  to  try  the  disposition  of  the  pontiff, 
whom  he  erroneously  names  Innocent,  v.  Memoires,  liv. 
vii.  chafi.  2.  II.  In  the  letter  from  Lodovico  Sforza  to 
Charles  VIII.  as  given  by  Corio,  /i.  891,  the  pope  is  not 
even  mentioned,  although  several  other  sovereigns  are 
specified  as  being  favourable  to  the  intended  enterprise. 
III.  In  the  apostolick  brief  issued  by  Alexander,  and  in- 
serted by  the  same  author  in  his  history,  we  discover  no 
reason  to  infer  that  the  pope  had,  at  any  previous  time, 
entertained  a  different  opinion  from  that  which  he  there 
professes,  and  which  is  decidedly  adverse  to  the  interference 
of  the  king  in  the  concerns  of  Italy.  Guicciardini,  actuated 
perhaps  by  his  abhorrence  of  Alexander  VI.  has  not  dis- 
cussed this  subject  with  his  usual  accuracy ;  and  the  reader 
finds  it  difficult  to  discover,  even  in  his  copious  narrative, 
the  real  predisposing  causes  of  an  enterprise,  which  gave 
rise  to  all  the  important  events  recorded  in  his  history, 

^  Benedetti,  Fatto  (Tarme  del  Tarro,  tradotto  da  Dome 
7iichi,  fi.  5.  Ed.  Veil.  1545. 


of  Fer- 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  227 

The  answers  obtained  by  the  envoys  of  the  chap. 
king,  from  the  duke  of  Savoy,  the  republick  of  _£££i_ 
Venice,  and  other  governments  of  Italy,  expressed     1493. 
in  general  terms  their  great  respect  for  the  French  ^t.  is. 
monarch,  and  their  reluctance  to  engage  in  so  dan-  r.^a  byTte 
gerous  a  contest ;  but  the  duke  of  Ferrara,  although  ^^^'^ 
he  had  married  a  daughter  of  Ferdinand,  king  of 
Naples,  actuated,    as  has  been  supposed,  by  the 
hope  of  availing  himself  of  the  aid  of  the  French 
against  his  powerful  enemies  the  Venetians,  did  not 
hesitate  to  encourage  the  French  monarch,  in  the 
most  open  manner,  to  persevere  in  his  claims.  ^ 

The 


'  Respecting  the  conduct  of  the  duke  of  Ferrara,  on 
tills  occasion,  some  discordance  of  opinion  appears  among 
the  historians  of  Italy.     Muratori  asserts,  that  he  exerted 
his  efforts  to  dissuade  Lodovico  Sforza  from  his  imprudent 
design  of  inviting  the  French  into  Italy.     "  Fu  adoperato 
"  Ercole  duca  di  Ferrara,   per  rimuovere  Lodovico  dalla 
"  pazza  sua  risoluzione  di  tirar  I'armi  Franzesi  in  Italia,  ne 
"  egli  omise  ufficio  alcuno  per  ottener  Tintento,"  Sec.  Annali 
ix.  569.     But  Guicciardini,  on  the  contrary,  informs   us, 
that  Ercole  abetted  the  enterprise,  and  assigns  his  motives 
for  it  at  length.     In  deciding  between  these  eminent  histo- 
rians, of  whom  the  one  was  a  contemporary,  and  the  other 
has  in  general  drawn  his  information  from  the  documents 
of  the  times,  it  becomes  necessary  to  resort  to  further 
evidence.     Benedetti,  in  his  Fatto  d'arme  del  Tarro.,  ex- 
pressly asserts,  that  Charles  was  invited  into  Italy  by  Lodo- 
vico Sforza,  Ercole  duke  of  Ferrara,  the  cardinal  Giuliano 
della  Rovere,  and  Lorenzo  (the  son  of  Pier-Francesco)  de* 
Medici  j  assigning  as  a  reason  for  it  (which  sU'ongly  con- 
firms 


228  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.  The  negotiations  and  precautions  resorted  to 
^^^'  by  Charles,  preparatory  to  his  Italian  expedition, 
1493.    were  such  as  a  wise  adviser  would  have  suggested, 

^^  *^-   and  a  prudent  commander  would  not  fail  to  adopt. 

chtrTes  viii!  ^^  ^^^^  ^^^  assiduous  in  collecting  those  necessary 
supplies  of  warlike  stores,  ammunition,  and  artil- 
lery of  various  kinds,  the  use  of  which  had  then 
been  lately  introduced,  and  on  which  he  chiefly 
relied  for  the  success  of  his  undertaking.  Yet,  if 
we  may  believe  a  writer,  who  himself  acted  no 
unimportant  part  in  the  transactions  of  the  times, 
the  conduct  of  the  French  monaich  was  a  series 
of  obstinacy,  folly,  and  indecision.  "  "  The  king,'* 
says  he,  "  had  neither  money  nor  talents  for  such 
*' an  enterprise;  the  success  of  which  can  only 
"  be  attributed  to  the  grace  of  God,  who  showed 
"  his  pow^r  most  manifestly  on  this  occasion." 
And  again,  "  The  king  was  very  young,  weak  in 

body, 


<c 


firms  the  idea  that  Alexander  VI.  was  uniformly  hostile 
to  the  measure)  that  the  aversion  in  which  the  pope  was 
held  by  some  of  the  cardinals,  induced  them  to  wish  for  a 
change  in  the  pontificate,  v./i.  5.  And  from  the  history 
of  Ferrara,  by  Sardi,  it  appears,  that  Ercole  accompanied 
Lodovico  Sforza  to  meet  the  king  at  Alexandria.  "  Passo 
."  Carlo  in  Italia,"  says  he,  "  incontrato  dal  Moro,  e  dal 
"  duca  Ercole.,  in  Alessandria."  Sardi,  Hist.  Ferr.  lib.  x. 
Ji.  194.  From  all  which,  it  may  be  clearly  inferred,  that 
ihe  duke  of  Ferrara  took  an  active  part  in  bringing  the 
I'Vench  into  Italy. 

^  ]\fe7noires  de  Commhies,  liv.  vii.  c/mp.  4.fi.  192. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  229 

"  body,  obstinate,  surrounded  by  few  persons  of  c  h  a  p. 
"  prudence  or  experience ;  money  he  had  none,  m- 
"  insomuch,  that  before  his  departure,  he  was  1493. 
"  obliged  to  borrow  one  hundred  thousand  franks  JEt.  18. 
*'  from  a  banker  at  Genoa,  at  an  enormous  interest, 
"  as  well  as  to  resort  to  other  places  for  assistance. 
"  He  had  neither  tent  nor  pavilion,  and  in  this 
"  state  he  began  his  march  into  Lombardy.  One 
"  thing  only  seemed  favourable  to  him;  he  had 
"  a  gallant  company,  consisting  chiefly  of  young 
*'  gentlemen,  though  with  little  discipline.  This 
"  expedition  must  therefore  have  been  the  work 
"  of  God,  both  in  going  and  returning ;  for  the 
"  understanding  of  its  conductors  could  render 
"it  very  little  service;  although  it  must  be  ac- 
"  knowledged  that  it  has  terminated  in  the  acqui- 
"  sition  of  no  small  share  of  honour  and  glory  to 
"their  master.""  Even  at  the  moment  of  de- 
parture, although  the  king  was  unceasingly  pressed 
by  the  envoys  of  Lodovico  Sforza,  he  displayed 
a  strong  disinclination  to  commence  his  journey  : 
and  as  he  fluctuated  according  to  the  advice  of  his 

counsellors, 


"  It  appears  from  Giustiniani,  Annali  di  Genoa,  p.  249, 
that  the  Genoese  banker  was  Antonio  Sauli,  who  first  ad- 
vanced to  the  king  70,000  ducats,  and  afterwards  25,000 
more,  at  Rome.  If  we  may  judge  of  the  supposed  risk  of 
loss,  by  the  rate  of  interest,  it  was  regarded  a?  a  hazardous 
adventure  ;  such  interest  being  no  less  than  cent  per  cent, 
— ^"  a  gros  interest  pour  cent  de  foire  en  foire^"  Commin, 
liv.  vii.  fir oeTfn  fi'  184. 


o 


230  LIFE  AND  PONTIPICATE 

CHAP,  cotmsellors,  he  changed  his  purpose  from  day  to 

i^^V     day.     At  length  he  determined  to  set  forwards  on 

1493.     his  expedition  ;  "  but  even  then,"  says  Commines, 

Mx.  18.  <'  when  I  had  begun  my  journey  I  was  sent  back, 
*'  and  told  that  the  attempt  was  relinquished." 
How  then  shall  we  reconcile  the  external  demon- 
strations of  perseverance,  prudence,  and  magnani- 
mity, to  which  \wc  have  before  adverted,  with 
these  internal  marks  of  imbecility,  and  weakness 
of  mind?  In  truth,  the  history  of  mankind  is 
susceptible  of  being  represented  under  very  dif- 
ferent aspects;  and  whilst  one  narrator  informs 
us  of  the  ostensible  conduct  of  sovereigns  and 
tlieir  agents,  on  the  publick  stage  of  life,  another 
inti'udes  himself  behind  the  curtain,  and  discovers 
to  us  by  what  paltry  contrivances  the  wires  are 
played,  and  by  what  contemptible  causes  those 
effects,  which  we  so  highly  admire,  are  in  fact 
produced. 

The  kins;  of       Whilst    prcparatious    were    thus    makiner  by 

Naples  en-  r       y  ^   ^  . 

deavours  to  Chai'lcs  for  hls  intended  expedition,  the  sagacious 

h^r  to  re"un.  mlud  of  Fcrdinaud  of  Naples  had  maturely  com- 

Jeitiom'  ^"^  pared  the  probable  impulse  of  the  attack,  with  the 

known  practicability  of  resistance,  and  the  result 

of 


*•  "  A  la  fin  le  roy  se  delibera  de  partir ;  8c  montay  i 
'*  cheval  des  premiers,  esperant  passer  les  monts  en  moin- 
*'  dre  compagnie.  Toutefois  je  fus  remande,  disant  que 
♦<  tout  ctoit  rompu."  Mem.de  Com.  lirv,  vii  chafi.  A.  fi.  193. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  231 

of  liis  deliberations  was  such  as  to  occasion  to  him  chap. 
no  small  share  of  anxiet}-.     He  well  knew,  that      ^i^- 
the  arms  of  the  French  king  were  not  onlv  supe-     1493. 
riour  to  any  force  which  he,  with  his  utmost  exer-    if.t.  18. 
tions,  could  oppose  to  them,  but  in  all  probabilit}-, 
to  that  of  all  the  Italian  states  united.     On  his 
aUies  he  could  place  no  firm  reliance ;  and  if  he 
did  not  suspect  their  duplicit}-,  or  dread  their  in- 
constancy, he  could  only  expect  them  to  act  as 
circumstances  might  prescribe  ;  or  in  other  ^\•ords, 
to  attach  themselves  to  the  conquering  part}-.  From 
his  relative,  the  king  of  Spain,  he  could  hope  for 
no  assistaiice  ;  for  he  had  solemnlv  disa^•owed  and 
abjured  his  cause ;  and  if  he  resorted  to  tlie  aid  of 
his  O'WTi  subjects,  he  only  saw,  on  ever}-  hand,  the 
indications  of  tumult  and  rebellion,    the  natural 
consequences  of  a  severity,  wliich  had  alienated 
tlie  affections  of  his  barons,  and  reduced  his  peo- 
ple to  servitude.     Under  these  circumstances,  he 
resolved  to  try  whether  it  might  not  yet  be  possible, 
bv  prudent  negotiation  and  timel}-  submission,  to 
avert  the  dangers  with  which  he  was  threatened ; 
and  in  this  respect  he  proposed  to  a\-ail  liimself  of 
the  interference  of  Carlotta,  the  daughter  of  his 
second  son  Federigo,  \\"ho  A\-as  related  to  Charles 
by  consanguinit}-,  and  had  been  educated  in  his 
court.  ^     He  also  despatched,  as  his  ambassadour, 

Camillo 


P  Federigo  of  Aragon  married  Anna,  daughter  of  Ama- 
deus,  duke  of  Savoy,  who  was  brother  of  Carlotta,   queen 
«f  Louis  XI. 


232  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.  Camillo  Pandone,  who  had  formely  been  his  re- 
^^^'  presentative  in  France,  mth  offers  to  Charles,  of 
1493.     a  considerable  samual  tribute,  if  he  would  relin-' 

^t.  18.  quish  his  enter]  jrise ;  but  the  humiliation  of  Ferdi- 
nand, rather  excited  the  hopes,  than  averted  the 
purpose,  of  his  adversary,  and  his  ambassadour 
was  remanded  without  a  publick  hearing.  In  his 
applications  to  Lodovico  Sforza,  although  he  met 
with  an  exterior  civility,  he  was  in  fact,  equally 
unsuccessful;  nor  could  he,  indeed,  reasonably 
hope  for  any  satisfactory  engagement  with  that  ever 
variable  politician,  who,  in  weaving  the  web  for 
the  desti'uction  of  otliers,  was  at  length  entangled 
in  it  himself. 

Prepares  for       j^^j.  ^^^g  Fcrdinaud,  whllst  he  was  thus  endea- 

nis  detence.  ' 

vouring  to  avert,  by  negotiation,  the  dangers  with 
which  he  was  threatened,  remiss  in  collecting  to- 
gether such  a  force  as  his  o\An  states  afforded  for 
his  defence.  A  fleet  of  about  forty  galleys  was 
speedily  prepared  for  action,  and  by  great  exertions 
and  expense,  a  body  of  troops  was  collected,  which, 
including  the  vai'ious  descriptions  of  soldiery, 
Death  of  amounted  to  about  seven  thousand  men.  But 
whilst  Ferdinand  was  thus  endeavouring  to  secure 
himself  from  the  approaching  storm,  he  found  a 
more  effectual  shelter  from  its  violence  in  a  sudden 
death,  hastened,  perhaps,  by  tlie  joint  effects  of 
■\exation  and  fatigue,  on  the  twenty-fifth  day  of 

January, 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  233 

January,   1494,  when  he  had  nearly  attained  the  c  h  a  p. 
, seventy-first  year  of  his  age.  "^  iii- 

1494. 

The  stipulations  entered  into  between  Ferdinand    ^^-  *  ^  • 
and  Alexander  VI.  had,  however,  for  the  present,  fj°- '^"„* 
efFectually     secured   the  favour    of  the    pontiff,  '*><=  "o*"  ^^ 
which,  on  tliis  occasion,  was  of  the  greatest  im- 
portance to  Alfonso,  the  son  and  successour  of  Fer- 
dinand,  \\  ho  found  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  the 
bull  of  investiture.     He  was  accordingly  cro^^Tied, 
wdth  great  pomp,  at  Naples,  on  the  seventh  day 
of  May,   1494,  by  Giovanni  Borgia,  nephew  of 
the  pope,  and  cai'dinal  of  Monreale,  \\ho  was  sent 
from  Rome  to  perform  that  ceremony.  Immediate- 


•J  Burcardo,  who  made  a  journey  to  Naples,  soon  after 
the  death  of  the  king,  relates,  that  Ferdinand,  having  found 
himself  indisposed  at  his  villa  of  Trapergola,  returned  to 
Naples,  Avhere,  in  dismounting  from  his  horse,  he  fell 
senseless,  and  died  on  the  following  day,  without  either 
confession  or  sacraments.  His  confessor  cried  out  to  him, 
in  vain,  to  repent  of  his  sins  and  his  opposition  to  the 
church,  for  he  gave  not  the  slightest  symptom  of  contrition. 
Burcard.  Diar.  afi.  jXot.  des  MSS.  du  Roi,  1.  108.  Ber- 
nardino Rota  has  honoured  his  memory  by  the  following 
lines  : — 

"  Fernandus  fueram,  felicis  conditor  xvi, 

"  Qui  pater  heu  patrise,  qui  decus  orbis  eram ; 

^  Quem  timuere  duces,  reges  coluere,  brevis  nunc 
"  Urna  habet ;  humanis  i  modo  fide  bonis," 

Carm,  illustr.  Poet.  ItaJ.  viii.  156. 

.    VOL.  I.  eg 


23l 


LIFE  ANti  PONTIFICATE 


c  H  A  P.  ly  after  his  accession  to  the  crown,  Alfonso  ap- 
-  ^^^-      pointed  the  celebrated  Pontano  his  chief  secretary; 
1494.     nor,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  commendations 
£i.  19.  bestowed  on  him  by  the  Neapolitan  scholars,  was 
this  the  only  instance  in  which  he  showed  his  re- 
spect for  literature. 

Marnage  of        Soou  aftcr  thc  ccrcmonlal  of  the  coronation,  the 

Gcotf.oi  Bar.  ' 

gia,  with  nuptials  of  Geoffroi  Borgia,  with  Sancia  of  Aragon, 
Aragon.  wcrc  cclcbrated,  the  bride  being  at  that  time  seven- 
teen, and  the  husband  only  thirteen  years  of  age. 
The  magnificence  of  these  formalities,  was  as  ill 
suited  to  the  alarming  situation  of  the  Aragonese 
family,  as  the  expense  was  to  their  necessities. 
The  pope  and  the  king  seemed  to  contend  widi 
each  other  which  should  be  most  lavish  of  his 
bounty  ;  but  Alexander  dispensed  only  the  favours 
and  dignities  of  the  church,  whilst  Alfonso  sacri- 
ficed the  revenues  of  his  states,  and  diminished 
those  pecuniary  resources  of  which  he  stood  so 
greatly  in  need.  Lodovico,  the  son  of  Don  Hemy, 
natural  brother  of  the  king,  was,  on  this  occasion, 
received  into  the  sacred  college,  and  was  after- 
W'ards  kno\vn  by  the  name  of  the  cardinal  of  Ara- 
gon ;  and  the  pope  released  Alfonso,  during  his 
life,  from  the  nominal  tribute,  so  constantly,  but 
ineffectually,  claimed  by  the  holy  see  from  the 
sovereigns  of  Naples.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
king  invested  Giovanni  Borgia,  eldest  son  of  the 
pope,  already  created  duke  of  Gandia,  with  the 
principality  of  Tricai'ica,  and  other  rich  domains 

in 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  23^ 

ill  tlie  kingdom  of  Naples,  of  tlie  annual  Vcilue  of  chap. 
twelve  thousand  ducats ;  to  which  he  also  added     m- 
the  promise  of  the  first  of  the  seven  great  offices     1494. 
of  state,  that  should  become  vacant.     Nor  was  ^t.  19, 
Cesar  Borgia,  the  second  son  of  Alexander,  for- 
gotten on  this  occasion ;  another  grant  of  a  con- 
siderable income  from  the  king  of  Naples,  being 
thought  necessaiy  to  enable  him  to  support  the 
dignity  of  his  rank,  as  one  of  the  cardinals  of  the 
church.     Two  hundi"ed  thousand  ducats  were  ex- 
pended in  the  dowTy  and  paraphernalia  of  the  bride ; 
and  tournaments  and  feasts,  continued  for  several 
days,  seemed  to  afford  both  the  people  and  their 
rulers  a  short  respite  from  their  approaching  cala- 
mities. 

The  alliance  and  support  of  the  pope  being  thus 
secured,  Alfonso  prepared  for  war ;  and  as  a  proof  Alfonso  pr?- 
that  he  meant,  in  the  first  instance,  to  resort  to  TI"  ""^ 
vigorous  measures,  he  dismissed  from  his  capital 
the  Milanese  ambassadour,  at  the  same  time 
sequestrating  the  re\'enues  of  the  dutchy  of  Bari, 
which  had  been  conferred  by  his  father  on  Lodo- 
vico  Sforza.  By  a  secret  intercourse  with  the 
cardinal  Fregoso,  and  Obietto  da  Fiesco,  who 
then  enjoyed  great  authority  in  Genoa,  he  attempt- 
ed to  deprive  the  duke  of  Milan  of  his  dominion 
over  that  state  ;  and  that  nothing  might  be  wanting 
on  his  part  to  secure  himself  against  the  impending- 
attack,  he  despatched  ambassadours  to  the  sultan 
Bajazet,  to  represent    to  him,   that  the  avo^ved 

object 


236 


LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 


1494. 
Mt.  19. 


CHAP,  object  of  the  French  king  was,  the  overthi"ow  of 
III-      the  Ottoman  empire,  and  to  request  that  he  would 
immediately  send  a  strong  reenforcement  to  his 
relief.''     The  lessons  of  experience,  which  form 
the  wisdom  of  individuals,    seem  to  be  lost  on 
the   minds  of   rulers;    otherwise   Alfonso  might 
have  discovered,  that  his  most  effectual  safeguard 
was  in  the  affections  of  his  people,  who,  if  his 
conduct  had  entitled  him  to  their  favour,  \\'ould 
have  been  found  sufficiently  powerful  for  his  de- 
fence ;  whilst,  on  the  contrary,  the  aversion  of  his 
own  subjects,  accumulated  by  repeated  instances 
of  a  cruel  and  unrelenting  disposition,  both  before 
and  after  his  accession  to  the  throne,  was  an  inter- 
nal malady  which  no  foreign  aid  could  remove. 


views  and 
coiiduct  .~f 
the  sraUler 
.states. 


The  opinions,  debates,  and  negotiations,  to 
which  the  intended  expedition  gave  rise  among 
the  smaller  states  of  Italy,  each  of  whom  had  their 
ambassadours  and  partisans  constantly  employed, 
combined  to  form  such  an  intricate  tissue  of  poli- 
tical intrigue,  as  it  would  be  equally  useless  and 
tiresome  to  unravel.  It  is  not,  however,  difficult 
to  perceive,  that  these  petty  sovereigns,  instead  of 
uniting  in  any  great  and  general  plan  of  defence, 
were  each  of  them  labouring  to  secure  his  private 
interests,  or  to  avail  himself  of  any  circumstance 
in  the  approaching  commotions,  that  might  con- 

ti'ibute 


Guicciard.  Storia  d'  ltd.  lib,  i.  1.  34. 


t 
^ 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  23 


Oi 


tribute  to  his  cmti  aggrandizement.    In  the  confla-  c  hap. 
gration  that  was  speedily  to  involve  the  fabrick  of     ^^^-    . 
Italy,  the  contest,  therefore,  was  not,  Avho  should     1494. 
most  assist  in  extinguishing  the  flames,  but  who    ■^'-  ^^• 
should  obtain  the  greatest  share  of  the  spoil. 

The  determination  of  Charles  VIII.  to  attempt  c'^^'^i"^!"- 

^       engages  Ita. 

the  conquest  of  Naples,  now  became  every  day  nan  stipen- 
more  apparent.  D'Aubigny,  one  of  the  most 
experienced  commanders  in  the  service  of  the 
French  monarch,  had,  after  his  inter\  iew  M'ith  the 
pope,  been  directed  to  remain  in  Italy ;  where 
he  had  already  the  command  of  a  small  body  of 
French  troops,  which  had  been  assembled  in  the 
territories  of  Milan :  ^  and  by  the  assistance  of 
Lodovico  Sforza,  and  his  brother,  the  cardinal 
Ascanio,  several  of  the  Italian  nobility  and  con- 
dottieri,  regai'dless  to  whom  they  sold  their  ser- 
vices, undertook  to  furnish  tlie  kmg  with  a  stipu- 
lated number  of  cavalry,  or  men  at  arms.    Among 

these 


*  Commines,  who  calls  him  "  un  bon  et  sage  chevalier," 
says,  that  he  had  "  quelques  deux  cens  hommes  d'armes." 
lib.  vii.  chafi.  5.  but  Corio,  a  writer  of  equal  credit,  says 
that  he  had  "  mille  cavalli  Francesi."  Sloria  di  Milan,  par. 
vii.  p.  927.  This  faithful  soldier,  and  judicious  counsellor, 
to  whom  the  success  of  the  expedition  may  be  chiefly  attri- 
buted, was  of  Scottish  origin,  and  is  denominated  by  Sum-. 
monte,  in  his  history  of  Naples,  nol.  iii/z.  506.  {Corr.  580.) 
"  Everardo  Estuardo,"  (Everard  or  Edward  Stuart)  "  Scoz- 
"  zese,  per  sopra  norae,  detto  Monsignorc  di  Obegni." 


238  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  these  mercenaries,  were  some  of  the  chief  barons 
11^'      of  the  Roman  state,  and  particularly  those  of  the 
1494.     families  of  Colonna,  Orsini,  and  Savelli.*     This 
Mt.  19.    daring  instance  of  insubordination  in  the  Roman 
nobility,  alarmed  the  pontiff,  and  afforded  too  plau- 
sible a  pretext  for  those  severities  which  he  after- 
wards exercised  against  them. 

In  order  to  concert  together  the  means  for  their 
common  defence,  it  was  proposed,  between  Al- 
fonso and  the  pope,  that  they  should  meet  at  the 
town  of  Vico,  about  twenty  miles  from  Rome, 
whither  Alexander  accordingly  repaired,  accom- 
panied by  many  of  the  cardinals,  the  Venetian 
and  Florentine  legates,  and  about  five  hundred 
horse.  He  was  there  met  by  Alfonso,  who,  with 
unavailing  humility,  professed  his  willingness  to 
rest  his  cause  on  the  decision  of  the  sacred  college, 
and  the  ambassadours  of  the  neutral  courts."  After 
this  interview,  Alexander  returned  in  haste  to 
Rome,  with  the  resolution  of  suppressing  the 
Roman  nobility,  who  were  now  in  arms,  and 
openly  avowed  their  attachment  to  the  cause  of 
the  French;  but  he  found  them  so  posted,  and 
their  numbers  so  considerably  increased,  that  he 
thought  it  advisable  to  relinquish  the  attempt  for 

the 


*  These  auxiliaries  are  enumerated  by  Corio,  Storia  di 
Milan. par.  vii./z.  923. 

"  Corio^  Storia  di  Afilan, parte  Vii.p.  925. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  239 

the  present,  and  to  reserve  his  vengeance  for  a  c  h  a  p. 
future  day.  m. 

1494. 

Alfonso  now  determined  to  take  the  command  ^t-  *^- 
of  his  army  in  person,  and  appointed  his  brother 
Federigo,  admiral  of  his  fleet.  With  the  former, 
it  was  his  intention  to  advance  into  Romagna,  and 
oppose  himself  to  the  threatened  hostilities  of 
D'Aubigny ;  whilst  the  latter  was  directed  to  pro- 
ceed to  Genoa,  for  the  purpose  of  affording  the 
citizens  of  that  place  an  opportunity  of  freeing 
themselves  from  the  dominion  of  the  house  of 
Sforza.  '^ 

The  cai'dinal  Fregoso  and  his  nephew,  with  y^^^du'w 
Obietto  da    Fiesco,    and  other    Genoese    exiles,  '^^  Weapon- 

'  '    tnns  aguiHsL 

accompanied  the  armament  of  Federigo,  which  "'"o*- 
was  provided  with  materials  for  burning,  in  case 
of  resistance,  the  fleet,  in  the  harbour  of  Genoa, 
and  for  destroying  the  preparations  which  die 
French  had,  for  some  time  past  been  making 
there.  About  the  end  of  the  month  of  June,  the 
Neapolitan  flotilla  sailed  from  Civita  Vecchia, 
having  on  board  four  thousand  soldiers,  and  being 

provided 


^  The  exertions  of  the  monarch  were  celebrated  by  the 
eminent  scholars  who  adorned  his  court ;  and  Sanazzaro, 
at  this  juncture,  produced  one  of  his  finest  Italian  poems, 
in  which  he  has  endeavoured  to  inspire  his  fellow  soldiers 
with  courage  and  resolution,  m  defence  of  their  sovereign 
and  their  countrv. 


240  LIPE  AND  PONtlFICATE 

CHAP,  provided  with  a  considerable  quantity  of  artillery 
^^^-  and  stores.  Its  arrival  in  the  gulf  of  Spezia,  was 
1494.     immediately  announced  to  Louis,  duke  of  Orleans, 

-€t.  19.   who  had  preceded  Charles  in  his  expedition  into 
Italy,    and  had  arrived  at  Asti,    -where  he  was 
employed  in  concerting  with  Lodovico  Sforza, 
the  measures  to  be  adopted  in  commencing  the 
war.     Selecting  for  his  purpose,  a  body  of  two 
thousand  infantry  and  five  hundred  light  armed 
horse,  he  repaired  to  Genoa,  where  the  partisans 
of  the  French  had  prepared  for  service  seven  large 
ships  with  heavy  artillery,  besides  several  smaller 
vessels,  on  which  they  had  embarked  six  hun- 
dred  men,   under  the  command  of  the  Frenck 
general  D'Urfe."*  Detachments  from  Genoa  were 
also  sent  to  protect  the  coast ;  and,  in  an  attempt 
made  by  the  Aragonese,  to  possess  themselves 
of  Porto  Venere,  they  were  repulsed  with  some 
loss,  and  retired  to  Leghorn,  to  repair  their  damage. 
They  soon,  however,  proceeded  again  towards  the 
coast  of  Genoa,  and  effected  a  landing  at  Rapallo, 
where  they  began  to  intrench  themselves ;    but 
the  duke  of  Orleans,  having  assumed  the  com- 
mand of  tlie  Genoese  fleet,  which  had  been  reen- 
forced  by  four  large  ships,  and  having  taken  on 
board  about  a  thousand  Swiss  mercenai'ies,  hasten- 
ed towai'ds  that  place ;  whilst  a  body  of  troops, 

under 


"^  Called  by  Corio,  "  Monsignore  Orfeo  "     Storia  di 
Milan,  fiar.  Vn.p.  927. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  241 

under  the  command  of  Anton- Maria  da  Sanseve-  chap, 
rino,  and  Giovanni  Adomo,  were  directed  to  pro-     m* 
ceed  along  the  coast,  and  cooperate  with  the  duke.*     1494. 
On  the  first  attack,  the  Swiss  troops  were  repul-   -'Et.  i9. 
sed  by  the  Neapolitans ;  but  the  detachment  by 
land  arriving  to  their  assistance,  the  engagement 
was  renewed;    and  the  Neapolitans,    conceiving 
themselves  likely  to  be  sun'ounded,  took  to  flight, 
and  abandoned  their  enterprise,  with  the  loss  of 
about  two  hundred  men  killed,  besides  a  consider- 
able number  of  prisoners.     To  this  victory,  the 
heavy  artillery  of  one  of  the  French  ships,  which 
was  brought  to  bear  upon  the  Neapolitan  troops, 
greatly  contributed.^  Such  of  the  fugitives  as  fell 

into 


jt   Gtustiniani,  Annali  di  Genoa,  lib.  v.  fi.  249.  b. 

It  belonged  to  Commines,  who  denominates  it  "  une 
^  grosse  galeace  (qui  etoit  mienne)  qui  patronisoit  un 
"  appelle  Albert  Mely,  sur  laquelle  etoit  le  diet  due  et  les 
"  principaux.  Et  la  dicte  galeace  avoit  grande  artillerie, 
t<  et  grosses  pieces,  (car  elle  etoit  puissante)  et  s'approcha 
*'  si  pres  de  terre  que  I'artillerie  deconfit  presque  I'ennemi, 
*'  qui  jamais  n'en  avoit  veu  de  semblable,  et  etoit  chose 
"  nouvelle  en  Italic."  Irv.  vii.  c/ia/i.  5. p.  194.  The  use  of 
artillery  was,  however,  known  in  Italy,  about  the  year  1380, 
in  the  wars  between  the  Genoese  and  the  Venetians.  Sum- 
monte,  Storia  di  A'afioli.  iii.  497.  {Corr.  563.)  Malcrvoltii 
Scoria  di  Siena,  fi.  170.  Guicciardini,  lib.  I.  The  latter 
author,  however,  acknowledges  that  the  French  had  brought 
this  diabolical  implement—"  queslo  piu  tosto  diabolico  che 

'*  umano 

VOL.  I.  II  h 


242  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  into  the  hands  of  the  Genoese,  after  being  plun- 
III'      dered,    were  suffered  to  escape;  but  the  Swiss 
1494.     showed  no  mercy  to  the  vanquished ;  and  notwith- 
JE.t.  19.   standing  the  remonstrances  of  their  aUies,  stormed 
and  pkmdered  the  town  of  Rapallo,  where,  among 
other  enormities,  they  slaughtered  even  the  sick 
in  the  hospitals.     The  indignation  which  this  cru- 
elty excited  at  Genoa,   had  nearly  effected  that 
which  the    Neapolitan   armament    had  failed    to 
accomplish.     On  the  return  of  the  troops  to  that 
city,  the  populace  rose  and  massacred  several  of 
the  Swiss  soldiery  ;  and  the  duke  of  Orleans,  in- 
stead of  returning  from  his  expedition  in  triumph, 
was  under  the  necessity  of  taking  precautions  for 
his  safety  before  he  ventured  to  disembark.'' 

In 


"  umano  instrumento"— to  much  greater  perfection,  and 
employed  it  with  more  celerity  and  effect,  than  had  before 
been  done.  Cornazzano,  in  his  poem  De  re  Militari,  nar- 
rates the  discovery  of  fire  arms  at  considerable  length 
The  larger  pieces  were  denominated  Bovibardif  the  smaller 
Sco/iettif  and  Spingarde. 

"  Nacque  cosi  madonna  la  bombarda, 
"  Di  quel  che  venne  le  cose  iterando  ; 
"  Et  dui  figli  hebbe,  schiopetto  e  spingarda." 
Relating  the  effects  of  the  first  of  these  implements  (the 
bombarda,  or  cannon)  he  adds  : — 

" dove  va  in  persona, 

"  Ogni  edifizio  gli  fa  liverenza." 

Cornaz,  de  re  Milit.  lib.  iii.  Ji.  58.  i^c. 

^  Giustinianiy  Annali  di  Genoa,  lib.  v.fi.  250, 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  *  243 

In  the  mean  time,  it  became  necessary  to  check  c  hap. 
the  progress  of  D'Aubigny,    who,  having  now     ^^^- 
collected  a  considerable  force,  had  entered  Ro-     1*94 
magna,  and  was  proceeding,  without  interruption,   -^t-  i^- 
towards  the  territories  of  Naples.     The  command  Ferdinand, 
of  the  detachment  intended  for  this  purpose,  was  bria  oppoies 
relinquished  by  Alfonso  to  his  son  Ferdinand,  duke  ln^Kom"pta. 
of  Calabria,  who,  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  troops, 
superiour  in  number  to  the  French  and  their  allies, 
took  his  station  between  the  branches  of  the  Po. 
He  there  presented  himself  for  some  hours  in  order 
of  battle,  and  by  his  courage  and  promptitude,  con- 
ciliated to  his  cause  no  small  share  of  popular  favour. 
For  some  time,  the  French  and  Neapolitan  ai*mies 
were  encamped  within  a  mile  of  each  other ;  but 
D'Aubigny  prudently  declined  a  contest.     As  the 
enemy  increased  in  force,  Ferdinand  in  his  turn, 
was  compelled  to  retreat.     The  intelligence   of 
the  disaster  at  Rapallo,  and  the  certainty  of  the  ap- 
proach of  Charles  VIII.  had  contributed  to  dispirit 
the  Neapolitan  troops ;  and  at  the  moment  when 
the  duke  of  Calabria,  ought,  by  the  vigour  and 
decision  of  his  measures,   to  have  confirmed  th/e 
A^avering  minds  of  the  Italian  potentates,  he  gave 
the  omen  of  his  future  ruin,  by  retiring  imder  the 
walls  of  Faenza ;  where,  instead  of  attempting  of- 
fensive operations,  he  was  satisfied  with  fortifj'ing 
himself  against  an  attack.  ^ 

On 


*  Gidcciardini.lib.  i.  vol.  i.  fi.  48. 


244  hllE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.       On  the  twenty  second  day  of  August,  1494, 

J^J-     Charles  took  his  departure  from  Vienne  ;    and, 

1494.    passing  through  Grenoble,  crossed  the  Alps,  and 

Mt.  19.  arrived  at  Turin ;  where  he  was  received  with  great 

Charles  VIII.  houour  by  Bianca,  widow  of  Charles,  duke  of  Sa- 

crosses  the  y-v        t 

Alps.  voy.     Of  the  splendid  appearance  of  the  dutchess 

and  her  court,  a  particular  description  is  given  by 
one  of  the  attendants  of  the  French  monarch.'' 
Such  was  the  profusion  of  jewels  displayed  on  this 

occasion, 


''  Andre  de  la  Vigne,  was  secretary  to  Anne  of  Bre- 
tagne,  queen  of  Charles  VIII.  and  accompanied  the  king 
on  this  expedition,  of  which  he  has  left  a  journal,  in  prose 
and  verse,  entitled,  Le  Vergier  d'honneur,  which  has  been 
attributed,  in  part,  to  Octavien  de  St.  Gelais,  bishop  of 
Angouleme  ;  but  the  French  criticks  have  determined,  that 
the  complaint  on  the  death  of  Chaiies  VIII.  and  his  epi- 
taph, are  the  only  parts  of  the  work  to  which  the  bishop 
has  any  pretensions.  Of  this  work  there  are  two  editions 
both  printed  in  Gothick  characters  at  Paris,  but  without 
date,  the  one  in  folio,  the  other  in  quarto  ;  the  former  of 
these,  which  has  been  consulted  on  this  occasion,  is  enti- 
tled— 

Le  Vergier  d' Honneur,  nouvellement  imprime  a 
Paris,  de  I'interfirinse  et  voyage  de  JVaples.  jiuguel  est 
comfirins  comment  le  roy,  Charles  huytiesme  de  ce  nom,  a 
baniere  defiloyee^  fiassa  et  repa-isa^  de  journee  en  journee^  de- 
fiuis  Lyon  jusques  a  Mifiles,  et  de  Nafiles  jusques  a  Lyon. 
Ensemble  filusieurs  aultres  c/ioses,  Jaictes  et  com/iosees  fiar 
reverend  pere  en  dieii  Monsieur  Octavien  de  Sainct  Gelais, 
Gvesque  d'  Jngoulesme^  et  par  Maistre  Andry  de  la  Vigne^ 
secretaire  dc  la  rcij7ie,  e^  de  Monsieur  le  due  de  Savoye,  avec 
aultres. 


O^F  LEO  THE  TENTH.  245 

occasion,  that  Charles,  whose  resources  were  not  chap. 
very  ample,  conceived  that  a  favourble  opportunity      ^^^- 
was  afforded  him  for  improving  them ;  of  this  he     1494. 
accordingly  availed  himself,  by  borrowing  a  great  -^^^  ^^• 
part  of  these  superfluous  ornaments,  which  he  im- 
mediately pledged  for  a  sum  of  twelve  thousand 
ducats.     During  his  residence  at  Turin,  he  was 
entertained    by    such    exhibitions   as  were  then 
esteemed  the  most  extraordinary  efforts  of  inge- 
nuity.*^    On    the   sixth   day    of  September,    he 
quitted  that  city  and  proceeded  to  Chieri,  where 
his  progress  was  again  retarded  for  some  days,  by 
the   amusements  and  representations  which  had 
been  prepared  for  him,  in  which  the  most  beautiful 
women  of  Italy  were  selected  to  congratulate  him 
on  his  approach,  and  to  crown  him  Champion  of 

the 


^  These  exhibitions  are  thus  described  by  Andre  de  la 
Vigne  :— 

"  Labeur  y  vis  bien  dehait  en  pourpoint ; 
"  Et  pastoreaulx  chanter  de  contrepoint 
"  Petis  rondeaulx  faits  dessus  leurs  hystoires  ; 
"  Inventions  de  la  loi  de  nature. 
"  Pareillement  de  cette  descripture 
"  Bien  compassees  furent  illic  a  flac 
"  Noe,  Sem,  Cham,  y  vis  en  portraiture, 
^'  Et  de  la  loi  de  grace  leur  figure  ; 
"  Puis  Abraham,  Jacob,  et  Isaac, 
"  Plusiers  histoires  de  Lancelot  du  lac, 
.    "  Celle  d'Athenes  du  gran  Cocordillac."  Sec. 


246  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  the  honour  of  the  fair.  ^     On  his  arrival  at  Asti  he 

m-      was  met  by  Lodovico  Sforza,  accompanied  by  his 

1494.     dutchess,  Beatrice  of  Este,  the  splendour  of  whose 

jEt.  19.   dress  and  equipage  astonished  his  followers.     The 

attention  of  Lodovico  had  here  provided  him  with 

a  number  of  beautiful  courtezans  from  Milan,  who 

were  honoured  by  the  notice,  and  re\A'arded  by  the 

liberality  of  the  French  monarch. "     At  this  place 

his  expedition,  had  however,  neai'ly  been  brought 

to  a  premature  termination ;  for  he  was  seized  with 

a  disorder,  which  confined  him  for  some  days  to 

his  chamber,  and  is  said  to  have  endangered  his 

life.^ 

Whilst 


"^  Champion  de  Vhonneur  des  dames.  Of  the  taste  of  the 
monarch,  and  of  the  delicacy  of  his  female  attendants,  some 
idea  may  be  formed  from  the  account  given  of  these  re- 
presentations ;  one  of  which  was  a  '^Y&tendtd  accouchement . 
This  exhibition  is  described  in  the  rude  verses  of  Andre  de 
"  la  Vigne  It  is  only  to  be  regretted,  that  from  the  nature 
of  things,  the  curiosity  of  the  monarch  could  not  be  grati- 
fied by  his  performing,  in  reality,  the  principal  part  on  such 
an  occasion  himself. 

^  "  Lodovico  Sforza,  mando  al  Re  molte  formosissime 
"  matrone  Milanese,  con  alcune  delle  quali  piglio  amoroso 
"  piacere,  e  quelle  presento  di  preciosi  anelli.  D'indi  per 
•'  la  mutation  dell'aere  Carlo  s'infermo  di  varuole."  Sec. 
CoriOf  Storia  Milanese,  lib^  \ii.  fi  935. 

*  Historians  have  represented  this  disorder  as  the  small 
pox.     Malavolti,  in  his  history  of  Siena,  says,  that  Charles 

was 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  247 

Whilst  the  king  remained  at  Asti,  he  received  chap. 
information  of  the  success  of  the  duke  of  Orleans      ^^^' 
at  Genoa,  and  of  the  retreat  of  Ferdinand  of  Ara-      ^'*^*- 
gon  before  the  arms  of  D'Aubigny.     He  did  not,    -*■*•  ^^* 
however,  quit  that  place  before  the  sixth  day  of 
October,  when  he  proceeded  to  Casale,  the  capital 
city  of  the  marquis  of  Montferrat.     At  this  place 

he 


was  detained  at  Asti  about  a  month  ;  "  ritenuto  da  quel 
"  male  che  da  noi  e  domandato  Vajuolo."  par.  iii.  p.  99. 
Commines  also  denominates  the  disorder  of  the  king,  "  la 
"  petite  verole,"  and  adds,  that  his  life  was  in  danger. 
Benedetti,  in  his  Fatto  d^arme  aul  Tarro,  p.  7,  informs  us, 
that  from  change  of  air,  Charles  was  seized  with  a  fever» 
^  e  mando  fuori  alcuni  segni  che  si  chiamano  epinlttide ; 
"  (night  pimples)  i  nostri  le  chiamano  Vajuole."  From  the 
extreme  licentiousness  in  which  the  king  had  indulged 
himself,  it  is  not,  however,  improbable  that  his  complaint 
was  of  a  different  nature,  and  that  the  loathsome  disorder, 
which,  within  the  space  of  a  few  months  afterwards,  began 
to  spread  itself  over  Italy,  and  was  thence  communicated 
to  the  rest  of  Europe,  is  of  royal  origin,  and  may  be  dated 
from  this  event.  In  favour  of  this  supposition  it  may  be 
observed  that  this  disease  was  much  more  violent  in  its 
symptoms,  on  its  first  appearance,  than  in  after  times,  and 
that  its  resemblance  to  the  small  pox  probably  gave  rise 
to  the  appellation  by  which  it  has  since  been  known. 

"  Protinus  informes  totum  per  corpus  achores 
<'  Rumpebant,  faciemque  horrendam,  et  pectora  ftedv 
"  Turpebant ;  species  morbi  nova  ;  pustula  summx-. 
"  Glandis  ad  effigiem,  et  pituiiamarcida  pingui." 

Fracasfor.  Syphil.  hb.  i.  /.  349. 


248  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  he  met  with  a  reception  similar  to  that  which  he 
III,  had  experienced  at  Turin,  and  repaid  it  in  a  similar 
1494.     manner,  by  borrowing  the  jewels  of  the  marchio- 

Mt.  1 9.  ness,  who  was  the  mother  of  the  dutchess  of  Savoy, 
upon  wliich  he  raised  at  Genoa  a  further  sum  of 
money.  He  then  hastened  with  his  army  to  Pavia, 
where  some  jealousy  arose  between  him  and  Lodo- 
vico  Sforza ;  who  consented,  as  a  pledge  of  his 
fidelity,  to  place  the  fortress  of  the  city  in  his  hands. 
On  this  occasion,  Charles  had  an  interview  with 
his  near  relation  Gian-Galeazzo,  the  unfortunate 


Milan . 


His  inter- 
view with 
Gian-Galeai- 

zo.  duke  of  duke  of  Milan,  who  then  lay  at  the  point  of  death, 
a  victim  to  the  ambition  of  his  uncle  Lodovico. 
The  dutchess  Isabella,  availed  herself  of  this  op- 
portunity, to  throw  herself  at  the  feet  of  the  mo- 
narch, to  entreat  his  interference  on  behalf  of  her 
husband,  and  his  forbearance  towards  her  father 
and  family ;  but  the  importunities  of  a  daughter, 
a  wife,  and  a  mother,  were  lost  on  the  depraved 
mind  of  Chai'les,  and  served  only  to  excite  the  un- 
feelino:  remarks  of  his  barbarian  attendants.  ^  The 
duke  did  not  long  survive  this  interview ;  and  Lo- 
dovico, having  attained  the  height  of  his  wishes, 
was  saluted  by  a  band  of  venal  partisans,  and  a 
corrupt  populace,  as  duke  of  Milan.  His  wife, 
Beatrice,    daughter  of  Ercole,   duke  of  Ferrara, 

who 


e  "  Elle  avoit  meilleur  besoin,"  says  Commines,  "  de 
"  prier  pour  son  mari  et  pour  elle,  qui  etoit  encore  belle 
"  dame  et  jeune."  lib.  y\x.chafi  \i.fi.  196. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  249 

who  had  long  and  arrogantly  contended  with  Isa-  chap. 
bella  for  precedence  in  rank  and  honours,   now      ^^^' 
enjoyed  a  complete,  but  temporary  triumph  over     i'*^'*- 
her  rival,  who  was  driven  from  the  court  of  Milan, 
and  obliged,  with  her  children,  to  take  refuge  in 
an  obscure  and  sickly  cell  of  the  castle  of  Pavia.  ^ 


prsecution 
of  kis  enter- 
prise. 


On  the  arrival  of  Charles  at  Piacenza,  a  few  Hesitates 
days  after  this  interview,  he  received  intelligence 
of  the  death  of  the  duke,  Gian-Galeazzo ;  and 
although  he  had  not  the  generosity  to  interfere  on 
his  behalf,  he  was  shocked  at  a  catastrophe  which 
he  had  taken  no  measures  to  prevent,  and  cele- 
brated his  obsequies  with  great  state  and  formali- 
ty. '  That  the  duke  died  by  poison,  administered 
to  him  at  the  instance  of  Lodovico  Sforza,  was  the 
general  opinion ;  and  Theodoro  of  Pavia,  an  emi- 
nent physician,  who  had  accompanied  the  king  of 
France,  in  his  interview  with  the  duke,  declared, 

that 


''  "  Isabella  co  i  poveri  figliuoletti,  vestiti  di  lugubri 
"  vestimenti,  come  prigioniera  si  richiuse  in  una  camera, 
"  e  gran  tempo  steUe  giacendo  sopra  la  dura  terra,  che 
"  non  vide  aere."  Corio,  Histor.  Milanese^  part.  vii.  Ji 
936.  This  unfortunate  princess,  is  introduced  by  Bernardo 
Accolti,  as  thus  lamenting  her  misfortunes  : — 

"  Re  padre.  Re  fratel,  Duca  in  consorte 
"  Ebbi,  e  in  tre  anni,  i  tre  rapi  la  moi*te  " 

Accolti.   Ofi.ven.  1519. 

'  Commines,  Mem.  lib.  vii.  chafi.  vii.  //.  179.  (Gorr.  I97.J 
VOL.  I.  I  i 


250  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  that  he  had  perceived  manifest  symptoms  of  its 
^^^'  effects.  ^  A  sudden  panick  seized  the  French 
1494.  monarch.  The  perpetration  of  such  a  crime, 
■^^  ^^-  filled  him  with  apprehensions  for  his  own  safety. 
He  had  already  entertained  well  grounded  suspi- 
cions of  the  fidelity  of  Lodovico  Sforza,  and  had 
experienced  considerable  difficulties  in  obtaining 
the  necessary  supplies  for  his  tcoops.  In  this 
situation,  he  began  seriously  to  hesitate  on  the 
expediency  of  prosecuting  his  expedition ;  and  his 
doubts  were  increased  by  a  communication  from 
his  general  and  grand-ecuyer  D'Urfe,  then  at  Ge- 
noa, advising  him  to  be  on  his  guard  against 
treachery.  Such  of  his  attendants  as  had  been 
the  first  to  encourage  him  to  this  undertaking, 
were  iww  the  most  earnest  in  advising  him  to 
abandon  it ;  and  had  not  the  Florentine  exiles,  and 
particularly  Lorenzo  and  Giovanni,  the  sons  of 
Pier- Francesco  de'  Medici,  actuated  by  the  hopes 
of  supplanting  the  rival  branch  of  their  family, 
at  this  critical  juncture,  interposed  their  solicita- 
tions, and  offered  their  services  to  the  king,  it 
is  probable,  that  Italy  might  yet  have  been  saved 
from  her  impending  calamities. ' 

Having  recovered    from  his  alarm,    Chai-Ies 
quitted  Piacenza,  on  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  Octo- 
ber. 


k   Guicciardhi.  lib.'i.p.  49. 

'  Mc7n.  de  Commincs,  iiv.  vii.  c/ia/i.  vii  //.  197. 


Florence  to 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  251 

ber.     A  question  of  great  moment  now  presented  chap. 

itself  for  his  consideration  :    whether  he   should     in* 

proceed  through  the  Tuscan  and  Roman  territories     1494. 
directly  to  Naples,  or,  by  forcing  a  passage  through   JKu  19. 
RomagTia  and  the  March  of   Ancona,  enter  that  Dt:teiinines 

o  'to  proceed  uy 

kingdom  by  the  district  of  Abruzzo.  The  judi-  ''"^y  "^ 
cious  determination  of  the  king  and  his  advisers  Rome 
on  this  occasion,  was  of  the  utmost  importance  to 
the  success  of  his  enterprise.  In  relinquishing 
the  track  through  Romagna,  he  was  not  deterred 
by  the  opposition  which  he  might  there  meet,  from 
the  duke  of  Calabria,  Avho  had  already  retreated 
before  the  arms  of  D'Aubigny ;  but  he  prudently 
considered,  that  unless  he  could  either  secure  the 
alliance  of  the  pope  and  the  Florentines,  or  disable 
them  from  resistance,  he  might,  during  his  contest 
with  Alfonso,  in  Naples,  be  exposed  to  the  hostile 
attack  of  these  adjacent  states.  Instead,  there- 
fore, of  directing  his  course  towards  Bologna,  he 
ordered  the  duke  de  Mompensier,  one  of  the 
princes  of  the  family  of  Bourbon,  to  proceed 
with  the  advanced  guard  to  Pontremoli,  a  town 
on  the  river  Magro,  wKich  divides  the  Tuscan  ter- 
ritory from  that  of  Genoa ;  to  which  place,  Charles 
followed  with  tlie  remainder  of  his  armv,  ha\dno' 

-   '  o 

passed  the  Appenines,  by  the  mountain  of  Parma. 
From  Pontremoli,  Mompensier  proceeded  through 
the  district  of  Luigiana  to  Fivizano,  a  fortress  be- 
longing to  the  Florentines ;  and  being  there  joined 
by  the  Swiss  mercenaries,  who  had  returned  from 
Genoa,    and   brought   with   them  se\'cral  hea\y 

pieces 


252  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  pieces  of  artillery,  the  French  attacked  the  castle, 
III-      which  they  carried  by  storm,  and  put  both  the 
1494.     garrison  and  inhabitants  to  the  sword.     The  town 
^t.  19,    q£  Sarzana,  which  had  been  acquired  by  the  pru- 
dence, and  fortified  under  the  directions  of  Loren- 
zo the  Magnificent,  next  opposed  their  progress  ; 
and,  although  the  number  of  soldiers  employed 
in  its  defence  was  small,  and  the  commander  of 
litde  experience,  or  reputation,  yet  such  was  the 
situation  and  strength  of  the  place,  and  of  the  ad- 
jacent citadel  of  Sarzanella,  that  the  carrying  them 
by  force,  was  regarded  as  a  matter  of  considerable 
difficulty.     Nor  could  the  French  army  long  re- 
tain its  position,  in  a  situation  between  the  sea  and 
the  mountains,    where,  from  the  sterility   of  the 
district,  they  could  scarcely  hope  to  obtain  sup- 
plies.   To  proceed  forwards,  whilst  these  formida- 
ble positions  remained  in  the  hands  of  an  enemy, 
was  equally  inconsistent  with  the  honour  and  the 
safety  of  the  king. "" 

In  this  emergency,  the  unhappy  dissensions 

which  prevailed  among  the  citizens  of  Florence, 

Medici  sur.    agaui  relievcd  the  French  from  their  difficulties. 

chlrTesviii.  From  the  time  that  the  approach  of  the  king  had 

the  fortresses  j^ggj^  aunounccd,  thc  resentment  of  the  inhabitants 

of  Tuscany. 

had  been  chiefly  directed  against  Piero  de'  Medici, 

whom 


™  Guicciard.  lib.  i.  Mem,  de  Commines^  lib.  vii.  chap.  7. 
V.  i.  fi.  50,  51. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  253 

whom  they  considered  as  the  principal  cause  of  the  chap. 
dangers  which  they  were  hkely  to  incur.     On  his     ^^^' 
part,  Piero  had  endeavoured  to  regain  their  con-     i^^^- 
fidence,    by  active  preparations  for  resisting   the   -^t-  ^^' 
enemy  ;  to  which  end  he  had  strengthened  the  city 
of  Pisa,  and  other  fortified  towns  of  the  republick, 
and  had,  particularly,  provided  for  tlie  defence  of 
Florence.     These  preparations,    ^\'ere  not,  how- 
ever,   effected    without  expense,   and  the  levies 
imposed  upon  the  citizens,  became  an  additional 
cause  of  dissatisfaction.     He  then  endeavoured  to 
avail  himself  of  the  voluntary  contributions  of  the 
richer  classes ;  but,  instead  of  the  necessary  aid, 
he  obtained  only  reproaches  and  threats.  Alarmed 
and  dispirited,  he  adopted  the  hasty  resolution  of 
repairing  in  person  to  the  French  camp,  for  the 
purpose  of  endeavouring  to  conciliate  the  favour  of 
Charles,  by  such  timely   concessions  as  circum- 
stances might  require.      He    therefore  private!} 
quitted  the  city,  and  hastened  to  Empoli,  a  few 
miles  distant  from  Florence  :  whence  he  addi'essed 
a  letter  to  the  magistrates,  which  is  yet  preser\'ed 
and  which  fully  explains  the  motives  of  his  con- 
duct at  this  period,  so  critical  to  the  fortunes  of 
himself  and  his  family. 

"  Magnificent  and  honoured  Fathers, 

"  I  shall  not  attempt  to  apologize  for  my  sudden 

"  departure,  because  I  can  scarcely  think  myself 

*'  culpable  for  taking  a  measure  which,  according 

"  to  my  weak  judgment,  appears  to  be  the  best 

"  remedv 


254  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.  "  remedy  for  restoring  the  tranquillity  of  my  coun- 
^^^'      "  try,  and  which,  at  the  same  time,  is  attended 
1494.     **  with  less  danger  and  inconvenience    than  any 
^t.  19.    "other,  both  to  the  publick  and  to  individuals; 
"  excepting  only  myself      I  therefore  intend  to 
"  present  myself  in  person,  before  his  most  chris- 
"  tian  majesty  of  France ;  as  I  may  probably  thus 
*'  be  enabled  to  appease  the  resentment  which  he 
*'  has  conceived  against  this  city,  for  the  conduct 
"  which  it  has  hitherto  been  obliged  to  adopt,  in 
*'  consequence  of  its  engagements  with  other  states ; 
"  itappeai'ing  to  be  only  his  majesty's  wish,  that 
"  an  alteration  should  take  place  in  this  respect.    I, 
"  who  have  been  blamed  as  the  cause  of  this  ani- 
mosity, will,  therefore,  either  exculpate  myself 
to  his  majesty,  or  shall  be  ready  to  receive  due 
"  punishment,  rather  in  my  owti  person,  than  in 
"  the  body  of  the  republick.     Of  this  course  of 
conduct,  particular  instances  have  been  given  in 
my  own  family ;  but  I  consider  myself  as  under 
"  much  greater  obligations  to  exert  myself,  than 
^'  any  of  my  predecessors  have  been ;   because  I 
have  been  honoured  much  more  beyond  my  me- 
"  rits  than  any  of  them;  and  the  more  unworthy  I 
"  am  of  those  honours,  the  more  I  feel  myself 
"  bound  to  engage  in  my  present  attempt,  and  not 
*'  to  shrink  from  labour,  inconvenience,  or  expense, 
*'  or  even  the  sacrifice  Qf  my  life,  which  I  would 
"  willingly  resign,  for  each  of  you  in  pai'ticular, 
"  and  much  more  for  the  whole  republick.     This 
"'•  I  shall  probably  manifest  on  the  present  occasion, 


"on 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  255 

**  on  which  I  shall  either  return  to  the  satisfaction  chap. 
*'  of  yourselves  and  the  city,  or  lose  my  life  in  the      ^^^* 


*' attempt.     In  the  mean  time,  I  entreat  you,  by     ^*^*' 

^'  the  fidelity  and  aftection  which  you  owe  to  the    ^^-  ^^' 

"  ashes  of  your  Lorenzo,  my  late  father,  and  the 

*'  kindness  which  you  have  shown  to  me,  whoj  in 

*'  reverence  aixl  affection,  am  not  less  your  son 

"  than  his,  that  you  will  remember  me  in  your 

"  prayers.     I   also  have  further  to  request,  that 

"  you  will  accept  my  recommendation  of  my  bro- 

*'  thers  and  children,  whom,  if  it  should  be  the 

"  will  of  God  that  I  should  not  return,  I  bequeath 

*'  wholly  to  your  care.     I  shall  begin  my  journey 

*'  from  this  place  to-morrow. 

PiERo  DE  Medici." 
In  Empoli,  26  October,  1494. 

From  Empoli,  Piero  proceeded  to  Pisa,  whence, 
on  the  following  day,  he  addi^essed  a  letter  to  his 
private  secretary  Pietro  da  Bibbiena,  in  which  he 
directs  him  to  assure  the  Neapolitan  ambassa- 
dours  at  Florence,  of  his  unalterable  attachment 
to  Alfonso  and  the  house  of  Aragon,  from  whom 
he  entreats  a  favourable  construction  of  the  mea- 
sures which  he  has  unfortunately  been  compelled 
to  adopt.  If  his  letter  to  the  magistrates  contain, 
as  might  be  expected,  only  the  more  plausible  and 
popular  motives  of  his  conduct,  in  tliis  private 
communication,  he  explicidy  acknowledges,  that 
he  has  been  abandoned  by  all  the  citizens  of  Flo- 
rence, as  well  his  friends  as  his  enemies ;  and  that 

he 


\ 


256  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  he  has  neither  resources  nor  credit  to  support  the 
^^^'     war,  in  which  he  has  involved  himself  and  his 
1494.     country,  by  his  adherence  to  his  engagements  with 
-S.t.  19.  the  royal  house  of  Naples. 

Under  these  discouraging  impressions,  Piero 
de'  Medici  presented  himself,  with  a  few  attend- 
ants, at  the  French  camp  before  Sarzana.  On  his 
arrival,  two  of  the  confidential  officers  of  Charles, 
Monsieur  de  Piennes,  his  chamberlain,  and  the 
general  Brissonet,  were  appointed  to  treat  with 
him.  Their  first  request  was,  that  the  fortress  of 
Sarzana  should  be  surrendered  to  the  French 
arms,  with  which  Piero  instantly  complied.  They 
then  insisted  on  Pisa,  Leghorn,  and  Pietrasanta, 
being  also  delivered  up  to  the  king,  on  his  promise 
to  restore  them,  when  they  w'ere  no  longer  neces- 
sary to  the  success  of  his  enterprise ;  and  to  this 
demand  Piero  also  assented.  The  readiness  with 
which  he  thus  delivered  up  places  of  such  strength 
and  importance,  astonished  the  French,  who  seem 
to  have  despised  his  weakness  and  ridiculed  his 
credulit}'."     As  he  held  no  ostensible  rank,  they 

gave 


"  "  Ceux  qui  traictoient  avec  le  diet  Pierre,  m'ont 
"  compte,  et  a  plusieurs  autres  I'ont  dit,  en  se  raillant  & 
"  moquant  de  lui,  qu'ils  etoient  ebahis  comme  si  tot  accor- 
"  da  si  grande  chose,  et  a  quoi  ils  ne  s'attendoient  pas." 
3Ie?n.  de  Comm.  liv.  vii.  chafi.  vii.  /?.  198.  The  circumstances 

of 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  257 

gave  him  the  title  of  //  gran  Lomhardo  ;  it  being  chap. 
in  those    times   customary  to    designate  all  the     ^J^- 
Italians  by  the  general  name  of  Lombards.**  1494. 

JEt.  19. 
This  unfortunate  transaction,  in  which  Piero  T*"^ '''°'"'" 

■m  .     .  .       .  .  .  tines  exasp«> 

de'  Medici  professedly  imitated,  but  with  mistaken  rated  at  the 

coaduct  of 

application,  the  example  of  his  father  in  his  voyage  piero  de* 
to  Naples,  gave  irremediable  offence  to  the  citi- 
zens of  Florence  ;  who,  although  they  had  refused 
to  assist  him  in  opposing  the  progress  of  the 
French,  conceived  that  he  had  made  a  wanton 
sacrifice  of  their  interests.  It  may,  however,  well 
be  doubted,  whether  this  was  so  much  the  reason 
as  the  pretext  for  the  resentment  of  the  Florentines, 
many  of  whom  had  become  impatient  of  the  autho- 
rity of  the  Medici,  and,  being  prompted  by  the 
violent  harangues  of  Savonarola,  sought  only  for 
an  opportunity  of  exciting  the  populace  to  second 
their  views.  A  new  deputation  was  nominated, 
consisting  of  five  citizens,  among  whom  was  Savo- 
narola, who  were  directed  to  proceed  to  Lucca, 
where  the  king  liad  now  arrived,  and  to  entreat 
him  to  moderate  the  severity  of  the  terms  agreed 
on.  Charles  gave  them  an  attentive  audience ;  but 
neither  the  persuasions  nor  the  threats  of  the  priest, 

who 


of  this  interview  are  also  related  by  Andre  de  la  Vigne  in 
his  Vergier  (Thonneur,  with  his  usual  insipidity. 

*  JVardi^  Hist,  di  Fiorenza.  lib.  i.fi.  11. 
VOL.  I.  K  k 


258  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  who  represented  himself  as  a  messenger  on  the 
m-      part  of  God,  could  mduce  the  king  to  relax  frorti 
1494.     his  former  stipulations. P  This  measure,  was,  how- 
Mt.  19.  ^ygj.^  3  sufficient  indication  to  Piero  de'  Medici^ 
of  the  dissatisfaction  which  his  conduct  had  occa- 
sioned, and  of  the  necessity  of  securing  himself 
against  the  effects  of  that  animosity,  which  would 
probably  be  excited  against  him.  He  therefore  en- 
gaged his  near   relation,  Paolo  Orsini,  who  then 
commanded  a  body  of  troops  in  the  service  of  the 
republick,  to  accompany  him  towards  the   city, 
intending  to  suppress  the  outrages  of  the  populace 
by   force  of  arms,  and,   as  his  adversaries  have 
conjectured,  to  take  upon  himself  the  uncontrolled 
dominion  of  the  state  ;  to  which  he  is  supposed  to 
have  been  incited  by  his  wife,  Alfonsina,  and  her 
relations  of  the  Orsini  family^     On  his  arrival,  he 
proceeded  with  a  few  attendants  to  the  palace  of 
justice,  apparently  for  the  purpose  of  explaining  to 
the  citizens  the  reasons  of  his  conduct ;  but  Luca 
Corsini,  Giacopo  de'  Nerli,  and  other  magistrates, 
met  him  at  the  gates,  and  with  many  reproaches, 
opposed  his  admission.     This  circumstance  occa- 
sioned   a  general    clamour    and    commotion,    in 
which  the  friends  of  the  Medici,  who  attempted 
to  suppress  the  tumult,  were  insulted  and  plun- 
dered; whilst  Piero,  with  difficulty,  escaped  the 
resentment  of  the  populace. 

In 

P  J\/ardt,  Hist,  di  Fioreriza,  lib.  i.fi.  11. 
^  J\ardi,  Hist .  di  FiorenzOy  lib.i.p.  12. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  259 

In  the  mean  time,  the  cardinal,  less  obnoxious  chap. 
to  the  people  than  his   brother,  endeavoured  to      m- 
conciliate  their  favour  by  pacifick  remonstrances,     1494. 
and  by  the   cry  of  Falky  Falk,  in  reference  to   ^t.  19. 
the  arms  of  his  family.     But  the  charm  which  had  J^;  ";.<!'"''' 

"^  ne'  Medici, 

lasted  so  manv  )'ears  was  now  broken ;  and  these  w''ii  his  bro. 

'     ''  .  thers,  Picro 

words,  which  had  seldom  been  heard  \\ithout  andGiuiiano. 
producing  a  favourable  effect,  only  served  to  ex-  at7- 
cite  additional  indignation.  The  clamour  and  vio- 
lence of  the  populace  increased;  the  alarm  bell 
rang ;  the  prisoners  ^^'ere  set  at  liberty,  the  further 
progress  of  the  cardinal  was  prevented  by  im- 
penetrable crowds,  whilst  Piero  and  his  attend- 
ants were  threatened  with  an  attack  of  stones,  from 
the  window  s  and  roofs  of  the  houses.  The  fate 
of  the  Medici  hung  on  the  decision  of  a  moment ; 
and  Piero  had  to  determine,  whether  he  would  try 
the  event  of  arms  in  the  bosom  of  his  native  place, 
or  abandon  the  city,  and  seek  a  refuge  in  some 
other  part  of  Italy.  Of  these  expedients,  he  adopt- 
ed the  latter;  but,  by  an  unaccountable  fatality, 
instead  of  resorting  to  the  French  camp,  where  he 
w^ould  probably  have  obtained  the  favour  and  pro- 
tection of  Charles,  for  having  complied  with  whose 
requisitions  he  had  been  obliged  to  quit  the  cit}', 
he  passed  with  his  brother  Giuliano,  through  the 
gate  of  S.  Gallo,  and  took  the  road  to  Bologna.  "■ 

The 


•■  This  event  occurred  on  the  ninth  day  of  Novenmber, 
1494.     JVardiylib.i.  fi.  13. 


260  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.  The  cardinal,  either  not  equally  alarmed  at  the 
iii«  danger,  or  more  reluctant  to  quit  his  native  place, 
1494.    was  the  last  of  the  brothers  ^^'ho  left  the  city.  Find- 

^t.  1 9.  ing,  however,  that  the  populace  were  proceeding 
to  the  utmost  extreme  of  violence,  he  devested 
himself  of  the  insignia  of  his  rank,  and,  assuming 
the  habit  of  a  Franciscan,  passed,  without  being 
recognised,  through  the  midst  of  the  exasperated 
multitude,  to  the  convent  of  S.  Marco,  where  he 
hoped  to  find  a  temporary  shelter,  in  a  building 
erected  and  endowed  by  his  ancestors.     In  this, 
however,  he  was  disappointed ;  the  monks  having, 
with  singular  nigratitude,  refused  to  admit  him 
within  their  gates.     Repulsed  from  the  only  quar- 
ter on  which  he  relied  for  protection,  he  immedi- 
ately abandoned  the  city,  and  hastening  into  the 
secret  recesses  of  the  Appenines,  effected  his  re- 
treat, and  joined  his  brothers  at  Bologna.^ 

The  palace  of       No  sooucr  had  the  Medici  quitted  the  city, 

ptodlrer    than  the  rage  of  the  populace  broke  out  in  open 

acts  of  violence.     The  palace  of  the  Medici,  and 

the 


s  Ammirato^  Ritratti  d'  huumini  di  Casa  Medici.  Ofiusc. 
■V.  iii. /?.  65.  To  the  short  period  which  elapsed  between 
the  death  of  Lorenzo  and  the  expulsion  of  his  son  Piero, 
we  may  refer  the  Latin  poem  of  Lorenzo  Vitelli,  entitled 
jirborea  ;  in  which,  under  the  allegory  of  a  vigorous  and 
fruitful  tree,  he  describes  the  flourishing  family  of  the 
Medici ;  not  aware  of  the  sudden  blight  which  it  was  shortly 
to  experience,  v.  Carm.  illustr.  Poet.  Ital.  "vol.  xi. /?.  386. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  261 

the  houses  of  several  of  the  chief  officers  of  tlie  c  h  a  p^ 
state,  who  were  supposed  to  be  favourable  to  their  ^^^' 
party,  were  attacked  and  plundered.  The  resi-  1494. 
dence  of  the  cardinal,  in  the  district  of  S.  Antonio,  Rt.  19. 
experienced  a  similar  fate;  but  a  circumstance 
which  cannot  fail  to  excite  the  regret  of  every 
friend  of  the  arts,  is  the  destruction  of  the  garden 
of  S.  Marco,  established  by  the  liberality  and 
personal  attention  of  Lorenzo  the  Magnificent,  as 
an  academy  for  the  promotion  of  sculpture ;  the 
repository  of  the  finest  remains  of  antiquity,  and 
the  school  of  Michael  Angelo.  We  might  have 
pardoned  the  expunging  of  the  figures  of  the  rebels, 
painted  on  the  walls  of  the  palace,  in  the  year  1434, 
or  the  obliteration  of  the  labours  of  Andrea  del 
Castagno,  commemorating  the  conspiracy  of  tlie 
Pazzi,  in  1478 ;  but  the  destruction  of  this  col- 
lection, was  an  irreparable  misfortune  to  the  pro- 
gress of  true  taste,  as  yet  in  its  earliest  infancy ; 
and  was  poorly  compensated  by  the  figure  of  Judith, 
executed  by  DonateUo,  at  the  request  of  the  Flo- 
rentines ;  and  placed  at  the  gate  of  the  palace,  as 
an  emblem  of  the  destruction  of  a  tyrant.^ 

On 


*  jimmirato,,  Istorie  Fiorentine.  vol.  iii.  //.  223.  The 
dispersion  of  the  library  of  Politiano,  followed  soon  after 
the  exile  of  the  Medici.  The  learned  admirers  of  this  great 
man,  will,  perhaps,  be  gratified  with  the  inventory  of  the 
MSS.  and  other  effects,  found  in  his  possession  at  the  time 

of 


262  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.  On  the  same  day  that  the  brothers  of  the 
III'  Medici  were  compelled  to  abandon  their  native 
1494.  place. 

Mi.  19. 

of  his  death,  taken  by  the  celebrated  and  learned  Greek* 
Joannes  Lascar,  and  which  has  not  before  been  printed. 

£x.  Orig.  in  Archi-v.  Reifi.  Flor. 
Hoc  est  Inventarium  Librorum,  quiinv  end  sunt  inter 
Libras  Domini  Angeli  Politiani  quos  secernendo  extraxit 
inde  Dominus  Johannes  Laschari  Graecus,  excommissione 
Dominorum ;  coram  Domino  Theodora  et  coram  Domino 
Bartholojuteo  de  Crais  ;  quod  inventarium  confectum  fuit  in 
domo  Petri  de  Medicis,  die  xxiv.  Octobris,  1495.  ut  patet  in 
originali. 

Aristotelis  Poetica,  et  quaedam  alia,  in  Grseco.  in  Pajiyro. 
Galeni   de  compositione   pharmacorum.  in  Pafiyro.  in 

Grjeco. 
Petri  Hispani,  Dialectica  et  quaedam  alia,  in  Grxcura 

de  Latino  versa,  in  Pafiyro. 
Leges  quxdam,  cum  glossis.  In  Membrana.  glossulse  vero 

sunt  in  marginibus. 
Omeliae  Johannis  Crisostomi.  in  Graeco. 
Servius,  in  Virgilium.  in  Membrana.  Latinus  codex. 
Aristotelis  de"  Mundo,  in  Graeco  ;  simul  cum  Polemo-. 

Nis  meditationibus,  et  Aristotelis  Metaphysicis.  in  Pa- 

jiyro. 
Compendium  trium  Librorum  Oribasii  ;  factum  per 

Haetium.  in  Papyro. 
Instituta,  in.  Grxco.  in  Papyro. 

Epistolae  Theodori  Lascharis.  In  Papyra.  In  Graeco. 
AcTUARii   opus   de  Medicina,  de  Urinis ;  in  Graeco.   in 

Papyro  ;  et  Galeni  quaedam. 
Galeni  quxdam  in  Medicina,  et  ejusdem  liber  de  dicto 

Auctore,  in  Graeco.  in  Papyro. 

Alexander 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  263 

place,  an  event  occurred  in  the  city  of  Pisa,  which,  chap. 
although  in  its  origin,  of  small  comparative  im-      ^^^- 

portance,     1494. 
-^t.  19. 

Alexander  Tralianus,  in  Medicina,  in  Gr»co.  in  Pa- 

fiyro. 
Liber  Galeni  in  Medicina  ;  cujus  primum  capitulum  de 

Cardiacis.  in  Pafiyro.  In  asseridus,  sine  o/ierimento.   In 

Grjeco. 
Galeni  de  compositiohe   pharmacorum.  in  Pafiyro.  Sig- 

natus  No.  225.  Graeco. 
Liber  Galeni  in  Medicina ;  in  Grxco.  in  Pafiyro.  habens 

primum  capitulum  de  Theriacis  Alexipharmicis.  In  as- 

seribusy  non  ofiertus.     Signatus  No.  223. 
•Galenus  de  usu  particularum  in  homine,  et  liber  ejusdem, 

de  pulsibus.  in  Pafiyro.  et  Grscco.  Signatus  No.  215 
Priscianus  quidam  antiquus.  in  Membrana.  Signatus  No. 

347.  Latinus. 
Priscianus  iterum  antiquus.  in  Membrana.  No.  626.  La- 
tinus. 
Demosthenis  Orationes.  Graecae.  in  Pafiyro. 
Historia  Zonar^.  in  Pafiyro.  in  Grsco. 
Galeni  de  pharmacis,  secundum  genus.    In   Grasco.  irt 

Pafiyro.  No.  218. 
Pedacii  Dioscoride  Anazarbis,  in  Grsco.  Liber  de  mate- 
ria, in  Pafiyro.  Signatus  No   230. 
Compendium  Philosophic  Georgii  Protertioi.  In  Grac- 

co.  in  Pafiyro. 
Aristotelis  Metaphysica  parumper,  et  Galeni  de  Anato- 
mia.  No.  216.  (hunc  Codicem  D.  lo.  Lascari  fienes  se.J 
Pars  PoLLUcis  et  quxdam  alia,  et  Polienis  Stratagemata. 

In  Grxco.  in  Pafiyro,  et  antiyuo  codice,  volumine  medio- 

criy  tecto  ofierimento  rubro.  No.  91. 
Excerpta  quxdam  ex  diversis  auctoribus,  et  proverbia,  et 

quxdam  alia.  Sine  tabulis.  in  Papyro. 

Pynjdari 


its  liberties. 


264.  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  portancc,  became,  in  the  event,  a  fruitful  source 
-III-      of  contention  and  bloodshed ;  and  served,  w^hen 
1494.     the  terrours  of  a  foreign  enemy  w^ere  removed,  to 
iEt.  19.   disturb  the  repose,  and  protract  the  calamities  of 
Pisa  asserts   Italy.     Irrcconcikbly   adverse  to  the    Florentine 
government,  the  citizens  of  Pisa  were,  at  all  times, 
ready  to  avail  themselves  of  any  opportunity  to 
assert  their  ancient  liberties.     This  restless  and 
unconquerable  spirit,  afforded  a  reason,  or  a  pre- 
text for  additional  cautions  and  severities  on  the 
part  of  the  Florentines  ;  which,  without  subduing 
the  courage,  excited  the  resentment  of  the  people. 

No 


■pYNDARi  Olimpya,  et  pai's  Pythiorum,  cum  expositione. 

in  Papyro.  In  Grseco.  No.  87. 
Xenophontis  Graecise  Historia.  in  Pafiyro.  Sine  tabulis. 

In  Grseco.  No.  622. 
Qujedam  in   Physica.  Primum    de   Climatibus  Terrae,  et 

Expositio  Theonis  in  Arati  phenomena,  in  Pajiyro. 

Sine  Tabulis.  In  Grsco.  No.  139. 
Akistotelis  Politica.    In  Grxco.  in  Pafiyro.    Ligata  in 

quadam  carta  membranea. 
Aratus  cum  expositione.  In  Grsco.  In  Membranis^  ligatus 

171  quadam  Carta. 
Galeni  Liber  antiquus.  In  Grxco.  Li  Membranis.  In  qua- 

dam  Carta. 
Vocabula  quxdam  Medicinalia,  et  quxdam  alia,  in  Grxco. 

In  Pafiyro.   In  tabulis,  sine  operimento.    Vetustissima, 

No.  221. 
Quidam  recollecta  a  Domino  Angelo  Politiano  in  pue- 

ritia  sua.  in  Pafiyro.  In  Latino,  et  ligata  simulin  quadam 

Carta  manbranca. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH. 


265 


No  sooner  had  Charles,  after  quitting  Lucca,  arri-  chap. 
ved  at  Pisa,  than  he  was  surrounded  by  a  tumul-      ^^^-  ^ 
tuous  assemblage  of  the  inhabitants,   who,  with     1494. 
affecting    lamentations,    and  grievous  complaints   -^t.  19, 
against  their  oppressors,  entreated  the  king  to  free 
them  fiom  their  yoke."     The  earnest  and  repeated 
solicitations  of  the  multitude,   made  a  powerful 
impression  on  some  of  the  favourite  attendants  of 
the  king,  who  observed  to  him,  that  the  request 
of  the  citizens  was  just  and  reasonable  ;  w^here- 
upon  Charles,  acting  under  the  impulse  of  his 
immediate  feelings,   and  forgetful  or  regardless  of 
his  solemn  engagement,  to  restore  the  city  of  Pisa 
to  its  former  governours,  signified  his  assent  to 
their  request.     This  hasty  and  inconsiderate  as- 
surance, was  received  by  the  citizens  of  Pisa,  as 
a  full  emancipation  from  their  servitude,  and  their 
exultation  was  displayed  by  the  immediate  demo- 
lition of  the  arms  and  insignia  of  the  Florentines 
throughout  the    city.     The  Florentine  commis-      *• 
sioners,  were  at  the  same  time  expelled  from  Pisa, 

not 


u  «  Par  grans  monceaulx  le  commun  populaire 
"  De^a,  dela,  c'etoit  voulu  assire, 
"  Pour  hault  crier  en  amour  voluntaire  ; 
"  Voire  si  hault  qu'ils  ne  pouvoyent  taire, 
"  Libertate,  Libcrtate,  chier  sire  ; 
"  Qui  en  Francois  vault  autant  comme  dire, 
*'  HelaSf  sire,  donnez  nous  liberie. "  &c. 

And.  de  la  VignCf  Vergier  d*honneur. 

VOL.  I.  L  1 


ny. 


266  Liri:  AND  pontificate 

c  H  A  p.  not  without  great   apprehensions  of  violence  to 
_^ii^_  their  persons,  which  was  prevented  only  by  the 
1494.     authority  of  the  king  and  his  attendants. 

^t.  19. 

Whilst  Charles  M^as  thus  hastening,  without 
Retreat  of  interruption,  towards  the  object  of  his  destination, 
cauibiiabe-  his  general,  D'Aubigny,  had  made  a  considerable 
o7D'AVbigr  progress  in  Romagiia,  where  he  had  attacked  and 
taken  several  fortresses,  and  had  compelled  Cate- 
rina  Sforza,  widow  of  Girolamo  Riario,  who  then 
governed  the  states  of  Imola  and  Forli,  in  the  name 
of  her  infant  son  Ottaviano,  to  relinquish  the 
alliance  into  w^hich  she  had  entered  with  the  pope 
and  the  king  of  Naples.  His  approach  towards 
Faenza,  with  the  additional  troops  which  had 
joined  his  standard,  alarmed  the  duke  of  Calabria, 
Mho,  quitting  his  intrenchments,  proceeded  with 
his  army,  by  the  most  retired  and  difficult  paths, 
to  Cesena.  He  was  there  informed  of  the  commo- 
tions which  had  arisen  in  Florence,  and  of  the 
surrender  of  the  chief  fortresses  of  the  Tuscan 
state  to  the  French  arms  ;  in  consequence  of  which 
he  again  broke  up  his  camp,  and  hastily  retreated 
towards  Rome.  By  these  pusillanimous  measures, 
the  power  of  the  French,  which,  like  a  small 
stream,  might  have  been  successfully  checked  in 
its  commencement,  was  suffered  to  proceed  in  an 
uninterrupted  course,  and,  by  a  continual  acces- 
sion, to  bear  down  all  possibility  of  resistance. 

On 


fence. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  267 

On  the  eleventh  day  of  November,  Charles  left  chap. 
Pisa,  and  proceeded  to  Empoli,  intending  to  enter      ^^^- 
the  city  of  Florence;  but  on  his  arrival  at  Signa,      1494. 
about  six  miles  distant,  he  received  information  of  Mt.  19. 
the  expulsion  of  the  Medici,  in  consequence  of  the  chariesvm, 
surrender  of  the  fortified  towns  of  the  republick  to  cUy'^fVil 
his  arms.     Conceiving  it,  therefore,  not  impro- 
bable   that   he  might   meet   with   resistance,    he 
ordered  D'Aubigny,  who  was  no  longer  opposed 
in   Romagna,    to   join   him    with    a  part  of  the 
troops  under  his  command.     This  measure  greatly 
alarmed  the  inhabitants  of  Florence,  who  began  to 
suspect  that  Charles  intended  to  possess  himself 
of  the  city  by  force.  ^     Nor  were  there  wanting 
among  his  followers,  many  who  advised  him  to 
tliis  measure,  and  who  even  endeavoured  to  prevail 

upon 


^  The  intention  of  the  king  to  attack  the  citV)  is  also 
thus  adverted  to  by  Andre  de  la  Vigne  : — 

"  Au  pont  du  Signe  fut  des  jours  cinq  ou  six  j 

"  Car  Florentins  mutines  et  perdus 

"  S'estoient  contre  Pierre  de  Medycys, 

"  Qui  leurs  chateaulx  avoit  au  roy  rendus. 

*'  Dessus  les  champs  mises  ses  guettes  et  gardes, 

**  Et  leur  monstra  de  si  bon  remise, 

"  Que  tost  apres  nndrent  les  ambassades 

"  De  Florence,  de  Sene,  et  de  Venice  : 

"  Fait  assembler  avoit  ja  tous  ses  gens, 

"  Et  amener  toute  I'artillerie, 

*'  Pour  a  Florence,  sans  etre  negligens, 

"  Y  aller  faire  quelque  grand  dyablerie.'* 


268  LIFE  AND  PONTiriCATE 

CHAP.  Upon  him  to  deliver  it  up  to  be  plundered  by  the 
III-  soldiery,  on  the  pretence  of  its  being  the  first  place 
1494.    that  had  resisted  his  arms,  and  as  an  example  to 

Mt.  1?.  the  rest  of  Italy."*  The  Florentines  were,  how- 
ever, incessant  in  their  embassies  and  representa- 
tions to  Charles;  and  perhaps  the  rich  presents 
and  delicate  viands,  with  which  they  supplied  his 
camp  at  Signa,  might,  in  some  degree,  mitigate 
his  resentment.  Nor  did  they  neglect  the  best 
precautions  in  their  power  to  secure  themselves 
against  hostilities,  in  case  the  king  should  prove 
irreconcilable.  Great  numbers  of  armed  men 
from  different  parts  of  the  Tuscan  territory,  en- 
tered the  city  under  various  pretexts,  and  were 
secretly  lodged  in  the  houses  of  the  citizens.  The 
condottieri,  in  the  service  of  the  republick,  distri- 
buted their  troops  in  the  most  convenient  stations, 
and  held  themselves  in  readiness  for  action,  on  the 
tolling  of  the  great  bell  of  the  palace  of  justice. 
These  alarms,  however,  soon  subsided,  and  on  the 
seventeenth  day  of  November,  '^  Charles  made  his 

peaceable 


^  Guicciardini,  Kb.  i.  v.  i,  fi.  58. 

''  On  the  same  day  died  at  Florence,  in  the  thirty  se- 
cond year  of  his  age,  the  accomplished  Giovanni  Pico,  of 
Mirandula,  and,  if  we  may  credit  the  report  of  Savonarola, 
had  the  good  fortune  to  obtain  a  situation  in  purgatory. 
This  intelligence,  the  preacher  thus  announced  to  his  au- 
dience at  the  conclusion  of  one  of  his  sermons,  a  few  days 
after  the  death  of  that  eminent  man.    ^'  lo  vi  vpglio  rivelare 

"un 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH. 


269 


peaceable  and  publick  entry  into  the  city  on  horse-  chap. 
back,  under  a  rich  canopy,  supported  by  some  of     ^^^' 
his  younger  nobles,  and  attended  by  his  barons  and     1494. 
men  at  arms.     He  was  met  on  his  approach,  by  -^t-  ^^• 
the    magistrates    and   principal  mhabitants,    who 
accompanied  him  to  the  church  of  S.  Maiia  del 
Fiore,  where  he  paid  a  visit  to  the  great  altar ; 
after  which  he  proceeded  to  the  palace  of  the 
Medici,  which  was  magnificently  prepared  for  his 
reception,  y     His  nobility  and  chief  officers  were 
lodged  in  the  princely  houses  of  the  richer  inhabi- 
tants ;  and  the  illumination  of  the  city,  which  con- 
tinued 


"  un  secreto,  che  insino  a  qui  non  ho  voluto  dirlo,  perchc 
"  non  ho  a^nito  tanta  cei-tezza  come  ho  avuto  da  diece  hore 
"  in  qua.     Ciascuno  di  voi  credo  che  cognoscesse  il  conle 
"  Giovanni  della  Mirandola,  che  stava  qui  in  Firenze,  ed  e 
<'  morto  pochi  giorni  sono.     Dicovi  che  Tanima  sua,  per  le 
«  orationi  de'  frati,  ed  anche  per  alcune  sue  buone  opere, 
«  che  fece  in  questa  vita,  e  per  altre  orationi,  e  nel  purga- 
"  torio— orc^e  firo  eo — lui  fu  tardo  a  non  venire  alia  reli- 
"  gione  in  vita  sua,  come  era  spirato,  e  pero  e  in  purgato- 
"  rio."     The  verses  of  Marullus,  on  the  death  of  Pico,  are 
more  appropriate,  although  less  known,  than  the  ostenta- 
tious lines  inscribed  on  his  tomb  in  the  church  of  S.  Marco, 
at  Florence,  v.  Ofi.  Mar,  53. 

y  JVardi,  Hist.  Fior.  lib.  i./i.  14,  The  entrance  of  the 
king  into  Florence  is  one  of  those  topicks  on  Avhich  his 
poetical  annalist,  De  la  Vigne,  dwells  with  particular  sa- 
tisfaction. On  this  occasion  he  enumerates  the  whole 
array  of  the  French  army,  and  all  the  attendiints  of  the 
king. 


270  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  tinued  every  night  during  the  stay  of  the  king, 

III,      contributed  no  less  to  its  peace  and  security,  than 

1494.    to  the  honour  of  its  royal  guest.     Conciliated  by 

Mt.  19.  these  attentions,   Charles  passed  several  days  in 

partaking  of  the  amusements  prepared  for  him. 

Among  these  was   the   Rappresentazione  of  the 

annunciation  of  the  virgin,  which  was  exhibited, 

with  great  splendour  and  mechanical  ingenuity,  in 

the  church  of  S.  Felice,  and  with  which  the  king 

was  so  greatly  delighted,  that  he  requested  to  be 

gratified  by  a  second  exhibition. ' 

No  sooner  had  the  three  brothers  of  the  Medi- 
ci  quitted  the  city,  than  Lorenzo  and  Giovanni, 
the  sons  of  Pier-Francesco,  returned  to  Florence, 
and  Avere  restored  to  their  possessions  and  their 
rights ;  ^  but  the  name  of  the  Medici  was  now  be- 
come 


"^  JVardi,  Hist.  Fior.  lib.  i.fi.  15. 

a  Lorenzo,  the  son  of  Pier-Francesco,  appears  to  have 
emulated  his  relations  of  the  elder  branch  of  his  family, 
in  the  love  of  literature  and  patronage  of  learned  men. 
Politiano  has  addressed  to  him  his  Sylva,  entitled  Manto, 
in  terms  of  great  esteem : — "  Ferreus  sim,"  says  he,  "  si 
"  tibi  quid  denegem,  tarn  nobili  adolescenti,  tarn  probo, 
«  tarn  mei  amanti,  tanto  denique  earn  rem  studio  efflagi- 
"  tanti."  The  beautiful  introductory  stanzas  to  this  piece, 
have  been  elegantly  translated,  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Greswell., 
in  his  Memoirs  of  Politiano.,  i!fc.fi.  92.  Lorenzo  di  Pier- 
Francesco,  was  also  the  great  patron  of  the  poet  Marullus, 
wjio  has  inscribed  to  him,  at  different  times,  his  four  books  of 

epigrams, 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  271 

'GOme  odious,  and  with  a  despicable  servility,  which  c  hap. 

has  been  imitated  in  subsequent  times,  they  relin-  m* 

quished  their  family  appellation,  and  adopted  that  1494. 

of  Popolani  ;    at  the  same  time,  removing  from  ■^^-  ^^' 
their  residence,  the  insignia  of  their  arms,  and 
replacing  them  by  those  of  the  republick. 


In  the  mean  time,   Piero  and  his  brothers,  in  Pi^ode-Me 

,  dici  retires  t( 

their  retreat  to  Bologna,  had  not  experienced  that  Venice,  and 
friendly  reception  which  they  had  reason  to  expect  to  cllt'e^' 
from  Giovanni  Bentivoglio,  who  then  held  the 
chief  authority  in  that  place,  and  whose  obligations 
to  their  father  were  supposed  to  be  a  sufficient 
pledge  for  his  favour.  Expecting  from  others  that 
fortitude  which,  in  the  moment  of  adversity,  he 
did  not  exhibit  himself,  Bentivoglio,  instead  of 
consoling  them  in  their  misfortunes,  or  encouraging 

tlieir 


epigrams,  several  of  which  are  devoted  to  his  praise.     In 
one  of  these  he  is  thus  addressed  :— 

"  Felix  in  genii,  felix  et  gratise  opumque, 
"  Laurus,  et  antiquis  non  leve  nomen  avis, 

"  Qiiserenti  cuidam  num  plura  his  optet  ?  ut,  inquitf 
"  Et  prodesse  queam  pluribus,  et  cupiam."    /^  42. 

Marullus  also  addressed  to  Giovanni,  the  other  son  of 
Pier-Francesco,  a  copy  of  Latin  verses,  in  praise  of  Cate- 
fina  Sforza,  the  widow  of  Girolamo  Riario,  whom  Giovan- 
ni afterwards  married,  and  by  whom  he  had  Giovanni 
de'  Medici,  captain  of  the  bande  nere^  and  usually  called 
Jl^^ran  diavolo,  father  of  Cosmo  I.  grand  duke  of  Tuscany. 

V.  £/ii^r.  lib.  iv.  p.  .'54. 


272.  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  tlieir  hopes,  reproached  them  for  having  pusillani- 
^^^'  mously  quitted  a  place,  where  they  had  such  in- 
1494.     fluence  and  resources,  not  only  without  the  death 

Mt.  19.  Qf  ^  single  adherent,  but  without  even  the  un- 
sheathing of  a  sword,  or  the  slightest  effort  in  their 
own  defence.  As  this  remonstrance  could  now 
be  of  no  avail,  the  brothers  considered  it  as  a 
sufficient  indication,  that  Bologna  would  not  long 
be  a  place  of  safety.  Piero,  disguised  in  the  habit 
of  a  valet,  hastened  to  Venice,  where  he  met 
with  an  honourable  reception  from  the  senate,  who 
permitted  him  to  wear  his  arms  in  the  city,  and 
to  be  attended  by  fifteen  or  twenty  of  his  adherents. 
The  cardinal,  shortly  afterwards,  retreated  to  Pi- 
tigliano,  and  from  thence  to  Castello,  where  he 
found  a  hospitable  shelter  with  the  Vitelli,  then 
the  lords  of  that  place,  and  the  ancient  friends  of 
his  family. '' 

Among  the  nobility  who  attended  the  French 
king  on  his  expedition,  there  was  no  one  who  en- 
joyed 

h  Ammirato,  Ritratti  d'huomini  illustri  di  casa  Medici. 
52,  65.,  Philip  de  Conimi"2s  was  at  Venice  when  Piero 
de'  Medici  arrived,  and  seems  to  have  taken  an  interest  in 
his  misfortunes ;  for,  says  he,  "  j'avois  aime  le  pere." 
Piero,  in  recounting  his  disasters,  particularly  dwelt  on 
the  unkindness  of  one  of  his  factors,  who  refused  to  fur- 
nish liim  with  apparel,  to  the  amount  of  one  hundred 
ducats,  for  the  use  of  himself  and  his  brother.  So  true  is 
it,  that  ingratitude  is  the  sting  of  misfortune. 


Of  LEO  THE  TEJJTH.  273 

joyed  a  greater  shai'e  of  his  confidence,  than  Philip  chap. 

de  Bresse,  uncle  to  the  young  duke  of  Savoy,  and     "^- 

who  succeeded  at  no  distant  period  to  the  sove-     i^^*- 
reignty  of  that  state.     On  the  arrival  of  the  army 
at  Florence,  this  nobleman  had  taken  up  his  resi-  tends  to  r"in, 
dence  at  the  house  of  Lorenzo  Tornabuoni,  a  near  ^-mZl 
relation  of  Piero  de'  Medici,  who  found  the  meai^s 
of  influencing  him  in  favour  of  the  exiled  family ; 
insomuch  that  De  Bresse  did  not  hesitate  strenuous- 
ly to  advise  the  king  to  recall  Piero,  and  restore 
him  to  his  former  authority  in  Florence.     Nor  was 
Chai'les  averse  to  a  measure  which  was  recom- 
mended to  him  no  less  by  the  recent  compliance 
of  Piero  with  his  request,  at  so  critical  a  juncture, 
than  by  the  remembrance  of  the  connexion  which 
had  so  long  subsisted  between  their  families,  and 
the  many  services  rendered  by  the  Medici  to  him- 
self and  his  ancestors.     Despatches  were  accord- 
ingly sent  to  Bologna,  requesting  Piero  to  return 
into  the  vicinity  of  Florence,  and  assuring  him  of 
the  speedy  restoration  of  his  former  authority ;  but 
these  letters  did  not  arrive  till  he  had  already  taken 
his  departure  for  Venice,  to  which  place  they  were 
forwarded  by  the  cardinal.     Instead,   however,  of 
complying  with  the  requisition  of  the  king,  Piero 
imprudently  laid  this  communication  before  the 
miembers  of  the  senate,  desiring  their  opinion  on 
the  measures  which  he  ought  to  pursue.     The  ad- 
vice which  they  gave  was  such  as  suited  their  own 
interest,    rather  than   the  circumstances  of  their 
guest.     Neither  the  promotion  of  the  views  of  the 
VOL.  I.  Mm  French, 


274  LIEE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.  French,  nor  the  tranquillity  of  the  state  of  Flo- 

^ rence,  were  desirable  objects  to  the  Venetians. 

1494.  They  therefore  represented  to  Piero,  the  hazards 
Mt.  19.  which  he  v.  oiild  incur  by  his  implicit  confidence  in 
the  assurances  of  the  king,  and  flattered  him  with, 
promises  that,  M'hen  occasion  offered,  they  would 
themselves  assist  in  effecting  his  restoration.  "^  In- 
fluenced by  their  representations,  Piero  lost  the 
onlv  opportunity  m  hich  ever  occurred,  of  being 
restored  to  his  native  place ;  whilst  the  state  in- 
quisitors of  Venice  directed  that  he  should  be 
narroA\  ly  watched,  so  that  he  might  not  quit  the 
city  without  their  consent.  '^ 

commotirns  But  althougli  thc  favourablc  intentions  of  the 
andt°I!it^'  king  towards  Piero  de'  Medici,  were  thus  ren- 
^j'jj  *^^^'^'^' dered  ineffectual,  the  rumour  of  such  a  design 
excited  a  violent  alarm  in  the  city,  which  was  in- 
creased by  the  king's  avowing  his  determination 
to  establish  a  civil  authority,  and  to  exercise,  by 
his  own  magistrates,  a  paramount  jurisdiction.  On 
this  occasion,  the  citizens  of  Florence  gave  a  de- 
cisive proof,  that  they  were  no  less  resolute  in 
defending  their  liberties,  than  they  were  solicitous, 
by  every  reasonable  concession,  to  conciliate  the 

good 

— 7 ' ' 

<=   Guicciardini^  lib.  i.  v.  i.  p.  59. 

d  Guicciardini,  lib.  i,  v.  I.  fi.  57,  59.     A'ardiy  Hist,  di 
Fior.  fi.   15. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  275 

good  uill  of  the  king.     The  magistrates  expressed  chap. 
their  determination  to  resist,  to  the  utmost  ex-      i"- 


tremity,  rather  than  submit  to  conditions  A\'hich      1494. 
they  conceived  would    for  ever  deprive  them  of  ^-t.  19. 
their  rights,  and  afford  a  pretext  for  the  monarchs 
of  France  to  consider  them  as  their  \^assals.     The 
populace,  animated  with  the  same  spiiit,  thronged  to 
the  palace  ;  the  French  soldiers  were  under  arms ; 
the  Swiss  guards  had  already  attacked  the  Borgo 
d'ogni  Sand,  on  pretence  that  the  king  Mas  in 
danger,  but  had  been  repulsed  by  the  populace, 
and  discomfited  b}^  showers  of  stones  throw  n  from 
the  roofs  and  windo^vs. '     The  tumult  had  con- 
tinned  for  an  hour,  and  the  Avhole  citv  aa  as  on  the 
point  of  becoming  a  dreadful  scene  of  massacre 
and  bloodshed;  when  some  of  the  French  chiefs, 
and  a  deputation  from  the  magistrates,  made  their 
appearance,  and  by  their  united  efforts  and  con- 
ciliating assurances,    succeeded   in  restoring  the 
publick   tranquillity.       This  \'igorous    opposition 
induced  the  king  to  relax  in  his  pretensions  ;   but 
whilst  he  consented  to  relinquish  all  interference  in 

the 


«  Giiicciardini,  whilst  he  admits  that  the  citizens  and 
the  French  soldiery  lived  in  mutual  apprehension  and  dis- 
trust of  each  other,  asserts,  that  they  did  not  proceed  to 
acts  of  violence. — "  Niuno  assaltava  I'altro  o  provocava ;" 
but  Nardi,  who  was  also  a  Florentine  and  a  contemporary, 
and  whose  history  is  chiefly  confined  to  the  internal  trans- 
actions of  the  city,  informs  us,  that  this  affray  lasted  more 
than  an  hour.     Aardi'f  Hiat.  di  Fior.  lib.  i,  15. 


276  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  the  municipal  concerns  of  the  Florentines,  he  in- 
m-      sisted  on  the  payment  of  a  large  sum  of  money,  as 
1494.    the  price  of  their  exemption.     On  this  occasion, 
Mt.  19.  the  courage  of  an  individual  completed  what  the 
spirit  of  the  people  had  begun.     The  conditions 
proposed  by  the  king,  had  been  read  by  his  secre- 
tary, \^dio  declared,  that  they  were  the  ultimate 
and  only  terms  to  which  he  would  accede  ;  M^hen 
Piero  Capponi,  one  of  the  four  deputies  who  had 
been  authorized  to  negotiate  the  treaty,  stepped 
forwards,  and  seizing  the  paper  fiom  the  hands  of 
the  secretary,  tore  it  in  the  presence  of  the  king  ; 
at  the  same  time  exclaiming — "  If  these  be  your 
"  terms,  you  may  sound  your  trumpets,  and  we 
*'  shall  ring  our  bells.  ^     This  act  of  open  defiance, 
from  a  citizen  of  acknowledged  ability  and  integri- 
ty, and  who  was  well  known  to  Charles,  having 
resided  as  an  ambassadour  in  his  court,  had  an  im- 
mediate effect  on  the  king;   who  probably  con- 
sidered, that  although  he  might  succeed  in  subdu- 
ing the  inhabitants  and  destroying  the  city,  the 

consequences 


^  Machiavelli  has  recorded  this  event  in  his  first  Decen- 
aale :         ~ 

"  Lo  strepito  dell'arme  e  de*  cavalli, 
"  Non  pote  far  che  non  fosse  sentita ; 
"  La  voce  d*un  Ca/ifion  fra  cento  Galli. 

''  Tanto  che'l  re  superbo  fe  partita, 
"  Poscia  che  la  cittute  essere  intese  j 
"  Per  mantener  sua  libertate  unita.'" 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  277 

consequences  of  such  a  measure,  would  be  the  chap. 
ruin  of  his  expedition.  Affecting,  therefore,  to  __£iiL_.. 
receive  in  good  part  this  daring  remonstrance,  he  1494. 
directed  tiiat  Capponi,  who  had  quitted  the  room  ■S.t.  19. 
in  apparent  anger,  should  be  recalled;  and  the 
treaty  was  concluded  without  further  difficulty.  ^ 
The  principal  heads  of  the  convention,  were  a  par- 
ticipation of  mutual  privileges  between  the  two 
countries ;  that  to  his  title  of  king  of  France, 
Charles  should  add  that  of  Restorer  and  protector 
of  the  liberties  of  Floreiice  ;  that  as  a  mark  of  gra- 
titude, the  republick  should  present  the  king  with 
a  free  gift  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand 
florins ;  that  the  fortresses  and  places  surrendered 
to  the  French,  shouldT  be  restored,  on  certain 
specified  conditions  ;  that  the  citizens  of  Pisa,  on 
receiving  their  pardon,  should  return  to  their  former 
obedience ;  that  the  sequestration  of  the  effects  of  the 
cardinal  de'  Medici,  and  his  brothers  Piero  and 
Giuliano,  should  be  annulled,  excepting  that  the 
hereditary  property  of  the  two  younger  brothers, 
should  remain  liable  to  the  debts  of  the  elder. 
That  none  of  the  brothers  should  approach  within 
a  certain  distance  of  the  city,  which,  with  regard 

to 


s  II  re  fattolo  richiaiuare  indietro,  perche  era  suo  fa- 
miliare,  essendo  stato  oratore  in  Francia  appresso  di  sua 
maesta,  sorridendo  disse.  Ah  Ciafijiori,  Ciaplxon^  -vol  siete 
■un  mal  Ciafifion.  Mirdiy  Hist.  Fior.  lib.  i.  //,  15.  This 
royal  equivoque,  is  not  worth  a  translation. 


278  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  to  Piero,  was  limited  to  two  hundred  miles,  and 
I"-  with  respect  to  the  cardinal  and  Giuliano,  to  one 
1494.     hundred;  and,  lastly,  that  Alfonsina  Orsini,  the 

^t.  19.  wife  of  Piero,  should  be  allowed  to  enjoy  her 
dowry,  for  her  separate  support.  The  treaty  thus 
agreed  on,  was  ratified  on  the  follo^ving  day,  being 
the  t\venty-sixth  of  Noxember,  in  the  church  of 
S.  Maria  del  Fiore,  where  a  solemn  mass  was 
celebrated,  and  Charles  swore  on  the  word  of  a 
hing^  faithfully  to  observe  the  conditions  of  the 
contract.'' 

Gharicsvin.  Thc  stipulatious  between  Chailes  and  the  Flo- 
wrrTtoriet  of  Tcntines  being  concluded,  the  citizens  expected 
the  Church,  i^jg  immediate  departure  from  Florence  ;  where  the 
conduct  of  himself  and  his  follo\\'ers  continued  to 
excite  great  apprehensions.  He  did  not,  however, 
appear  to  be  in  haste  to  prosecute  his  expedition  ; 
and  Savonarola  "was  again  deputed  to  request  an 
interview  with  him,  and  endeavour  to  prevail  upon 
him  to  quit  the  city.  The  arguments  of  Savonai'ola 
on  this  occasion,  were  of  a  very  peculiar  kind. 

He 


^  "  Sub  verbo  regis." — A'ardi  Hist.  Fior.  lib.  i.fi.  16. 
The  original  treaty  yet  subsists  in  the  Bibliotheca  J^Taniana^ 
at  Venice,  under  the  title  of,  Cafiitula  et  conventiones  inter 
Carohim  VIII.  regem  Francorum  et  fiopulum  Florentinum . 
FloreTitix,  die  XXVI.  JVbvembria  MCCCCXCIV.  jurata  in 
Ecclesia  cathedrali,  fier  ifisum  regem.,  et  firiores  dicta  civita- 
tis,  afiud  altare  majus,  fiost  missx  celebrationem.  v,  Morelliiy 
MSS.  Lat.  Bib,  .Yaniante.  p.   125.    Ven.  1776. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH. 


279 


CHAP. 
III. 

1494 


He  reminded  the  king,  that  during  the  four  pre- 
ceding years,  he  had  himself,  predicted  his  arrival 
in  Italy  ;  that  God  had  called  him  to  this  under- 
taking, for  the  reformation  of  the  church  ;  but  that  ^^'  ^^' 
unless  he  manifested  greater  zeal  and  activity  in 
the  accomplishment  of  his  labours,  he  would  not 
be  found  worthy  of  carrying  them  into  effect,  and 
God  would  provide  other  instruments  for  that  pur- 
pose. '  These  remonstrances  might,  perhaps, 
have  lost  their  effect,  had  they  not  been  seconded 
by  the  earnest  solicitations  of  the  vigilant  and  faith- 
ful D'Aubigny,  who  complained  to  the  king  of 
his  imprudence,  in  neglecting  to  avail  himself  of 
the  advantages  afforded  him,  and  in  allowing  his 
adversaries  so  fair  an  opportunity  of  preparing  for 
their  defence.  Convinced  of  the  expediency  of 
the  measure,  Charles  immediately  prepared  for  his 
departure,  and  on  the  twenty-eighth  day  of  Novem- 
ber quitted  the  city,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  in- 
habitants, having  a  few  days  before  issued  a  mani- 
festo, in  which  he  not  only  asserted  his  rights  to 
the  kingdom  of  Naples,  but  avowed  his  intentions, 
after  the  acquisition  of  that  kingdom,  of  avenging 
the  injuries  which  the  christian  world  had  sustained 
from  the  depredations  and  cruelties  of  the  Turks.  ^ 
From  Florence  the  king  proceeded  to  Baroncegli ; 

and 


^  JVardi,  Histor.  Fior.  lib.  i./i.  17, 

^  Liluig;  Codex  diplomat.  Ital.  2.  1302. 


280  LIFE  AftD  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  and  afterwards,  passing  through  Certosa  and  Pog- 
^^^'  gibonzi,  arrived  at  Siena,  where  he  spent  several 
1494.     days,  indulging  himself  in  splendid  banquets  and 

^^  ^^"  licentious  amours.  *  On  quitting  the  Florentine 
territories,  the  French  army  had  defiled  through 
the  pass  of  Valdarno,  where  it  became  practicable 
to  estimate  its  numbers  with  tolerable  accuracy ; 
and  it  ^^•as  the  common  opinion  that,  including 
cavalry,  infantry,  and  foIlo\\  ers  of  every  descrip- 
tion, it  amounted  to  sixty  tliousand  persons.  "* 
From  the  Tuscan  state,  the  king  advanced  without 
opposition,  into  the  territories  of  the  church ;  and 
possessing  himself  of  Aquapendente,  Viterbo, 
and  other  places,  despoiled  and  plundered  the  in- 
habitants. At  this  juncture,  Piero  de'  Medici, 
having  eluded  the  vigilance  of  his  Venetian  guards, 
hastened  through  Ancona  and  Romagna,  and  made 
his  appearance  in  the  French  camp  ;  where  he  was 
received  with  kindness  by  the  king,  among  whose 
courtiers  he  had  obtained  no  inconsiderable  share 
of  favour  and  interest.  " 

The 


1  A'ardi,  lib.i.p.  17. 

n,  Alessandro  Benedetti,  in  his  Fatto  d'arme  del  Tarro, 
fi.  6,  states  the  French  army  at  only  twenty-five  thousand, 
viz.  Horse,  five  thousand,  Flemish  and  Swiss,  fifteen 
thousand,  and  the  remainder,  infantry  of  various  nations  : 
but  besides  these,  he  admits,  that  there  was  a  considerable 
number  of  Italian  auxiliaries. 

"  Mirdi,  Ub.  \.  p.   IT. 


OF  LEO   THE   TENTH.  281 

The  facility  with  which  Charles  was  thus  per-  chap. 
mitted  to  proceed  through  the  centre  of  Italy,  on      ^^^' 
an  expedition  so  hostile  and  dangerous  to  its  re-      1494. 
pose,  was  not  unobsened  by  many  of  those  emi-   -^^-  ^^• 
nent  literary  characters  with  which  it  abounded.  The  states  of 
In  particular,  the  inactivity  of  the  state  of  Venice,  ho.  ted  to  op. 
which  was  then  at  its  highest  pitch  of  power  and  ^rlss  o/th7 
splendour,   excited  the  surprise  of   all  the  true  ^"'"''^ 
friends  to  the  ancient  independence  of  their  coun- 
try.    Nor  were  these  sentiments  wholly  confined 
to  silent  lamentation  and  unavailing  regret.    About 
the  time  that  Charles  quitted  the  territory  of  Flo- 
rence, an  attempt  "was  made  by  an  anonymous  indi_ 
vidual,  to  rouse  the  Italian  states  to  a  proper  sense 
of  their  own  dignity,  and  the  dangers  of  their  situa- 
tion.    But  his  efforts,  at  this  juncture,  were  neces- 
sai'ily  confined  only  to  remonsti'ance  and  exhorta- 
tion, and  these  he  chose  to  express  in  the  animated 
language  of  poetiy .     His  production  yet  remains, 
and  thi'ows  considerable  light  on  the  circumstances 
of  the  times.     It  is  written  in  terza  rima,  and  is 
addi'essed  to  the  doge  of  Venice,  Agostino  Barba- 
dico.     The  Italian  governments  are  distinguished 
by  the  devices  of  their  arms.     "  The  serpent  of 
"  the  house  of  Sforza,  has  changed  the  current  of 
*'  the  Tesino,  and  mingled  it  with  that  of  the  Reno. 
"  The  Florentine  lion,  like  a  dog  that  has  under- 
"  gone  correction,  declines  his  head ;  and  the  ^\  olf 
"of  Siena  has  wandered  from  her  usual  path." 
He  tlien  calls  on  the  Venetian  state  to  assist  the 
common  cause. 

VOL,  I.  N  n  Italia, 


1494. 
J&t.  19. 


282  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

e  H  A  P.  Italia,  once  the  praise  of  every  tongue^ 

III.  Now  scarcely  drags  her  languid  steps  along  ; 

But  let  thy  glorious  standard,  wide  unfurled, 
Tremendous  wave  before  the  shrinking  world  ; 
And  bid  thy  winged  lion,  at  whose  sight 
The  forest  tenants  seek  the  shades  of  night, 
Spread  his  broad  vans,  distend  his  serried  jaws, 
Shake  his  strong  mane,  and  ope  his  sheathed  claws  i 
Ferrara's  Hercules  shall  strive  in  vain, 
Nemean  like,  to  stretch  him  on  the  plain  ; 
Though  to  thy  matchless  glory  adverse  still. 
His  power  is  only  wanting  to  his  will. 

The  lamentations  of  the  different  cities  of  Italj^ 
are  followed  by  a  spirited  exhortation  to  a  vigorous 
and  united  defence,  and  the  alliance  and  protection 
of  Alfonso,  are  particularly  recommended  to  the 
chief  of  the  Venetian  republick. 

Assertor  of  Italia's  rights  and  laws. 
Do  thou  defend  Alfonso's  sacred  cause, 
Nor  trust  barbarian  hordes,  whose  hearts  of  steel, 
Relenting  pity  never  taught  to  feel ; 
From  foes  like  these,  intent  on  spoil  and  strife. 
Defend  thy  country's  freedom  with  thy  life  ; 
Nor  let  the  serpent  with  his  scaly  train. 
Nor  Gallick  cock,  thy  native  seats  profane." 

Although 


o  This  poem  remained  in  manuscript  until  the  year 
1738,  when  it  was  given  to  the  publick,  by  the  learned 
Giovambattista  Parisotto,  in  the  Opuscoli  of  Calogera, 
torn,  xviii.  accompanied  with  an  introductory  letter  and 
notes  by  the  editor.  He  is,  however,  mistaken,  in  suppo- 
sing, that  the  poem  was  written  after  Charles  VIH.  had 

possessed 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  283 

Although  the  name  of  the  author  of  this  poem  c  hap. 
be  lost,  it  sufficiently  appears,  from  several  pas-__ill:_ 
sages,  that  he  w^s  one  of  the  Italian  condottieri,  \\ho     1 494. 
had  been  engaged  in  the  service   of  the  state  of  ^t-  '?• 
Venice  ;  and  that  he  had  been,  on  some  occasion, 
a  long  time  prisoner  at  Milan.     That  this  compo- 
sition should,  of  itself,   produce  any  ca  ident  effect 
on  the  conduct  of  the  Italian  governments,  is  not 
to  be  supposed  ;  but  the  opinions  of  an  indi^'idual, 
on  great  publick  occasions,  are  seldom  peculiar  to  * 

himself ; 


possessed  himself  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples  ;  it  appearingv 
from  several  passages,  to  have  been  written  whilst  Charles 
was  on  his  way  through  Italy.  I.  The  author  mentions 
Alfonso  as  king  of  Naples  ;  but  he  had  abdicated  the  crown 
before  the  arrival  of  Charles.  II.  He  expressly  says,  that 
the  Fi-ench  are  yet  in  Tuscany,  and  proceeding  towards 
Rome  : 


ii 


e  gia  son  sopra  TArnD, 


"  E  van  per  ruinar  il  Coloseo," 
And  again, 


a 


— — —  fulminando  va  con  gran  tempesta, 
"  Verso  I'antico  suo  seggio  Romano." 

When  the  author  laments  the  condition  of  Romagna - 

*'  Lacerata  dal  vulgo,  aspro  e  feroce." 

He  seems  to  advert  to  the  progress  of  the  French  arms  in 
Romagna,  under  D'Aubigny,  and  not  to  the  tumults  of  the 
people,  or  the  tyranny  of  the  rulers,  as  supposed  by  tht; 
editor. 


284  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  himself;  that  which  is  expressed  by  one,  is  fre- 
"^'      quently  thought  by  thousands ;  and  at  such  times, 
1494.     the  pubhcation  of  a  single  person,  is  the  manifesta- 
iEt.  19.   tion  of  a  general  sentiment,  and  often  leads  to  im- 
portant consequences.     It  is  certain,  that  from  this 
time,  the  Italian  states  began  to  consider,  with  more 
attention,  the  consequences  of  this  expedition,  and 
to  adopt  precautions  for  securing  themselves  against 
its  effects.     And  although  the  king  still  continued 
his  progress  without  interruption,  yet  a  combina- 
tion was  speedily  formed  for  intercepting  him  on 
his  return  to  France,  which,  had  it  been  properly 
conducted,  might  have  caused  him  to  expiate  his 
temerity  with  the  loss,  not  only  of  his  reputation, 
but  of  his  life. 


CHAP.  IV.  '♦  --^TdrfJij. 

j/It  'io      •  "  ^ 

1494 — 1495.        >--  ^Mwc.:ag  3iL      --^ 

ENTRY  of  Charles  VIII.  into  Rome — Treaty  beftweeu,       •ior«i"a 
Charles  and  the  pope — Alfonso  II.  abdicates  the  crown  ""     *V**  • 

^  .;mo.f  ■"ir"' 

of  Naples — Indignation  of  his  subjects — Accession  of 
Ferdinand  II. — Charles  enters  the  territories  of  Naples 
— Ferdinand  is  betrayed  by  Trivulzio — Charles  VIII. 
enters  the  city  of  Naples,  and  assumes  the  government 
— Contemporary  opinions  on   that  event — Charles  re- 

,,  duces  the  fortresses  of  Naples — Endeavours  to  obtain 
r     from  Ferdinand  a  surrender  of  his  rights^Conduct  of 
Charles  at  Naples — The  exiled  family  resort  to  the  aid 
*'"of  Ferdinand  of  Spain — League  between  the  Italian 
states  and  the  Spaniards — Dissatisfaction  of  the  Neapo- 
litans with  Charles  VIII. — Coronation  of  Charles  VIII.' 

,  ,at  Naples — Charles  resolves  to  return  to  France — Ar- 
rives at  Viterbo — Siena — Interview  with  Savonarola  at 
Pisa — Eager  entreaties  of  the  inhabitants  to  obtain  theif 
liberties — Louis,  duke  of  Orleans,  claims  the  dutchy  of 
Milan — Massacre  of  the  inhabitants  at  Pontremoli — 
Charles  passes  the  Appenines — Is  opposed  by  the  allied 
army  under  the  marquis  of  Mantua — Prepares  for  an 
engagement — Battle  of  the  Taro — Ferdinand  II.  re- 
turns to  Naples — Contests  between  the  French  and 
Neapolitans — Expulsion  of  the  French  from  the  king- 
dom of  Naples — Charles  VIII.  forms  a  new  alliance 
with  Lodovico  Sforza,  and  returns  to  France — Con- 
sequences of  the  expedition  of  Charles  VIII.  into 
Italy. 


CHAP, 


A  S  Charles  advanced  towards  Rome,  he  found 
that  the  terrour  of  his  arms  had  e\'er3'  where  pre-      iv. 
ceded  his  approach,  and  that  he  had  little  to  dread,     1494. 

either  ^t.  19. 


286  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  either  from  the  force  of  the  allies,  or  the  opposition 

Jv-    .  of  the  inhabitants.     The  unexampled  serenity  of 

1494.    the  season,  seemed  also  to  concur  in  favouring  his 

jEt.  19.  views:  whilst  the  dissensions  between  the  pope 
^"'7  °^„,  and  the  powerful  barons  of  the  Roman  state  had 

Charles  VIII.  ^ 

into  Rome,    induccd  thc  latter  openly  to  espouse  his  cause. 
Inferiour  in  number,  and  dispirited  by  their  retreat, 
the  Neapolitan  troops  had  intrenched  themselves 
under  the  walls  of  Rome,  when  Alexander  VI. 
alarmed  at  the  approach  of  the  king,  and  unwilling 
to  risk  his  safety  on  the  event  of  an  attack,  de- 
spatched the  bishops  of  Concordia  and  Terni,  and 
his  confessor  Gratiano,  with  proposals  to  treat,  on 
the  part  of  Alfonso  and  himself,  for  a  cessation  of 
hostilities.     These  overtures,  as  far  as  regarded 
the  king  of  Naples,    were   instantly  rejected  by 
Charles,  who  now  saw  no  difficulty  in  the  accom- 
plishment of  his  primary  object,  the  expulsion  of 
tlie  house  of  Aragon  ;  but  the  favour  of  the  pope 
\\  as  of  no  small  importance,  and  he  therefore  sent 
the   duke  De  la  Tremouille,   and  the  president 
Guenay,  to  treat  ^^ith  him,  as  to  his  own  separate 
interests.    The  French  deputies  were  accompanied 
by  the  cardinal   Ascanio   Sforza,    and    Prospero 
Colonna.     The  rejection  of  his  first  propositions, 
had  however  induced  Alexander  to  take  measures 
for  the  defence  of  the  city,  and  before  their  airival, 
he  had  admitted  the  duke  of  Calabria,  with  the 
Neapolitan  troops,  within  the  walls.     The  cardinal 
and  Colonna  were  committed  to  prison,  and  in  the 
commotions  to  which  these  measures  gave  rise, 

the 


OF  LEO   THE  TENTH.  2&7 

the  French  deputies  were  also  seized  upon,  but  chap. 
were  speedily  Hberated  by  the  orders  of  the  pope.      ^^- 
The  efforts  of  Alexander,  for  the  defence  of  the     1494. 
city,  were,  however,  fruitless.     Already  the  chief  •^^'  ^^* 
nobility  had  joined  the  standard  of  the  French 
monarch.     Even  Virginio  Orsino,  grand  constable 
of  Naples,  whilst  he  continued  in  the  service  of 
the  Aragonese,  allowed  his  son  to  negotiate  with 
Charles,  for  the  reception  of  the  French  into  the 
territories  of  his  family,  and  for  providing  them 
with  the  necessary  supplies.     Influenced  by  the 
united  apprehensions  of  external  force  and  internal 
faction,  Alexander  renewed  his  treaty  with  the 
king,  for  admitting  him  with  his  troops  into  Rome. 
The  deliberation  was  short ;  and  the  terms  being 
concluded,  Charles  entered  the  city  on  horseback, 
at  the  head  of  his  army,  on  the  last  day  of  Decem- 
ber, 1494.     Alexander  had  offered  to  obtain  from 
Charles  a  safe  conduct  for  the  duke  of  Calabria, 
through  the  ecclesiastical  state;    but   Ferdinand 
rejected  the  proposal  as  an  indignity,  and  at  the 
very  hour  that  the  king  entered  the  city,  by  the 
gate  of  S.  Maria  del  Popolo,  the  duke  evacuated  it 
with  his  troops,  by  that  of  S.  Sebastiano.  ^ 

Notwithstanding  the  assurances  of  Charles,  that 
he  v/ould  treat  the  pontiff  with  all  the  re\^erence 
which  his  ancestors  had  been  accustomed  to  pay 

to 

^  Guicciard.  lib.  i.  v.  i.  /i,  61.  £5*  seq. 


288  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  HAT.  to  the  holy  see,    Alexander  coiild  not,    on  this 
iv»      occasion,  devest  himself  of  his  fears ;  but  flying 
1495.     to  the  castle  of  S.  Angelo,  accompanied  by  the 
m.  20.    cardinals  Orsini  and  Caraffa,  sought  to  secure  his 
Treaty  be-    pcrsonal    safcty.      This  imprudent    timidity  had 
charies  and   ncarly  cost  him  his  tiara ;  as  it  afforded  an  oppor- 
thePope.      tunity  to  his  adversaries,  and  particularly  to  the 
cardinals,  della  Rovere  and  Sforza,  of  influencing 
the  mind  of  the  king,  by  representing  to  him  the 
shameful'  traffick  by  which  the  pope  had  obtained 
his  hia-h  dignity,  the  scandalous  enormities  of  his 
private  life,  and  his  treachery  in  refusing  to  sur- 
render the  castle  of  S.   Angelo;  for  which,  and 
similar  reasons,  they  contended,  that  to  depose  him 
w^ould  not  only  be  an  excusable,  but  a  commend- 
able act,  and  would  entitle  the  king  to  the  gratitude 
of  the  christian  world.     Twice  was  the  aitillery 
of  the  French  brought  out  to  attack  the  castle; 
but  the  crafty  pontiff,  at  length  found  means  to 
'    pacify  the  reseiitment  of  the  monarch ;  and  after 
long-  deliberation,  a  treaty  was  concluded,  which 
was  to  be  the  basis  of  future  union  and  mutual 
defence.     By  this  treaty,  the  pope  consented,  that 
Charles  should  retain  possession  of  Civita  Vecchia, 
and  other  fortresses  in  the  Roman  state,  until  he 
had  accomplished  the  conquest  of  Naples ;     and 
promised  to  dismiss  all  resentment  against  the  Ro- 
man barons,  \\'ho  had  espoused  the  cause  of  the 
French.     In  return,  the  king  engaged  to  restore 
the  pope  to  his  authority  in  Rome,  to  perform  per- 
sonal obedience  to  him,  and  not  to  require  from 

him 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  28$. 

him  the  possession  of  the  castle  of  S.  Angelo.  As  chap. 
a  pledge  for  the  performance  of  this  treaty,  it  was  i^-^. 
further  agreed,  that  Cesar  Borgia,  cardinal  of  Va-  1495. 
lenza,  should  accompany  the  king  on  his  expe-  ^-t«  se- 
dition ;  and  that  Zizim,  the  brother  of  the  Sultan 
Bajazet,  should  be  consigned  to  the  care  of  Charles, 
who  should  place  him  in  safe  custody  at  Terra- 
cina ;  but  the  annual  payment  of  forty  thousand 
ducats,  transmitted  to  the  pope  by  the  sultan,  as 
a  compensation  for  keeping  his  brother  at  Rome, 
was  expressly  reserved  to  the  pontiff.  "^  Alexander 
now  ventured  to  quit  his  place  of  refuge,  and  an 
interview  took  place  between  him  and  the  king, 
in  the  gardens  of  the  pontifical  palace.  On  the 
approach  of  the  pontiff,  with  his  cai'dinals,  Chai'les 
twice  bent  his  knees,  but  the  pope  pretended  not 
to  see  him ;  when,  however,  he  was  about  to 
repeat  once  more  this  act  of  submission,  the  pope, 
taking  off  his  cap,  hastened  and  prevented  him,  at 
the  same  time  saluting  him  with  a  kiss.  The  king 
then  being  uncovered,  the  pope  would  not  replace 
his  cap  until  the  king  had  restored  his  hat  to  its 
station,  for  which  purpose  the  pope,  with  great 
civility,  applied  his  hand  to    it,    and  they  both 

covered 


^  The  minutes  or  heads  of  this  treaty  are  given  by  Liinig, 
Cod.  Ital.  Diplomat,  ii.  795.  Du  Mont,  Corps  difilomat. 
torn,  iii, /2ar.  ii.  ^.  318.  A  copy  is  also  preserved  at  Venice, 
which  appears  to  be  different  from  that  which  has  been 
published,  v.  Morellii,  Cod.  MS.  Bib.  Miniana.  p.  126. 

VOL.  I.  0  J 


290  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  covered  themselves  at  the  same  moment.     At  this 

i"^-      meeting  it  was  observable  that  Charles  did  not  kiss 

1495.     either  the  feet,  or  the  hand,    of  the  pontiff,  and 

^t  20.  there  can  be  no  doubt,  that  Alexander  had  so  con- 
trived it,  that  he  might  not  be  under  the  necessity 
of  demanding  from  the  king  a  species  of  homage, 
which  in  the  relative  situation  of  their  affairs,  it 
was  probable  that  he  might  not  be  inclined  to  pay. 
A  subsequent  interview  was,  however,  appointed 
for  the  publick  reception  of  the  king,  at  which 
Charles  performed,  with  due  humiliation,  the  usual 
ceremonies,  and  professed,  as  a  dutiful  son  of  the 
church,  his  submission  and  obedience  to  the  holy 
see.*^ 

During  the  negotiations  between  the  two  sove- 
reigns, Charles  had  endeavoured  to  prevail  upon 
the  pope  to  grant  him  the  investiture  of  the  king- 
dom of  Naples ;  but,  although  Alexander  had, 
under  the  first  impressions  of  terrour,  incautiously 
assented  to  this  request;  yet  he  afterwards  ex- 
cused himself  from  complying  with  it,  alleging 
that  it  affected  the  rights  of  others ;  and  only  pro- 
mised that  he  would  consult  the  college  of  cardinals, 

and 


*=  These,  and  many  other  particulars  respecting  the 
conduct  of  the  king  and  the  pontiff>  are  related  by  Bur- 
chard  in  his  Diary. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  291 

and  do  all  in  his  power  for  the  satisfaction  of  the  c  h  a  p. 
king."*  IV. 

1495. 

During  the  time    that    Charles    remained  at  tEl  20. 
Rome,  wliich  was  about  the  space  of  a  month,  he 

appears 


d  These  circumstances  also  explicitly  appear  from  the 
Diary  of  Burchard  above  cited,  and  may  serve  to  correct 
an  errour  of  Guicciardini,  who  asserts,  that  the  pope  con- 
sented to  invest  Charles  with  the  sovereignty  of  Naples, 
''  investissilo  il  pontefice  del  Regno  di  Napoli,"  lib.  \.-v.i- 
p.  64.  The  long  negotiations  which  afterwards  took  place 
on  this  subject,  and  which  Guicciardini  himself  relates, 
and  the  silence  of  the  treaty  on  this  head,  are  a  full  con- 
firmation, if  any  were  yet  wanting,  of  the  veracity  of 
Burchard.  Respecting  the  investiture  of  the  French  king, 
it  may  be  proper  further  to  observe,  that  in  the  disserta- 
tion of  M.  de  Foncemagne,  on  the  expedition  of  Charles 
VIII.  into  Italy,  Mem.  de  Vacademie  des  Itiscrifitions^  torn, 
xvii.  p..  539,  that  writer  has  endeavoured  to  show  that  at 
the  time  the  pope  delivered  up  the  Turkish  fugitive,  he 
also  invested  the  French  king,  with  the  title  of  Emperour 
of  Constantinople.  In  confirmation  of  this  circumstance, 
not  adverted  to  by  any  contemporary  historian,  he  has 
produced  and  published  a  document,  which  purports  to 
be  the  act  of  a  notary  publick,  transferring  the  empire  of 
the  east,  from  Andrea  Paleologus,  to  Charles  ;  said  to 
have  been  first  discovered  by  the  duke  De  St.  Aignan,  the 
French  ambassadour  at  Rome,  and  presented  by  the  pope^ 
to  Louis  XIV.  M.  de  Foncemagne,  considers  it  as  a 
French  lawyer  would  a  contract  for  the  sale  of  a  house  ; 
and  not  being  able  to  discover,  that  the  king  appeared  before 
the  notary  to  affirm  the  contract,  is  inclined  to  doubt  its 
validity.     These  doubts   are  increased  by  the  discovery, 

that 


292  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

<;  H  A  P.  appears  to  have  considered  himself  as  complete 
^^'      master  of  the  city,  and  to  have  punished  offenders 
1495.    ajid   executed  criminals  by  his   own  authority.'' 
Mt.  20.  Brissonet,  one  of  his  chief  favourites,  and  bishop 
of  St.  Maloes,  was,  at  this  time,  honoured  with 
the  hat  of  a  cardinal ;  and  we  may  readily  credit 
Commines,   when  he   informs  us,  that  the  resi- 
dence of  the  king  at  the  palace  of  S.  Marco,  was 
the  constant  resort  of  all  the  dignified  ecclesiasticks, 
and  most  eminent  officers  of  the  city.*^ 

It 


that  six  years  afterwards,  Paleologus  made  his  will,  and 
bequeathed  his  empire  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  of  Spain, 
which  he  could  not  haxie  done^  had  the  previous  disposition 
been  effectual.  I  shall  only  remark,  on  one  Fuspicious 
circumstance,  respecting  this  investiture,  viz  :  that  it  pur- 
ports to  bear  date,  on  the  eighth  day  of  September,  1494, 
nearly  four  months  before  the  arrival  of  Charles  at  Rome, 
and  whilst  the  pope  was  avowedly  hostile  to  his  views. 

*  Soon  after  his  arrival,  some  of  his  suit  were  insulted 
by  the  Jews,  in  consequence  of  which  he  ordered  the 
Mareschal  de  Gies  to  inquire  into  the  subject,  and  six  of 
them  were  hanged  in  the  Campo  di  Flora.  He  also  erected 
gallows  in  different  parts  of  the  city,  and  executed  several 
malefactors : 

'^  Par  quoi  Ton  pent  noter 
"  Que  sa  puissance  etoit  bien  singulier." 

Vergier  d'Ifonneur. 

■^  Mem.  d^  Commines^  lid.  vi,  cha/i.  x.  xii. 


pies. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  293 

It  might  have  been  presumed,  that  the  long  chap. 
and  frequent  delays  of  the  king,  in  the  progress      ^^' 
of  his  expedition,  would  have  been  injurious  to     1495. 
the  success  of  his  cause ;  but  his  negligence  was   -^t.  20. 
no  less  favourable  to  him  than  his  exertions  ;  and  Alfonso  n. 

abdicates  the 

whilst  he  was  enjoying  his  honours  and  his  plea-  crown  of  Na- 
sures  in  Rome,  the  mhabitants  of  many  of  the 
districts  of  Naples,  and  particularly  those  of  Aquila 
and  Abruzzo,  had  erected  his  standard,  and  only 
waited  his  approach  to  join  his  arms.  At  the 
same  time,  Fabrizio  Colonna,  one  of  his  Italian 
stipendiaries,  had  occupied,  in  his  name,  the 
territories  of  Albi  and  Tagliacozza.  But  an  event 
yet  more  important  occurred  at  Naples;  where 
Alfonso,  being  informed  of  the  approach  of  the 
French,  and  the  retreat  of  the  Neapolitan  army 
from  Rome,  and  alarmed  at  the  universal  symptoms 
of  disaffection  amongst  his  subjects,  resolved  to 
relinquish  his  crown  to  his  son  Ferdinand,  and  to 
seek  his  own  safety  by  flight.  He  accordingly 
dictated  to  Pontano,  in  the  presence  of  his  brother 
Federigo,  and  some  of  the  chief  barons  of  the 
state,  the  instrument  of  his  renunciation  ;^  after 
which,  he  secretly  withdrew  himself  from  the  city; 
and  accompanied  only  by  a  few  confidential  at- 
tendants, repaired,  under  the  most  evident  symp- 
toms of  terrour,  to  the  harbour,  where  four  gallies 
were  provided  for  his  reception,  in  which  he  had 

privately 

fi  Giannone,    Storia  di  A'ajioli.  lib.  xxix.  v.  iii.  385. 


294  LIFE  AND   PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  privately  embarked  his  most  valuable  effects.  With 
^^'     these  he  proceeded  to  the  island  of  Sicily,   and 
1495.    arrived  at  Mazara,  a  villa  Mhich  had  been  given  by 
iEt.  20.    Ferdinand  of  Spain,  to  his  sister,  the  queen  dowa- 
ger of  Naples,   the   mother-in-law  of   Alfonso ; 
where,  in  the  consciousness  of  being  secure  from 
the  pursuit  of  his  enemies,  he  consoled  himself 
for  the  loss  of  his  reputation,  his  country,  and  his 
crown. 

As  Alfonso  had,  on  many  occasions,  given  un- 
oft^stb""  doubted  proofs  of  his  courage,  and  by  his  expul- 
j«»-  sion  of  the  Turks  from  Otranto,  in  the  year  1481, 

had  obtained  the  character  of  one  of  the  greatest 
generals  of  his  time,  his  sudden  flight  astonished 
all  Italy.  By  some  it  was  conjectured,  that  he  in- 
tended to  proceed  to  Constantinople,  to  solicit  the 
aid  of  the  sultan  Bajazet,  who,  as  well  as  himself, 
was  the  avoM'ed  object  of  the  resentment  of  the 
French  monarch.  With  greater  probability,  others 
imagined,  that  he  had  been  induced  to  this  measure, 
by  the  consciousness  of  his  own  misconduct  and 
cruelty,  and  the  hope  that  his  son  Ferdinand,  who 
had  not  }-et  attained  the  twent}- fourth  }Tar  of  his 
age,  and  had  given  no  such  causes  of  offence, 
■\\  ould  be  enabled  to  conciliate  the  affections  of  the 
people  ;  but  the  opinion  of  Commines  was,  that 
he  relinquished  his  crown  through  m.ere  pusillani- 
mity, for  \\hich  lie  assigns  as  a  reason,  that — "  no 

*'  cruel 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  295 

"  cruel  man  was  evertJourageous;"^  and  in  this  chap. 
opinion   he  was  probably  followed  by    a    gi-eat      ^^' 
majority  of  those  who  reasoned  on  the  subject.'     1495. 
No  sooner,  indeed,  was  the  place  of  his  retreat  .^t.  20. 
discovered,  than  the  indignation  of  the  Neapolitans 
was  excited  to  the  highest  degree ;  and  in  parti- 
cular 


^  *•  Mon  avis,"  says  honest  Commines,  "  fut  toujours, 
"  que  ce  fut  par  vraye  laschete ;  car  jamais  homme  cruel  ne 
'''■fut  hardi."  lib.  vii.  chafi.  2.ti.  205. 

»  It  was  a  common  opinion  (if,  says  Guicciardini,  we 
ftiay  be  allowed  not  altogether  to  despise  such  reports)  that 
the  ghost  of  Ferdinand,  the  late  king,  had  appeared  thrice 
to  the  chief  surgeon  of  the  court,  and  on  his  first  visit  had 
mildly  requested,  but  afterwards  commanded  him  with 
threats,  to  announce  to  his  son  Alfonso,  that  all  attempts 
to  resist  the  French  arms  were  hopeless ;  and  that  it  was 
destined,  that  after  various  misfortunes,  and  the  loss  of  their 
kingdom,  their  family  should  become  extinct.  The  ghost, 
it  seems,  explained  also  the  reason  of  this  calamity,  which 
was  intended  as  a  just  retribution  for  the  enormities  com- 
mitted by  the  Aragonese  against  their  subjects ;  and  par- 
ticularly for  the  cruelty  of  Ferdinand,  in  having,  at  the 
instigation  of  Alfonso,  put  to  death,  in  the  church  of  S. 
Leonardo,  at  Chiaia,  near  Naples,  many  of  his  barons, 
whom  he  had  long  detained  in  prison.  There  was,  how- 
ever, no  need  of  a  ghost  to  excite  in  the  mind  of  Alfonso 
those  terrours,  which  were  the  consequences  of  his  guilt, 
and  which,  as  Guicciardini  informs  us,  with  more  proba- 
bility, tormented  his  dreams  with  the  spectres  of  those 
whom  he  had  slaughtered,  and  with  the  ideas  of  an  enraged 
populace  draggbig  him  to  punishment.  Guicc.  lid.  i.  v.  i. 
ft.  65,  66, 


296  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  cular  those  distinguished  scholars,  who  had  cele- 
IV'      brated  his  triumphs,  and  immortaUzed  his  name 
1495.    in  their  works,  endeavoured  to  expiate  their  errour, 
^.t.  20.  and  prove  their  abhorrence  of  his  misconduct,  by 
the  severest  reprehensions.     The  following  pro- 
duction of  Sanazzaro,  although  not  expressly  ap- 
plied to  this  event,  in  any  edition  of  his  works, 
sufficiently  marks  the  subject  on  A\hich  it  was 
written. 

SONNET. 

O  thou,  so  long  the  Muses  favourite  theme, 
Expected  tenant  of  the  realms  of  light ; 
Now  sunk  for  ever  in  eternal  night, 
Or  recollected  only  to  thy  shame  ! 

From  my  polluted  page  thy  hated  name 
I  blot ;  already  on  my  loathing  sight 
Too  long  obtruded  ;  and  to  purer  white 
Convert  the  destined  record  of  thy  fame. 

On  thy  triumphant  deeds  far  other  strains 

I  hoped  to  raise  ;  but  thou  defraud'st  the  song  ; 
Ill-omened  bird,  that  shun'st  the  day's  broad  eye. 

Go  then,  and  whilst  the  Muse  thy  praise  disdains. 
Oblivion's  flood  shall  sweep  thy  name  along. 
And  spotless  and  unstained  the  paper  lie. 

Antonio  Tebaldeo  has  also  adverted  to  this 
event  in  one  of  his  sonnets,  more  remarkable  for 
good  sense  than  poetry  :  "If,"  says  he,  "  a  king- 
"  dom  could  have  been  defended  by  immense 
"  treasures,  strong  walls,  powerful  armies,  or  a 
"  commander  of  acknowledged  talents,  Alfonso 
"  might  yet  have  maintained  his  sovereignty ;  but 

"he 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  29T 


u 


he  who  would  reign  in  safety,  ought  to  know,  chap. 
"  that  it  must  be  by  the  love  of  his  subjects,  and      iv- 
''  not  by  their  dread  of  him ;  and  whoe^'er  adopts     1495. 
**  a  different  maxim,  will,  in  the  end,  discover  his   Mu  20. 
**  en'our."    Then,  rising  to  a  higher  strain,  he  ex- 
claims— "Eternal  disgrace  to  Italy  !  shall  it  then 
"  be  read,  that  so  powerful  a  kingdom,  could  not 
"  resist    the   French  ai^ms  for  a  single   month  ! 
"  When  Saguntum  was  attacked  by  Hannibal,  she 
"  defended  herself  to  the  last  extremity ;  for  death 
"  itself  is  sweet  on   behalf  of  a  good  prince." 
Whilst  some  M-ere  thus  expressing  their  resent- 
ment against  the  fugitive  monaich,  others  were 
equally  earnest  in  soliciting  Charles  to  hasten  his 
approach.     In  the  Latin  \erses  of  Marullus,  Italy 
is  represented  as  mournmg  his  long  delay  ;    and 
Greece,  languishing  under  the  scourge  of  bai'ba- 
rians,   expecting  with  impatience   her   promised 
deliverer. 

Ferdinand  II.  began  his  reign  in  a  manner  the  Accession  p? 
best  calculated  to  secure  himself  from  the  dangers  ^hfpT.'^"" 
w  ith  which  he  was  threatened.     He  set  at  liberty  ^^Jfl'J"'  *"' 
such  of  the  nobles  as  his  predecessor  had  im- 
prisoned ;  he  restored  to  every  person  the  domains 
of  ^^hich  he  had  been  arbitrarily  depri^'ed,  and 
granted  new  and  extensive  privileges  to  the  citi- 
zens of  Naples.     But,  \\  hatever  might  have  been 
the  effect  of  these  conciliatoiy  measures,  if  sooner 
adopted,  they  were  now  too  late.     The  partisans 
of  the  French,  among  whom  were  most  of  the 

VOL.  I.  p  p  chief 


398  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  chief  officers  of  the  government,  had  pledged  them- 

iv^ selves  too  far  to  retreat ;  and  the  hourly  expecta- 

1495.     tion  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  had  a  more 
&u  30.    po\\'erfiil  effect  on  the  publick  mind,  than  either 
the  liberality  or  the  remonstrances  of  the  new 
sovereign.   Ferdinand,  however,  collected  together 
a  body  of  about  six  thousand  infantry,  and  fifty 
troops  of  cavalr}%  the  principal  command  of  which 
he  intrusted  to  Giovanni  Giacopo  Trivutzio,  an 
Italian  condottiero  of  great  eminence,   and  Nicolo 
Orsino,  count  of  Pitigliano.     With  these,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  S.  Germano,  Avhich,  from  its  situation, 
iDCtween  steep  mountains  on  the  one  side,  and  im- 
passable  marshes  on  the    other,    with  the   river 
Garigliano  in  front,  was  esteemed  one  of  the  keys 
of  the  kingdom.     At  the  same  time,  he  also  occu- 
pied, by  a  detachment,  the  pass  of  Cancella,  and 
gave  every  indication  of  his  resolution  to  make  a 
vigorous  defence.^     Nor  is  it  improbable,  that  if 
the  shameless  cowardice,  or  yet  more  shameless 
perfidy  of  some  of  his  principal  officers,  had  not 
frustrated  his  effiarts,  he  might  have  made  an  ho- 
nourable,  if  not  an  effectual  resistance.     At  this 
juncture,  Crinitus  wrote  a  Latin  ode,  in  which  he 
deplores  the  want  of  unanimity  among  the  states 
and  people  of  Italy,  and  anticipates  the  approaching 
calamities  of  Naples. 

Ah 


3   Cuicciard.  lib.i.  v.  \,  p,  67, 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH. 

Ah  why  the  hated  theme  recall, 
Or  bid  me  sing  th'  imperious  Gaul  ? 
Already  tears  enough  are  shed  ; 
Of  slaughtered  friends,  enough  have  bled  ; 
Yet,  most  disgraceful  of  our  woes, 
We  too,  confederate  with  our  foes  ; 
Our  wealth,  our  strength,  to  them  resign  j 
And  with  their  hostile  standards  join. 

As  thus  extends  the  direful  pest, 
We  perish,  by  ourselves  opprest ; 
And  victims  of  a  mutual  hate, 
Each  from  the  other,  meet  our  fate. 
Meanwhile,  his  bands  the  conqueroi'  calls, 
And  points  to  Rome's  defenceless  walls  ; 
And  menaces  the  sacred  band. 
That  round  her  holy  altars  stand  ; 
Whilst  the  fierce  soldier,  stained  with  blood, 
Hui'ls  his  proud  spear  in  Tyber's  flood. 

O  ancient  worth,  for  ever  fled  ! 
O  manes  of  the  illustrious  dead  ! 
Through  your  pale  bands  what  horrour  moves, 
Whilst  Jove,  the  adverse  cause  approves  ! 
Hence  what  streams  of  blood  shall  flow, 
What  ills  shall  rise,  what  fires  shall  glow  ; 
Whilst  Xaples  mourns  to  future  times. 
The  victim  of  another's  crimes  ! 
And  sinks  the  Aragonian  star, 
Before  the  blazing  god  of  war  ! 
'Tis  he  directs  th'  o'erwhelming  flood, 
And  scorns  Italia's  dastard  brood. 
Trembling,  I  mark  the  dread  decree  : 
—Ah,  hapless  Naples,  woe  to  thee  i 

In  the  mean  time,  Charles  had  quitted  Rome, 
and  proceeded  on  his  route  tpwards  Naples,  having 

received 


299 


C    H    A    P; 

IV. 

1495. 

A\t.  20 

300 


I.IFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 


CHAP. 
IV. 

1495. 

Mt.  20. 

Charles  en- 
ters the  ter- 
ritories of 


received  information  of  the  abdication  of  Alfonso, 
at  the  moment  when  he  took  his  departure  from 
the  city.  A  short  time  afterwiirds,  his  captive, 
Zizim,  terminated  his  unfortunate  hfe,  in  conse- 
quence, as  some  have  conjectured,  of  poison, 
administered  to  him  by  the  orders  of  Alexander 
VI.  before  he  was  delivered  up  to  the  king ;  whilst 
others  ha\'e  asserted,  that  his  death  was  occasioned 
by  the  inattention  of  Charles  VIII.  to  his  personal 
accommodation.  ^     On  the  arrival  of  the  French, 

at 


^  Sagredo,  in  his  Memoire  istoriche  de'  monarchi   Otto- 
mani,  informs  us,  that  Zizim  lived  only  three  days  after  he 
was  consigned  to  Charles,  and  died   at  Terracina,  having 
been  poisoned  by  Alexander  VI.  who  was  induct  d  to  com- 
mit this  crime,  by  the  promise  of  an  immense  reward  from 
the  sultan  Bajazet.  "  La  cieca  gentilita"  says  the  historian, 
"  adoro  piu  idoli ;  a  nostri  giorni  I'idolo  universale  e  I'inter- 
"  esse,"/^-  97.  Guicciardini  also  informs  us,  that  he  was  poi- 
soned at  the  instance  of  Alexander  VI.  but  mentions  Naples 
as  the  place  of  his  death,  in  which  last  circumstance,  Corio 
agrees  with  him  ;  but  accounts  for  it  by  the  negligence  of  the 
French  monarch— "  per  la  indiligenza  di  Carlo."  Stor:  Milarii 
par.  vii./J.  939.  This  latter  account  is  also  confirmed  by  the 
testimony  of  Burchard,  who  ascertains,  not  only  the  cause 
but  the   day  of  his   death — 15  Feburier.,  le  Jils  du  grand 
Turcy  mourut  a  JVa/iles-—ea>  esu  sive  fiotu  von  convenienti 
naturx  suae  if  consueto.     On   this  subject,  some   curious 
documents  remain,  from  which  it  appears,  that  the  pope 
had  applied  to  Bajazet,  to  assist  him  in  repelling  the  attack 
of  the  French,  and  had  represented  to  him  that  Charles 
intended  to  obtain  the  custody  of  Zizim,  in  order  to  pro- 
mote his  views  upon  the  Ottoman  state.     In  the  reply  of 

Bajazet 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  301 

at  Velletri,  it  was  also  discovered,  that  Cesar  Bor-  chap. 
gia,  had  eloped  from  the  army  aiid  returned  to      ^^^- 
Rome:  and  although  the  pope  protested,  that  he     1495. 
was  a  stranger  to  this  proceeding,  and  offered  to   ^Et.  20. 
the  king  any  further  assurances  for  his  fidelity,  it 
was  the  general  opinion,  that  this  e\'ent  \ras  only 
preparatory  to  a  change  of  conduct  in  tlie  pope, 
whenever  his  interest  might  seem  to  require  it. 


The  march  of  the  French  ai'mv  towards  Naples, 

Ferdinand  is 

was  marked  by  cruelty,  rapme,  and  blood.  The  brtr^yed  by 
fortresses  of  Montefortino  and  Monte  S.  GioA'anni,  anTescli.es 
for  a  short  time  retarded  their  progress ;  but  the 
attack  of  their  artillery  ^^'as  irresistible,  and  the 
soldiers  employed  in  the  defence  of  the  places, 
were  indiscriminately  put  to  the  sword.  Apprized 
of  the  approach  of  the  French,  and  apprehensive 

that 


Bajazet  (if  so  atrocious  a  production  can  be  considered  as 
authenlick)  he  entreats  that  the  pope  will  have  the  goodness 
to  put  his  brother  Zizim  to  death,  in  such  way  as  he  may 
judge  best,  and  thereby  translate  his  soul  to  another  state, 
where  he  may  enjoy  greater  repose.     For  this  deliberate 
murder,  Bajazet  solemnly  promises  to  pay  to  the  pope 
three  hundred  thousand  gold  ducats  to  enable  him  to  pur- 
chase a  domain  for  his  sons,  and  to  allow  the  christians  a 
free  intercourse  in   his  dominions.     On  another  occasion 
Bajazet  recommends  to  the  pope  a  proper  person  to  be 
honoured  with  the  rank  of  a  cardinal.     Such  was  the  fra- 
ternal intercourse  Avhich  at  this  period   subsisted  between 
•the  Mahometan  chief  and  the  head  of  the  Christiau  church! 


502  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  that  his  retreat  to  Naples  might  be  cut  oif  by  a  de- 

IV-      tachment  under  the  command  of  the  mareschal  De 

1495.     Gies,  whom  Charles  had  despatched  for  that  pur- 

^t.  20.  pose,  Ferdinand  abandoned  his  camp  at  S.  Ger- 
mano,  and  retired  to  Capua,  so  closely  pursued  by 
Charles,  that  he  left  on  the  road  a  part  of  his  artil- 
lery, and  the  intrenchments  which  he  had  quitted 
in  the  morning,  were  occupied  by  the  French  in 
the  evening.  On  his  arrival  at  Capua,  he  received 
information,  that  an  insurrection  had  taken  place  in 
Naples,  which  required  his  personal  interference. 
Committing,  therefore,  the  chief  command  of  his 
ai-my  to  Trivulzio,  he  hastened  to'his  capital,  in- 
tending to  return  the  following  day  ;  but  no  sooner 
had  he  left  the  place,  than  Trivulzio  entered  into 
a  treaty  with  Charles,  to  surrender  the  city  to  him, 
and  join  his  arms.  This  act  of  treachery,  which 
stamps  the  character  of  this  eminent  soldier  with 
indelible  disgrace,  decided  the  fate  of  the  kingdom. 
The  Neapolitan  troops,  throwing  off  all  obedience, 
and  eager  to  anticipate  the  plunder  of  the  French, 
licentiously  sacked  the  place;  and  the  count  of 
Pitigliano,  and  Virginio  Orsino,  who  had,  under 
a  safe-conduct  from  the  king,  retired  to  Nola, 
were  made  prisoners.  ^  On  his  return  from  Naples, 

Ferdinand 


1  "  Celuy  joui'  mesme,  par  maniere  subtille, 
"  Fut  prins  a  Nosle  le  domp  seigneur  Virgile  ; 
'•  Sembkblement  le  conte  Petilenne, 
"  Qui  aux  Francoys  cuydoit  faire  de  I'asne." 

Vergier  (Vhonneur, 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH. 


303 


Ferdinand  was  met,  at  the  distance  of  two  miles  chap. 
from  Capua,  by  a  deputation  of  the  inliabitants,      ^^' 
who  apprized  him  of  the  calamities  which  they  had      1 495. 
suffered.    The  surrender  of  this  place  was  followed  ^*-  .^®- 
by  that  of  the  other  principal  cities  of  the  king- 
dom, which  seemed  ingloriously  to  vie  with  each 
other,  which  should  first  make  its  submission  to 
the  conqueror-     Betrayed  by  his  commanders,  and 
abandoned  by  his  subjects,  Ferdinand  retired  to 
his  residence  at  Castelniwvo ;   where,  having  as- 
sembled together  many  of  the  principal  inhabitants 
of  Naples,  he  explained  to  them  the  motives  by 
which  he  had  been  actuated  in  assuming  the  royal 
authority,  and  lamented  that  his  endeavours  to  re- 
medy the  effects  of  the  severity  and  misconduct  of 
his  ancestors,  had  been  prevented  by  the  calamities 
of  the  house  of  Aragon.     He  then  released  them 
from  the  oath  of  fidelity  and  homage  which  they 
had  so  lately  taken  to  him  as  their  sovereign,  and 
gave  them  his  permission  to  negotiate  with  the 
French  monarch,  for  their  safety  and  privileges,  in 
such  manner  as  might  seem  expedient  to  them. 
These  sentiments  were  not  heard  by  the  populace 
without  compassion ;  but  all  hopes  of  resisting  the 
approaching  torrent,  had  now  vanished ;  and  Fer- 
dinand, being  informed  that  the  insurgents  in  the 
city  had  attacked  his  palace,  and  being  also  appre- 
hensive that  attempts  would  be  made  to  seize  his 
person,  and  deliver  him  a  prisoner  to  Charles,  pri- 
vately withdre\v  from  the  castle,  and,  accompanied 
by  his  imcle  Federigo,    the  queen   doM^nger  of 

Naples, 


304  lifU  and  pontificate 

CHAP.  Naples,  widow  of  Ferdinand  I.  and  her  daughter 
IV.      Joanna,  effected  his  retreat  to  the  harbour,  whence 
1495.     he  proceeded  to  the  Island  of  Ischia,  at  the  distance 
£t.  20.  of  about  thirty  miles  from  Naples.     Adversity  is 
the  natural  parent  of  resignation,  and  as  the  pros- 
pect of  his  native  place  vanished  from  his  sight, 
the  fugitive  monarch  was  frequently  heard  to  re- 
peat with  the  Psalmist,  "  Unless  God  keep  the 
"  city,  the  vigils  of  the  keepers  are  vain."" 

On  his  arrival  at  Ischia,  an  incident  occurred 
which  showed  that,  notwithstanding  his  misfor- 
tunes, Ferdinand  was  not  devoid  either  of  courage 
or  promptitude.  On  his  demanding  admission 
for  himself  and  his  followers  into  the  castle,  his 
lieutenant,  Giusto  della  Candina,  who  had  already 
held  secret  intelligence  with  the  French,  refused  to 
receive  them  within  the  walls.  A  parley  took 
place,  in  which  Candina  at  length  consented  that 
the  king  should  enter  alone ;  probably  with  an  in- 
tention of  securing  his  person.  The  gates  were 
accordingly  opened  to  him ;  but  the  lieutenant  no 
sooner  made  his  appearance,  than  the  king,  draw- 
ino*  a  carbine  from  beneath  his  cloak,  shot  him 
dead  upon  the  spot.  The  soldiers,  alarmed  at  the 
fate  of  their  commander,  and  awed  by  the  courage 
of  the  king,    submitted  to    his    authority;   and 

his 


'  Nisi  dominus  custodierit  civitatem,  frustra 


^'  vigilat  qui  custodit  earn."     v.  Guicciard,  lib.  i.   1.  70.. 


p?  LEO  THE  TENTH.  ^05 

his  followers  immediately  possessed  themselves  of  c  h  a  p. 
|he  garrison.  ^^- 

1495. 

On  the  twent}^-second  day  of  February,  1495,    ^t.  20. 
Charles  VIII.  entered  the  city  of  Naples,  amidst  ^^;;f  J/"' 
the  reioicinffs  and  acclamations  of  the  inhabitants. "  <^''y  °^^^' 

•*  c  pies,  and  as- 

On  this  occasion,  it  was  observed,  that  the  ad-  sumesthe 
herents  and  favourites  of  the  Aragonese  family,  of  the  king- 
vvho  had  existed  by  their  liberality,  and  been  exalted 
by  their  kindness,  were  the  first  to  express  their  at- 
tachment to  the  new  sovereign.  °  But  similar 
situations  have,  in  all  countries,  produced  similar 
instances  of  ingratitude ;  and  it  can  occasion  no 
surprise,  that  the  creatures  of  a  court  or  a  faction, 
who  are  actuated  by  no  motives  but  those  of  their 
own  interest,  should,  under  every  change,  adliere 
to  the  same  rule  of  conduct.  Before  his  departure, 
Ferdinand  had  committed  the  command  of  the 
Castel-nuoijo  to  Alfonso  Davalos,  marquis  of  Pes- 
cara ;  m  ho,  amidst  the  defection  of  all  the  rest  of 
the  Neapolitim  nobility,  continued  to  defend  the 

place 


•*  Guzcciard,  lib.i  1.71.  Mem.  de  Commines^  liv.  vL 
cha^i,  13. 

°  Vergier  d'/ionneur.  Muratori  slates  the  number  of 
his  army  on  his  entering  Naples,  at  thirty  thousand 
men  ;  independent  of  the  troops  he  had  left  in  the  Tuscan 
fortresses,  in  the  states  of  the  church,  and  the  other  cities 
of  the  Neapolitan  state.     Jnnali.  vol.  ix./i.  579. 

VOL.  r.  Q  q 


306  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  place  with  unshaken  fidelity  ;  and  Charles,  there- 
^.    ^^'      fore,  after  visiting  the  cathedral,  was  conducted  to 
1495.     his  apartments  in  Castel-Capuano^  the  ancient  resi- 
vEt.  20.   (Jence  of  his  ancestors  of   the  house  of  Anjou. 
Here  he  received  the  homage  of  his  new  subjects. 
The  Neapolitan  barons  expressed  to  him  a  uni- 
form obedience.    The  remoter  cities  and  provinces 
sent  deputations  to  acknowledge  their  submission 
to  his  authority ;  and,  in  the  course  of  thirteen 
days  from  the  time  of  his  departure  from  Rome, 
Charles  had  the  satisfaction  of  finding  himself  the 
acknowledged  sovereign  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples. 


co.ittmpora-       Tlic  intelligence  of  this  important  event  was 

ry  opinions  .         ,  .   ,  -.-p  .  ,  , 

onthatevent.  rcceivcd  With  vcry  dinerent  sensations,  by  the 
different  states  of  Italy.  In  Florence,  whither  the 
king  had  sent  the  new  cardinal  Brissonet,  to  solicit 
the  pecuniary  aid  of  the  government,  it  was  cele- 
brated with  formal  processions  and  ostensible  re- 
joicings. Whatever  were  the  feelings  of  Alexander 
VI.  he  beti'ayed  no  external  symptoms  of  dis- 
satisfaction ;  but  contented  himself  with  saixasti- 
cally  observing,  that  the  French  had  overnm  Italy 
with  wooden  spurs,  and  conquered  it  with  chalk ; 
alluding  to  a  custom  prevalent  among  their  officers, 
who,  when  riding  out  for  their  amusement,  used 
only  pointed  wood  instead  of  spurs ;  and  to  the 
practice  of  their  foragers,  who  marked  with  chalk 
such  houses  as  were  fixed  upon  for  the  habitations 

of 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  3@7^ 

of  the  soldiery.  P     The  pusillanimous  conduct'  of  c  h  a  p. 
the  Italian  states   received,    however,    a    severer      ^^- 
reprehension  from  the  pen  of  Antonio  Tebaldeo ;      1495. 
who,  with  honest  indignation,  has  thus  recorded  -^t.  20. 
the  degradation  of  his  country  : 

SONNET. 

Not  "with  so  prompt  a  foot  fierce  Hannibal 

Rushed  o'er  thy  fields  ;  nor  e'er  amid  th'  alarms 

Of  Gothick  fury  and  barbarian  arms, 

Didst  ihou  so  tame  and  unresisting  fall. 
Ah  whence  these  terrours,  that  thy  sons  appal, 

Inglorious  Italy!  whilst  forward  springs 

The  Gallick  cock,  and  claps  his  conquering  wings  :. 

Nor  hears  the  voice  of  answering  vengeance  call  ?'* 
Just  is  thy  doom  :  for  now  that  honoured  earthy 

That  gave  to  Scipio  and  Camillus  birth, 

Sardanapalus,  Midas,  Crassus  claim. 
Once,  in  thy  better  days,  a  cackling  goose, 

From  the  Tarpeian  rock  could  scare  thy  foes  ; 

— Now  eagles,  serpents,  lions — all  are  tame.  1 

But 


P  Mirdi,   Vita  di  Antonio  Giacoinino  Tebaldini  Malesfiini, 
p.  18.     Fior.  1597. 

"^  This  rude  production  of  a  contemporary  poet  may 

at  least  serve  to  call  to  recollection,  the  elegant  sonnet  of 

Vincenzo  Filicaja,  written  about  two  centuries  afterwards* 

during  the  war  of  the  Spanish  succession,  when  the  French 

and  the  Imperialists  made  Italy  once  more  the  theatre  of 

their  hostilities. 

SONNET. 

Italia  !  thou  to  whom  in  evil  hour. 

The  fatal  boon  of  beauty  nature  gave, 

Yet 

I 


308  LIFE  AJIC  PONtlFlCATE      * 

CHAP.       But  although  Charles  VIII.  had  thus  succeeded 
IV-      in  his  enterprise  against  the  kingdom  of  Naples, 
1495.     much  yet  remained  to  be  done  to  secure  his  acqui- 
jEt.  20.  sitions.    The  CasteUtuow,  and  Castello  deWUo'vo, 
Charles  redu-  both  fortrcsscs  of  uricommou  strength,  yet  retained 
treses  of  Na-  tlicir  allcgiancc  to  their  former  sovereign.     The 
P^""  first  attack    of  the  French  artillery  was  upon  the 

Castel-nuoiio  which  surrendei-ed  in  a  few  days. 
The  Castello  deWUom  made  a  longer  resistance  ; 
but  the  impetuous  cannonading  of  the  French, 
who  discharged  three  hundred  balls  against  it  in 
the  space  of  three  hours,  at  length  reduced  the 
garrison  to  the  necessity  of  a  capitulation^  by  which 
they  were  suffered  to  depart  in  safety,  on  the 
thirteenth  day  of  Mai-ch.''  The  valuable  effects 
contained  in  these  fortresses,  were  distributed  by 
the  king  amongst  his  followers,  without  discri- 
mination ; 


Yet  on  thy  front  the  sentence  did  engrave. 
That  ceaseless  woe  should  be  thy  only  dower  ! 

Ah  were  that  beauty  less,  or  more  thy  power ! 
That  he  who  now  compels  thee  to  his  arms, 
Might  gaze  with  cold  indifference  on  thy  charms*. 
Or  tremble  at  thine  eye's  indignant  lower ! 

Then  shouldst  thou  not  observe,  in  glittering  line, 
From  the  high  Alps  embattled  throngs  descend, 
And  Galiick  herds  pollute  thy  Po's  clear  wave  ; 

Nor,  whilst  encompassed  close  by  spears  not  thine, 
Shouldst  thou  by  foreign  hands  thy  rights  defend, 
Conqu'ring  or  conquer'd,  ever  more  a  slave.       « 

'   Verifier  cThonneur. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  309 

iiiination ;  it  having  been  sufficient  to  ask,  in  order  chap. 
to  obtain  a  share  of  the  spoil.'  ^^' 

1495. 

Nor  was  Charles  yet  at  rest  in  his  new  posses-   ■^^'  ^^* 
sions.     Whatever  might  be  his  pretensions  to  the  dea'Jourrto 
cro^v^l,  the  title  by  which  he  immediately  held  it,  '^^Z^l 
was  his  sword ;  and  Ferdinand,  by  relinquishing  J^'rJ^lg^j^^f 
his  dominions  only  to  a  superiour  force,  was  justi- 
fied in  attempting  their  recovery,   whenever  an 
occasion  should  present  itself.     A\\-are  of  these 
circumstances,  Charles  became  desirous  of  enter- 
ing into  a  negotiation  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining 
from  Ferdinand    a  voluntary   resignation  of  his 
rights.  He  therefore  addressed  a  letter  to  Federigo, 
uncle  to  the  king,  then  at  Ischia,  requesting  an 
interview  with  him  at  Naples,  and  offering  four 
hostages  for  his  return.      Federigo  accordingly 
proceeded  to  Naples,  where  Charles  proposed,  that, 
if  the  king  his  nephew  would  relinquish  his  cro^^n, 
he  would  grant  him  a  territory  in  France,  with  a 
considerable  revenue,  and  would  also  honourably 
provide  for  Federigo,  and  the  rest  of  the  family  of 
Aragon.     In  reply  to  this  proposition,  Federigo 
did  not  hesitate  to  assure  the  king,  that  he  was 
sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  sentiments  of  his 
nephew,  to  know  that  he  would  assent  to  no  con- 
ditions that  would  deprive  him  of  his  crown,  or 

remove 


^  "  II  les  donna,"   says  Commines,  "  a  ceux  qui  les 
«  demandoyent."  Mem.  liv,  vii.  ch.  13. 


310  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  remove   him   from  his  subjects.     That  if    these 
.  i"^-      preliminaries  could  be  conceded,   he   should  be 
1495.    rcady  to  enter  into  further  negotiations,  but  that 
Mi.  20.   Ferdinand  was  determined  either   to  live   or  die 
a  king.     After  a  second  interview,  equally  fruit- 
less,   though  conducted    with  circumstances    of 
apparent  respect  and  civility,  Federigo  took   his 
departure,  and  returned  to  imnounce  the  result  of 
his  voyage  to  his  nephew,  who  yet  remained  at 
Ischia  to  wait  the  issue  of  it/ 

comiuct  of        Of  the  manner  in  which  Charles  employed  his 

Charles  at  ,  .  . 

Naples.  time  during  his  residence  at  Naples,  an  exact  diary 
has  been  preserved  by  his  faithful  attendant,  Andre 
de  la  Vigne.  But  the  observation  of  this  humble 
annalist  has  seldom  penetrated  beyond  the  exter- 
nal ceremonies  and  common  occurrences  of  the 
day.  We  may,  however,  discover,  that  the  king 
displayed  a  rigid  punctuality  in  paying  his  devo- 
tions every  morning  in  some  of  the  churches  of 
Naples,  and  that  he  occasionally  diversified  his 
amusements,  by  an  excureion  to  Poggio  Reale^  a 

seat 


t  Guicciard.  lib.  i.  v.  i.  p.  84. 

"  "  II  alloit  quelquefois,"  says  Commines,  translating 
the  appellation  into  French,  "  au  Mont  imperiale  :"  which 
lias  led  his  commentator,  Denis  Sauvage,  to  conjecture, 
that  he  ^yent  "  en  manteau  imperiale,  pour  venir  a  ce  qu* 
'*  auGuns  disent  qu'  11  fut  couronne  pour  empereur  de  Con- 
''  stantinople."  Such  is  the  authority  on  Mhich  a  Histo- 
riographer 


OF  LEO  THE  TEl^TH.  311 


seat  of  the  Neapolitan  sovereigns,  situated  at  a  small 
distance  from  the  city.  The  king  appears  also  to 
have  been  higlily  delighted  with  the  wonderful 
display  of  courage  and  agility  exhibited  by  a  daugh- 
ter of  the  dutchess  of  Melfi ;  who,  in  the  presence 
of  her  mother,  rode  her  courser  at  full  speed,  and 
afterwards  went  through  the  vai'ious  exercises  of 
a  cavalier ;  insomuch,  that  the  annalist  assures  us, 
it  was  a  miracle  to  see  a  young  lady  perform  such 
"outrageous  feats;"  nor  can  he  believe  that  the 
warlike  dames  A^ho  opposed  the  Grecians,  at  the 
siege  of  Troy,  could  have  performed  one  hun- 
dredth part  of  what  was  then  represented.  On 
the  twenty-third  day  of  April  a  solemn  tourna- 
ment was  proclaimed ;  which  was  daily  renewed 
till  the  first  of  May ;  and  was  attended  by  many 
distinguished  persons,  as  well  from  Florence  as 
other  parts  of  Italy,  and  honoured  by  the  presence 
of  the  ladies  of  Naples/     The  royal  hand  was 

however 


riographer  du  tres  Chrestien  Roz,  Henri  II.  would  imply 
the  pretensions  of  the  French  monarchs  to  the  empire  of 
the  east!  Mem.  de  Com.  lib.  vii.  cha/i.x'iv.  This  palace  was 
built  by  Alfonso,  duke  of  Calabria,  on  his  return  from  his 
successful  expedition  against  the  Turks  at  Otranto. 

^  "  Et  apres  disner  alia  le  roy  aux  lices,  ou  se  devoyent 
faire  les  joustes,  et  la  trouva  le  roy  plusieurs  grans  seig- 
"  neurs,  tant  de  Florence  que  d'ltalie,  8c  des  dames  du 
"  pays,  especiellement  de  Nappies :  &  furent  faites  les 
•'  dictes  joustes  en  une  grant  rue,  pres  le  chasteau-nouve, 
''•  devant  une  cglise,  fondee  des  rois  de  Cecille  ;  (Sicily) 

"  c'est 


CHAP. 
IV. 

1495 

^t.  20. 


QX2  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

€  H  A  P.  howevei 'employed  with  more  safety,  if  not  with 
ly-  more  efficacy,  in  touching  those  affected  with  the 
1495.     evil,  who  sought,  in  the  condescension  of  the  king, 

^t.  20.  a  remedy  for  their  sufferings.  Thus  prone  have 
the  sovereigns  of  the  world  generally  been,  to 
disregard  those  calamities  which  they  might  have 
alleviated,  and  to  attempt  the  relief  of  those  which 
are  beyond  their  power  to  cure.  On  paying  his 
devotions  in  the  church  of  St.  Januarius,  the  head 
of  the  martyr  was  exhibited  to  him,  and  the  vessel 
produced  which  contained  a  portion  of  his  blood, 
which  appeared  consolidated,  like  a  stone ;  but  on 
being  touched  by  the  king  with  a  silver  wand^ 
and  placed  on  the  altar  before  the  head  of  the 
saint,  it  began  to  dissolve,  grow  warm,  and  boil, 
to  the  astonishment  of  Charles  and  his  attendants, 
^vho  were  assured  that  this  blood  was  privy  to  the 
secrets  of  heaven,  and  never  dissolved  but  at 
the  prayers  of  the  just.''' 

The  exiled  Whilst  thc    Frcuch  monai'ch  was  thus  con- 

family  obtain  ...  ..  •*  -t 

the  assist-     suming,   in  the  most  abject  superstition,  or  the 
diZrAl^'  iT'^ost  puerile  amusements,    that   time  which  he 
si'aiu-         ought  to  have  devoted  to  the  regulation  and  go- 
vernment 


"  c'est  a  scavoir  de  ceulx  d'Anjou.  Et  durerent  les  dictes 
"  joustes  des  le  Mecredy,  xxiii.  jour  d'Avril,  jusques  au 
"  pi'emier  jour  de  Mai.  Et  se  nommerent  les  tenans 
"  du  dedans  des  dictes  joustes  Chastillon  et  Bourdillony 
Verg.  (T Honneur. 

\\   Yergier  (V Honneur. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  31 


o 


vernment  of  his  newly  acquired  dominions,  Ferdi-  chap. 
nand  had  proceeded  from  die  island  of  Ischia  to  ^^'' 
Sicily,  to  consult  with  his  father  Alfonso,  on  the  1495. 
most  likely  measures  for  restoring  the  fortunes  of  ■^^-  ^^" 
the  family.  He  found  him  at  Messina,  in  a  con- 
vent, surrounded  by  monks,  passing  his  days  in 
abstinence,  and  his  nights  in  prayer.  The  result 
of  their  deliberations  was  such  as  appeai*ed  likely 
to  answer  the  immediate  purpose  for  which  they 
were  intended,  the  expulsion  of  the  French  from 
the  kingdom  of  Naples ;  but  in  dangerous  situa- 
tions, there  is  nothing  so  much  to  be  apprehended 
as  the  recurring  to  expedients  which  are  worse 
than  the  existing  evil ;  and  a  serious  consideration 
would  have  shown  them,  that  of  all  the  means  of 
assistance,  the  support  and  interference  of  Ferdi- 
nand of  Spain  Mas  the  most  to  be  deprecated.  The 
motives  by  \\  hich  they  ^v•ere  induced  to  have  re- 
course to  his  protection,  are  not  indeed  difficult 
to  be  discovered.  Ferdinand  was  already  possessed 
of  the  island  of  Sicily ;  "  and  the  vicinity  of  so 
powerful  a  neighbour  as  the  French  monarch,  who 
was  avowedly  meditating  fresh  conquests,  could 

not 


^  Dr.  Robertson  is  mistaken  in  asserting  that  Ferdinand 
"  acquired  the  kingdoms  of  Naples  and  Sicihj.  by  violating 
''  the  faith  of  treaties,  and  disregarding  the  ties  of  blood." 
Hist,  of  Charles  V.  book  i.  Ferdinand  having  succeeded  to 
the  undisputed  sovei'eignty  of  Sicily,  on  the  death  of  liis 
father  John,  king  of  Aragon  and  Sicily,  thq  brother  of 
Alfonso  I. 

VOL.   I.  R  T 


3i4  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CH  A  P.  not  fail  to  excite  in  his  mind  apprehensions  for  its 
IV-  ultimate  safety ;  whilst  the  near  relationship,  that 
h495.    subsisted  between  him  and  the  royal  house  of  Na- 

Mt.  20.  pies,  might  be  supposed  to  induce  him  to  take  a 
personal  interest  in  their  misfortunes.  But  whilst 
the  abdicated  and  exiled  monarchs  were  thus  flat- 
tering themselves  with  tlie  advantages  to  be  derived 
from  his  support,  they  ought  also  to  have  consi- 
dered, that  this  ambitious  and  politick  prince  ^\'as 
the  unquestionable  legitimate  heir  of  Alfonso  I. 
king  of  Aragon,  Sicily,  and  Naples ;  and  that  he 
might  naturally  regai'd  as  a  derogation  of  his  here^ 
ditary  rights,  the  bequest  of  the  crown  of  Naples 
by  Alfonso,  to  his  illegitimate  son  Ferdinand  I.  the 
grandfather  of  its  last  possessor.  It  is  true  he  had 
not  only  long  acquiesced  in  this  separation  of  the  do- 
minions of  his  house,  but  had  married  his  sister 
to  his  cousin  Ferdinand  I.  But  as  the  fortunes  of 
the  Neapolitan  branch  declined,  the  strength  and 
resources  of  the  Spanish  house  had  increased,  and 
it  might  therefore  justly  have  been  suspected,  that 
its  representative  might  now  assert  his  claims, 
which  had  been  suffered  to  remain  so  long  dor- 
mant, not  perhaps  from  his  moderation,  but  from 
his  inability  to  enforce  tliem.  These  obvious  sug- 
gestions were  hoAvever  overlooked,  or  disregarded, 
in  the  panick  occasioned  by  the  invasion  of  the 
French ;  and  the  fatal  resolution  was  adopted  of 
applying  to  Ferdinand  of  Spain  for  his  assistance. 
Bernai-do  Bernaudo,  secretary  to  the  king  of  Na- 
ples, was  the  ambassadour  employed  on  this  occa- 
sion. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  313 

sion.     He  was  received  with  great  attention.    The  chap. 
Spanish  monarch  had  not  observed  with    indif-       ^^• 


ference  the  progress  of  the  French  arms  in  Italy,  *'^^^- 
but  had  already  intimated  to  Charles,  that  he  should  ^^-  ^^• 
consider  his  attack  on  the  kingdom  of  Naples  as  an 
act  of  hostility  against  himself.  He  had  indeed 
engaged  by  a  solemn  oath  not  to  interfere  in  this 
contest ;  but  on  examining  the  purport  of  this 
engagement  it  was  discovered,  that  it  contained  a 
reservation  of  the  rights  of  the  church,  which  it 
was  contended  would  be  materially  affected  by  the 
proceedings  of  Chai'les  VHI.  and  besides,  the  re- 
striction against  the  interlerence  of  the  Spanish 
monarch  w^as  on  condition,  that  Charles  wan 
rightfully  entitled  to  the  crown  of  Naples ;  a 
proposition  which  it  ^vas  as  easy  to  deny  as  to 
assert.  A  powerful  armament  was  therefore  pro- 
vided, the  command  of  which  was  given  to  Gon- 
salvo  Fernandez,  a  native  of  Cordova,  of  the 
family  of  Aguilar,  a  commander  of  acknowledged 
talents,  courage,  and  experience ;  who  imme- 
diately repaired  to  Sicily,  to  be  in  readiness  to  act 
as  circumstances  might  require ;  and,  by  his  sub- 
sequent victories,  converted  the  appellation  of 
The  great  Captain^  originally  used  b}'  his  coun- 
trymen merely  to  designate  his  authority,  into  a 
title  which  has  ever  since  been  attached  to  his  name, 
as  expressive  of  his  superiour  abilities  and  virtues. 

Nor  was  the  progress  of  the  French  arms  re- 
garded without  jealousy  and  dread  by  the  other 

states 


316  LIFE  AND   PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.  States  of  Italy  ;  and  particularly  by  the  person  who 
IV-      had  been  the  first  and  most  active  promoter  of  the 
1495.    cnteqirise,  the  restless  Lodovico  Sforza.     The  ex- 
Mt.  20.  traordinary  talents  of  this  misguided  politician,  like 
League  be.     sliarp  implements  in  the  hands  of  an  awkward 
itluaVstltes  ailificer,  not  only  defeated  his  intended  purpose, 
treFrenchf  but  lu  thc  rcsult  generally  proved  injurious  to  him- 
self.    Could  he  have  been  contented  with  the  rank 
and  influence  which  he  had  acquired  among  the 
states  of  Italy,  without  soliciting  the  interference 
of  the  French ;  or,  after  the  arrival  and  success  of 
Charles  VIII.  had  he  maintained  his  fidelity  and 
assisted  the  king  in  securing  his  new  acquisitions, 
and  returning  in  safety  beyond  the  Alps ;  in  either 
case,  he  might,  in  all  probability,  have  enjoyed 
without   interruption   his  ill-acquired    authority ; 
but  there  seems  to  exist  in  some  persons  such  a 
propensity  to  evil,  as  induces  them  to  overlook  the 
plainest  dictates  of  their  own  interest,  if  they  hap- 
pen to  be,  as  they  generally  are,  in  unison  with 
morality  and  good  faith.     Even  before  the  arrival 
of  Charles  at  Naples,  Lodovico  had  entered  into 
negotiations  "wdth  the  senate  of  Venice,  for  inter- 
cepting and  cutting  him  off  on  his  return  to  France  y 
and  on  the  last  day  of  March,   1495,  a  league  was 
concluded  at  Venice,  among  the   Italian   states, 
under  the  specious  pretext  of  the  defence  of  their 
dominions,   and  the    protection    of   Christendom 
against  the    Turks,    but  in  fact  to  oppose   the 

French 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH. 


317 


French    monarch  on    his  return  from  Naples.  ^  c  h  a  r . 

This    combination,    which  was  called  the    holy IZl- 

league,  the  most  formidable  that  Europe  had  then  1495. 
seen,  was  acceded  to,  not  only  by  the  states  of  ^^^  ^^^ 
Venice,  and  of  Milan,  but  by  Alexander  VI.  who 
eagerly  availed  himself  of  any  opportunity  that 
might  protect  him  against  the  dreaded  power  of 
the  French.  The  emperour  elect,  Maximilian, 
and  Ferdinand  of  Spain,  were  also  parties  to  the 
convention  ;  and  those  ideas  of  a  balance  of  power, 
by  which  the  Italians  had  long  regulated  their 
respective  governments,  were  thus  extended  to  the 

countries 


y  Machiavelli  thus  animadverts  on  the  conduct  of  Lodo- 
vicCj  on  this  occasion,  in  his  first  Decennale  : 

"  Conobbe  allor  la  sua  stultitia  certa ; 
"  E  dubitando  cader  nella  fossa 
"  Che  con  tanto  sudor  s'havea  aperta, 

"  Ne  li  bastando  sua  natural  possa, 

"  Fece  quel  Duca,  per  salvare  il  tutto, 

"  Co'l  Papa,  Imperio,  e  Marco,  testa  grossa." 

It  is  amusing  to  observe  with  what  simplicity  Philip  de 
Commines,  who  was  then  ambassadour  of  the  French  king 
at  Venice,  relates  the  manner  in  which  he  was  imposed 
upon  by  the  artifices  of  the  Venetian  Doge  and  senators, 
who  flattered  him  with  personal  attentions,  and  assurances 
of  amity,  till  this  formidable  league,  which  he  had  the 
mortification  to  see  proclaimed  with  extraordinary  magni- 
ficence at  Venice,  was  fully  completed.  This  narration, 
which  occupies  the  15th  chapter  of  his  seventh  book,  is 
highly  interesting,  and  deserves  an  attentive  perusal. 


318  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  11  A  r.  countries  beyond  the  Alps.  ^    But  whilst  the  osten- 

IV.      sible    views  of  this  powerful  combination  were 

1495.     industriously  laid  before  the  world,  it  was  secretly 

m.  20.  proposed,  that  they  should  unite  their  forces  in 
devesting  Charles  VIII.  of  the  conquest  which  he 
had  so  easily  obtained.  To  this  end  it  was  agreed 
that  the  Spanish  monarch  should  assist  his  rela- 
tions of  the  house  of  Aragon,  in  the  recovery  of 
their  dominions ;  that  the  Venetians  should  send 
a  powerful  naval  annament  to  occupy  the  ports  of 
die  kingdom  of  Naples  ;  and  that  Lodovico  Sforza 
should  oppose  the  arrival  of  further  succours  to 
tlie  French  through  the  states  of  Milan.  It  was 
also  stipulated,  that  considerable  sums  of  money 
should  be  advanced  to  Maximilian  and  Ferdinand 
of  Spain,  to  enable  them  to  carry  an  effective  war 
into  the  provinces  of  France.  To  the  completion 
of  this  league,  the  concurrence  of  the  other  states 
of  Italy  was  highly  desirable ;  but  the  duke  of 
Ferrara,  w  ith  true  Italian  policy,  whilst  he  permit- 
ted his  son  Alfonso  to  join  the  allies  at  the  head  of 
a  body  of  horse,  as  a  stipendiary  to  the  duke  of 
Milan,  professed  his  determination  to  adhere  to  his 
former  engagements;  and  the  Florentines,  well 
aware  that,  in  case  of  hostilities,  they  would  be  the 
first  to  experience  the  resentment  of  the  French 
monai-ch,  and  not  less  jealous  of  the  power  of  the 

Venetians 


"  This  treaty  is  preserved  in  Liinig,  Codex  Italia  di/ilo' 
7naiic2is,  lojn.  i.fi.  111. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  S19 

Venetians   than  of  the   success  of  the  French,  c  h  a  p. 
refused  to  become  parties  to  the  convention.  *  ^^' 

1495. 

The  exultation  which  the  Neapolitans  had  ex-  ^t.  20. 
pressed  on  the  arrival  of  a  new  sovereign,  was  not  JJJ'"y[^'^* 
of  long  continuance.     Notwithstanding  the  privi-  Nea^pontans 
leges  and  exemptions  granted  by  Charles  to  parti-  vm. 
culai*  cities,  which  had  been  the  first  to  acknowledge 
his  authority,  the  people    soon    perceived    their 
errour,  in  exchanging  the  well  regulated,  though 
severe  government  of  the  house  of  Aragon,  for  the 
licentious  misrule  of  the  French.  The  great  barons 
of  the  realm,  instead  of  receiving  those  favours 
which  they  expected,  as  the  reward  of  their  ready 
submission,  were  deprived  of  their  offices  and  their 
domains,  ^hich,   with  the  exception  of  two  or 
three  instances,  were  conferred  by  Charles,  with 
indiscriminate  liberality,  upon  his  ablest  generals, 
and  his  most  worthless  dependants.  ^     The  French 
soldiery,  dispersed  through  different  parts  of  the 
country,  were  restrained  by  no  considerations  of 
either  humanity,  honour,    or  decency;   and  the 
Italian  writers  have  complained,  that  even  the  sanc- 
tuaries 


a  Guicdard.  Storm  d'ltal.  lib.  ii.    1.89. 

^  "  Tous  etats  et  offices"  says  Commines,  "  furent 
"  donnes  aux  Francois,  d  deux  ou  trois."  I  suspect  that 
Giannone  has  misunderstood  this  passage,  when  he  says 
"  Tutte  le  autorita,  e  carichi  furono  conferiti  a  due,  o  tre 
"  Franzesi."     Sieritt  di  A'afioli  lib.  xxix.  ckafi.  3. 


320  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  tuai'ies  of  religious  chastity  were  not  always  a  suffi- 
^"^' .  cient  protection  against  their  brutal  violence.  '^  Un- 
1495.  (jej.  these  circumstances  it  can  occasion  no  surprise, 
20.  that' the  Neapolitans  should  have  conceived  a  speedy 
aversion  to  their  new  governours ;  and  Guicciardini 
might  with  safety  have  rested  their  dissatisfaction 
on  the  general  principles  of  human  nature,  without 
seeking  for  it  in  the  levity  and  instability  of  the 
people.  ^  That  the  indications  of  this  disposition 
were  cautiously  expressed  under  the  immediate 
pressure  of  a  military  government,  may  well  be 
conceived;  yet  the  voice  of  complaint  was  not 
wholly  silent,  and  the  following  lines  of  Crinitus, 
addressed  to  Bernardo  Caraffa,  one  of  the  chief 
nobility  of  Naples,  may  be  considered  as  the  ex- 
pression of  a  national  sentiment : 

ODE. 


*^  Corio,  Storia  di  Milano.  parte  vii./i.  939.  Benedettiy 
Fatto  d'arme  sid  Tarro.  fi.  9.  b. 

d  "  Tale  e  la  natura  de'  popoli,  inclinata  a  sperare  piu 
"  di  quel  che  si  debbe,  ed  a  tolerare  manco  di  quel  che  ^ 
"  necessario,  e  ad  avere  sempi'e  in  fastidio  le  cose  presenti;  e 
"  specialmente  degli  habitatori  del  regno  di  Napoli,  i  quali, 
"  tra  tutti  i  popoli  d'  Italia,  sono  notati  di  instabilita,  e  di 
"  cupidita  di  cose  nuove."     Guicciard.  lib.  ii.  v.  i.  p.  90. 

For  a  very  just  account  of  the  general  character  of  the 
French  in  their  conquests,  v.  Robertson's  History  of  Scot- 
land, b.  ii.  vol.  i./i.   128. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  321 


ODE. 


•a* 


CHAP. 
IV. 


Thy  sad  lament,  my  friend,  forbear;  1495. 

Nor  longer  pour  the  fruitless  tear.  jgi^  20. 

Enough  to  patriot  sorrows  given, 
Think  not  to  change  the  doom  of  heaven. 


We  feel  the  fates,  and  own  their  sway, 
Whilst  Naples  sinks,  a  hapless  prey  ; 
Her  iron  bondage  doomed  to  mourn, 
Till  that  auspicious  hour  return,  ^ 

When,  to  his  native  soil  restored, 
She  hails  again  her  former  lord ; 
Him  who  recalls  her  ancient  fame, 
And  vindicates  her  honoured  name. 

Yet  when  that  happier  dawn  shall  rise. 
My  mortal  vision  ill  descries  ; 
And  dubious  is  the  voice  divine, 
Responsive  from  Apollo's  shrine. 

But,  hark !  along  the  sounding  poles. 
Signal  of  hope,  the  thunder  rolls  ; 
And  soon  the  avenging  bolt  shall  fall 
That  checks  the  fury  of  the  Gaul. 

No  sooner  did  Charles  receive  information  of  coronation. 
the  formidable  league,    so  unexpectedly  formed  °^  ^'^^^^ 
between  the  princes  of  Italy  and  tl^  other  European  pies, 
states,    than  he  instantly  became  sensible  of  the 
dangers  of  his  situation,  and  \v2iS  no  less  impatient 
to  quit  his  newly  acquired  dominions,  and  return 
to  France,    than  he   had  lately  been  to  possess 
himself  of  the  crown  of  Naples.      He  now  per- 
ceived that  the  ti'caties,  which  h^  had  with  so  much 

VOL.  I.  j;  s  precaution 


o 


22  LIFE'  AND  PONTIFICATE 


t  H  A  i*.  precaution  and  by  so  many  sacrifices,  concluded 
^  IV-    .  with  the  European  sovereigns,  had  served  no  other 
•1495.     purpose  than  to  lead  him  into  a  snare,  from  which 
^t.  20,  he  could  not  expect  to  extricate  himself  without 
great  difficulty.    The  desertion  of  Lodovico  Sforza 
convinced  him  that  no  reliance  was  to  be  placed 
upon  his  Italian  allies,  and  that  his  only  hopes  of 
safety  must  rest  on  the  courage  of  his  ainny,  in 
forcing  his  way  through  the  hostile  states  of  Italy, 
Critical,  however,  as  his  situation  might  be,  he 
■'  was  unwilling  to  quit  the  city  of  Naples  without 

the  ceremony  of  a  coronation.  With  this  view 
he  despatched  an  emoy  to  the  pope,  to  endeavour, 
by  the  assurance  of  his  protection  and  favour,  to 
detach  him  from  his  new  allies,  and  induce  him  to 
grant  the  bull  of  investiture.  But  Alexander,  who 
had  refused  to  assent  to  his  request,  when  he  occu- 
pied Rome  at  the  head  of  a  victorious  army,  was 
not  likely,  after  the  alliances  which  had  lately  been 
formed,  to  comply  with  his  wishes.  ""  This  dis- 
appointment 

.-,i*«i«-ro3  O  i^  Sumnionte,  Storia  di  jYafwU.  lib.  vi.  fi.  517.  (581) 
and  after  him  Giannone,  (lib.  xxix.  cafi.  ii.  p.  389j  posi- 
■  •  lively  assert,  that  the  pope,  alarmed  by  the  threats  of  thti 
king,  expedited  to  him  the  bull  of  investiture,  and  appointed 
a  legate,  who  performed  the  office  of  coronation.  It  is, 
however,  highly  probable,  that  these  two  judicious  and  na- 
tional historians,  have  on  this  occasion  fallen  into  an  errour. 
Benedetti,  in  his  Fatto  d'arme  sul  Tarro,  asserts  that  Alex- 
'ander  positively  refused  to  comply  with  the  request  of  the 
king  ;  in   consequteftce   of  which  Charles,  forgetting  his 

expedition 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH,  323 

appointment  did  not,  however,  deter  Charles'  from  chap. 
displaying  to  the  Neapolitans,  before  his  depai'ture      iv. 
a  splendid  pageant.     On  the  twelfth  day  of  May,     1495. 
the  princes  and  chief  nobility,  both  of  France  and  ^.  20. 
Naples,  and  the  great  barons  from  other  parts  of 
Italy,  assembled  at  Poggio  Imperiale,  and  accom- 
panied the  king  in  a  solemn  procession  into  the  city 
of  Naples,  where  he  made  his  publick  entry,  as 
king  of  France,  Sicily,  and  Jerusalem.     He  was 
clad  in  an  imperial  mantle ;  the  crown  on  his  head  ; 
in  his  right  hand  he  held  the  ball  of  gold,  the  proud' 
symbol  of  universal  empire;  in  his  left  the  sceptre. 
The  canopy  was  supported  by  some  of  the  first  no- 
bility of  Naples.     The  duke  de  Mompensier  ap- 
peared as  lieutenant  general,  and  viceroy  of  the 
kingdom.      Among  those  who  were  habited  in 

roA'ai 


expedition  to  Jerusalem,  threatened  to  overturn  the  go- 
vernments of  Italy,  and  the  dominion  of  the  pope,  p.  9, 
The  negative  opinion  is  also  strongly  confirmed  by  the 
French  annalists.  Commines  coldly  informs  us  that  the 
king  Avas  crowned,  iiv.  vii.  chap.  14  ;  and  Andre  de  la 
Vigne,  although  he  minutely  describes  the  ceremony  in 
which  Charles  swore  to  maintain  the  rights  of  the  people, 
and  enumerates  the  chief  of  the  French  nobility  who  were 
present  on  that  occasion,  neither  notices  the  papal  investi- 
ture, nor  even  asserts  that  any  coronation  took  place.  The 
subsequent  flight  of  Alexander,  on  the  second  visit  of  the 
king  to  Rome,  may  also  be  admitted  as  an  additional  proof, 
that  he  had  not  complied  with  the  wishes  of  the  kiag  in 
granting  his  sanction  for  the  coronation. 


324  I-IFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  royal  mantles,  as  related  to  the  king,  were  Philip 
IV.      de  Bresse,    alterwards  duke  of  Savoy,  Monsieur 
1 49  5.    de  Foix,  Monsieur  de  Luxemburg,  and  Monsieur 
&t  20.  de  Vendosnie.     As  he  entered  the  city,  he  was 
met  by  great  numbers  of  the  nobility  and  chief 
inhabitants,  \\]t\\  their  wi^•es,   who  presented  to 
him  their  chilcbcn,  from  the  age  of  eight  to  six- 
teen, requesting  that    he    would  grant  them  the 
order  of  knighthood,  with  Mhich  he  readily  com- 
plied.    Jean  Daunay  performed  on  this  occasion 
the  office  of  champion ;  he  was  drest  in  complete 
armour,  and  was  mounted  on  a  horse  richly  capi\- 
risoned.      If  we  may  believe  de  la  Vigiie,    the 
citizens  of  Naples  confessed  they  had  ncAcr  before 
beheld  so  accomplished  a  cavalier.  Proceeding  to  the 
cathedral,  the  king  approached  the  great  altar,  where 
he  promised,  under  the  sanction  of  a  solenm  oath, 
to  maintain  the  rights  of  his  new  subjects,  and 
was  gratified  by  the  temporary  assurances  of  dieir 
loyalty  and  allegiance.     On  Uiis  occasion  the  cele- 
brated Pontano  is  said  to  have  addressed  the  king, 
as  the  orator  of  the  people  of  Naples ;    and  the 
tenour  of  his  discourse,  which  was  supposed  to 
inculpate  the  unfortunate  monarchs  of  the  house  of 
Arairon,  bv  whom  he  had  been  unifonnlv  favoured 
and  jirotectcd,  has  stained  his  clvaracter  with  the 
Indelible  blot  of  ingratitude.     As  this  oration  has 
not  reached  the  present  limes,  it  is  not  easy  to 
determine  how  far  the  accusation  against  him  is 
well  founded ;  but   the  circumstance,   if  true,  is 
it§clf  unfavourable  to  the  fame  of  the  Neapolitan 

scholai- ; 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  325 

scholar ;  and  it  miiy  readily  be  inferred,  that  if  he  c  ii  a  p. 
undertook  an  office  so  inconsistent  with  his  own      ^^- 
honour,  he  would  not  display  much  delicacy  in     i495. 
its  execution. '  ^^  ^^' 


But  although  Cliarles  did  not  diink  proper  any  chanes  re- 
longer  to  liazard  his  own  person,  in  the  defence  J"'^^"^""' 
of  liis  newly  acquired  dominions,  he  judged  it  ex-  *'^ 
pedient  to  leave  a  part  ©f  his  troops,  under  the 
command  of  his  most  able  generals,  in  possession 
of  the  capital,  and  of  the  fortresses  of  the  kingdom, 
with  assurances,  that  he  would  not  only  supply 
them  with  the  necessary  means  of  defence,  but 
would  shortly  return  into  Italy,  at  the  head  of  a 

more 


fanes, 


f  It  was  most  probably  also  on  this  occasion,  that  Raf- 
faello  Brandolini,  called  IJ/ifio  BrandoUni  il  giovanc,  made 
a  panegyrick  oration  before  the  king,  which  he  immediately 
turned  into  verse ;  on   which  Charles  is  said  to  have  ex- 
claimed, Magnus  orator,  stimmua  fioeta.     It  is  certain  tliat 
the  monarch  conferred  on  Raffaello  a  pension  of  one  hun- 
dred crowns,  and  gave  him  an  honourable  diploma,  which 
bears  date  at  Castel   Cupuano,  the   18th    May,   1495  ;  in 
which  he  assigns  as  a  reason  for  his  bounty,  the  services 
which  Raffaello  had  rendered,  and  might  yet  render  to  the 
king,  and  that  he  might  be  enabled  to  pursue  his  studies 
to  advantage.  In  this  diploma  he  is  said  to  have  been  c£cus 
a  nativitate  ;  but  Mazzuchelli  conjectures  from  his  appella- 
tion of  Lippo,  that  he  was  not  born  blind,    v.  Mhzz.  Scrit- 
tori  d'  Italia,  vol.  vi.  fi.  2018.  tit.  Brandolini.     It  is  indeed 
not  improbable  that  Brandolini.    and  not  Pontano,  made 
the  oration  before  the  king  on  his  coronation  at  Naples. 


326  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  more  powerful  army.    Of  all  the  measures  adopted 

^^'     by  Charles  on  this  expedition,  and  which  Com- 

1495.     mines  uniformly  represents  as  a  series  of  errours 

JEt.20.  ^^^  absurdities,  this,  upon  which  he  makes  no 
comment,  was  the  most  imprudent,  and  proved 
in  tlie  event  the  most  destructive.  Had  he  con- 
centrated his  strength  in  Naples,  and  endeavoured 
to  obtain  the  speediest  reenforcements,  either  by 
the  passes  of  the  Alps,  or  by  means  of  his  fleet, 
it  would  have  given  confidence  and  security  to  his 
adherents,  and  enabled  him  to  defend  himself 
against  the  meditated  attack.  Or,  had  he  deter- 
mined to  relinquish  his  conquests  as  untenable,  he 
might  have  returned  at  the  head  of  his  troops,  if 
not  \A  ith  honour,  at  least  Avith  safety,  to  his  own 
dominions ;  but  by  dividing  his  forces,  he  exposed 
his  own  person  to  the  danger  of  an  attack  from 
the  superiour  numbers  of  his  enemies,  which  had 
nearly  proved  fatal  to  him,  and  left  the  remainder 
of  his  troops  to  support  a  hopeless  and  destructive 
contest  with  the  arms  of  the  allies,  and  the  parti- 
sans of  the  house  of  Aragon.  On  quitting  the 
capital,  he  intrusted  the  command  of  his  forces  to 
the  duke  de  Mompensier  ;  \\^ho,  not^rithstanding 
his  indolence,  or  his  levity,  had  served  his  master 
on  all  occasions  with  courage  and  fidelit}\  ^  D'Au- 

bigny, 


e  "  Bon  chevalier  et  hardy,"  says  Commines,  "  mais 
"  peu  sage.     II  ne  sg  levoit  qu'il  ne  fut  midi." 

Mem.  liv:  viii.  chaju  i. /i.  217. 


OF  LEO  THE  TfeNTH.  S27 

bigny,  who  had  been  recompensed  for  his  labours  chap. 
with  the  states  of  Acri  and  Squillazzo,  and  the  ^^'  _ 
title  of  grand  constable  of  Naples,  was  appointed  ^^^s- 
to  the  chief  command  in  Calabria.  The  strong  -^^^  ^^' 
holds  of  the  kingdom  were  intrusted  by  Charles 
to  his  most  experienced  commanders.  Of  the 
Italian  nobility,  the  family  of  Colonna  avail- 
ed themselves  the  most  effectually  of  his  bounty, 
and  were  appointed  to  the  chief  offices  of  the  state ; 
and  it  was  supposed  to  be  at  their  request,  that 
Chai'les  retained  as  prisoners  the  count  of  Pitiglia- 
no  and  Virginio  Orsino,  the  chiefs  of  the  rival 
family  of  that  name,  "\\  ho  had  been  arrested  whilst 
under  the  sanction  of  a  safe  conduct  from  the 
king.  These  favours  did  not,  however,  secure 
the  fidelity  of  his  Roman  aUies,  who  had  already 
entered  into  a  secret  correspondence  with  his  ene- 
mies, and  on  his  departure  were  the  first  to  oppose 
his  authority ;  not,  perhaps,  as  Commines  asserts, 
without  cause ;  but  because  they  were  aware  that 
the  king,  by  the  imprudent  division  of  his  forces, 
had  deprived  that  authority  of  its  necessary'  sup- 
port.** 

On  the  twentieth  day  of  May,  1495,  Charles  Proceeds 
quitted  Naples,    and  proceeded  directly  towards  Trmy  '* 
Rome.     He  was  accompanied  by  Gian-Giacopo  ^^^^^  ^^^ 
.Trivulzio,  at  the  head  of   one   hundred  lances,  territories. 

three 


^  Mem.  de  Commines^  Uv.  viii.  cha^i/x.^.  317,  218. 


328  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  three  hundred  Swiss  infantiy,  one  thousand  French, 
IV.  and  an  equal  number  of  Gascons.  Commines 
1495.    estimates  his  force  at  nine  thousand  men;  all  of 

Mt.  20.   wiiom,  as  he  informs  us,  were  young  and  in  high 
.^irits,  fully  persuaded  that  they  should  meet  with 
no  opponents  able  to  take  the  field  against  them. 
Alexander  VI.  Avas  too  sensible  of  the  offences 
which  he  had  committed,  in  joining  the  alliance, 
and  refusing  the  bull  of  investiture,  to  trust  for  his 
safety  to  the  assurances  of  the  king;  and,  being 
apprized  of  his  approach,  quitted  the  city  two  days 
before  the  aiTival   of  the  French,  and  fled  to  Or- 
vieto,  leaving  the  cardinal  S.  Anastasio,  as  his  legate^ 
to  receive  the  French  monarch  with  due  honour. 
The  rest  of  the  college  of  cai'dinals  accompanied 
the  pope ;  \vho  was  also  escorted  by  two  hundred 
men  at  arms,  one  tliousand  light  horse,  and  three 
thousand  infantr}-.^  Charles,  after  paying  his  de- 
votions at  the  great  altar  of  St.  Peters,^  speedily 
quitted  the  city  without  offering  any  violence  to  the 
inhabitants,  and  directed  his  course  towards  Vi- 
terbo;    in    consequence  of  which  the  pope   left 

Orvieto 


i   Guicciard.  lib.  ii.  ~o.  i,Ji.  94. 

i  "  Lundy  premier  de  Juing  le  roy  eiitra  dedans 
"  Romme,  etfut  loge  au  palais  du  cardinal  Sainct  Clement* 
«***£(-  incontinent  qu'il  fut  a  Romme,  ainsi  que  bon 
"  et  loyal  catholique,  il  alia  en  I'eglise  de  Monsieur  Sainct 
"  Pierre  de  Romme,  faire  ses  offrandes."  &c. 

Verier  d^ HonntMT . 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  32& 

Gh-vieto,  and  passod  on  to  Perugia,  whence  it  was  chap. 
his  intention,  if  the  king  approached,  to  retire  to      ^^' 
Ancona,  and  take  shipping  for  some  other  part  of    1495. 
Italy.  Mt.  30. 


Ar-ives  sit 


terbo. 


Charles  arrived  at  Viterbo,  on  the  fifth  day  of  ^j 
June,  and  reniained  there  until  the  eighth  day  of 
the  same  month,  during  which  time  he  availed 
himself  of  the  opportunity  of  seeing  the  body  of 
S.  Rosa,  which  the  priests  showed  him  in  real 
llesh  and  blood,  assuring  him,  she  was  only  in  a 
trance.''  He  here  received  intelligence  that  his 
advanced  guai'd  had  met  with  some  resistance  at 
Xoscanella,  a  fortified  town  belonging  to  the  pope, 
in  consequence  of  which  they  had  taken  the  place 
by  storm,  and  plundered  it,  with  the  slaughter  of 
about  six  hundred  of  the  inhabitants  y  an  event 
which  is  said  to  have  gi\^en  him  great  dissatisfac* 
tion  ;  as  he  was  desirous  of  passing  tlirough  the 
territories  of  the  church  in  as  pacifick  a  manner  as 
posssible. 

On  the  approach  of  the  king  towards  Siena,  he  ^i"„'J"** 
was  met  by  a  deputation  of  th6  chief  inhabitants^ 
w^ho  conducted  him  into  the  city ;  where  he  was 

received 


^  "  Et  apres  la  grant  messe  alia  veoir  le  corps  de  ma- 
"  dame  Saincte  Hose,  qui  repose  au  dit  Viterbe,  en  chair 
"  et  en  os,  et  n'est  que  transie." 

Fergier  d'Honnenr. 

VOL.  I.  t  t 


jfUGT.  .      LIFE  AND  rONTIFICATE 

c<n  A  P.  received  with  great  honour,  and  remained  for  sevc- 
IV-      ral  days,  attracted  by  the  charms  of  female  beauty^ 
1495.     and  gratified  by  the  sumptuous  banquets  prepared 
iEt.-  20.   for  him.  He  had  here  an  interview  Avith  his  ambas- 
sadour,  Phihpde  Commines,  then  just  arrived  from 
Venice  ;  whom  he  questioned  with  appai'ent  jocula- 
rity, but  perhaps  not  without  real  anxiety,  as  to  the 
prepai-ations  made  for  opposing  his  return.^     The 
answer  of  Commines  was  not  calculated  to  allay 
his  apprehensions.     He  assured  the  king  that  he 
had  been  informed  by  the  senate,  that  the  united 
arm}'    of  the  Venetians  and  the  duke  of  Milan, 
would  amount  to  forty  thousand  men ;  but  that 
they  were  intended  to  act  only  on  the  defensive, 
and  AAOuld  not  pass  the  river  Oglio,  unless  the 
kina:  should  attack  the  states  of  Milan.   Commines 
availed  himself  of  this  opportunity  to  entreat  the 
kmg  to  hasten  his  departure,  before  his  enemies 
could  have  assembled  their  forces,  or  receive  suc- 
cours from  the  emperour  elect,  who  was  reported 
to  be  raising  considerable  levies ;  but  Charles  suf- 
fered himself  to  be  detained  by  a  negotiation  w  ith 
the  deputies  of  Florence,  who  met  him  at  Siena, 
and  solicited,  with  the  utniost  eagerness,  the  resto- 
ration of  Pisa,  offering  not  only  to  pay  the  con- 
tribution stipulated  in  the  tieat}',  but  to  ad\'ancc 
him  seventy  thousand  ducats  as  a  loan,  and  to 
despatch  their  Condottiero^  Francesco  Secco,  with 

three 


'  Commines^  liv.  viii.  chaji.  ii./j.  218. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  53i 

ihree  hundred  men  at  arms,  and  two  thousand  chap. 
infantry,  to  attend  him,  until  his  arrival  at  Asti.      ^"^* 


The  more  prudent  part  of  his  followers  earnestly  1495. 
advised  the  king  to  accede  to  so  advantageous  a  pro-  -Et.  20. 
posal ;  but  the  prince  de  Ligny,  a  }  oung  man,  his 
cousin  and  favourite,  having  observed,  that  it  Mould 
be  a  pity  to  deliver  up  the  people  of  Pisa  into  the 
power  of  their  tyrants,  Charles,  acting  under  the 
impulse  of  his  feelings,  and  disregarding  at  once 
his  interest  and  his  oath,  rejected  the  ofter.""  In 
like  opposition  to  die  advice  of  his  most  judicious 
counsellors,  but  at  the  request  of  some  of  the  inha- 
bitants of  Siena,  he  appointed  the  prince  de  Ligny, 
governour  of  diat  place  ;  who  deputed  his  autho- 
rity to  Monsieur  de  Villeneuve  as  his  lieutenant, 
with  whom  die  king  left  an  escort  of  three  hundi-ed 
men ;  thereby  dimuiishing  his  forces  at  this  criti- 
cal juncture,  \\ithout  the  posibility  of  deriving 
from  it  the  slightest  advantage.  In  fact  the  go- 
vernour and  his  attendants  were  expelled  the  city 
in  less  than  a  month  from  his  departure." 

s 

It  appears  to  ha\e  been  the  intention  of  Charles  ;,"[,"  savqna. 
to  have  proceeded  from  Siena  to  Florence ;  for  '■°'='* 
which  purpose,  he  advanced  as  far  as  Campana, 
a  small  town  at  no  great  distance  from  that  city ;° 

but 

""  Mem.  de  Comniines,  liv.  viii.  chap.  ii.  p.  220. 

n  Ibid. 

°  .indre  de  la  Viffne,  Vernier  d^Honr^eur. 


332  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  but  on  his  arrival  there,  he  found,  that  although 
IV'      the  Florentines  had  made  preparations  to  receive 
1495.    him  with  due  honour,  they  had  collected  a  consj- 
Mi.  20.  derable  number  of  troops,  and  had  filled  the  city 
with  armed  men.     These  precautions  were  per- 
haps not  so  much  to  be  attributed  to  their  appre- 
hensions from  the  king,  as  to  their  dread  of  the 
restoration  of  the  authority  of  the  Medici.     They 
were  already  apprized  that  Piero  had  attached  him- 
self to  the  cause  of  the  French,  and  that  he  was  then 
actually  in  the  camp  ;P  and  they  justly  feared,  that 
if  he  were  admitted  within  the  ^^alls,  he  might 
avail  himself  of  their  assistance  to  regain  his  former 
ascendancy.     Unwilling  to  engage  in  a  contest, 
Charles  changed  his  intentions,  and  directed  his 
course  towards  Pisa.  In  his  route  he  passed  through 
the  town  of  Poggibonza,  where  he  had  an  inter^ 
view  with  the  monk  Savonarola,  who  had  been 
sent  by  the  Florentines,  for  the  express  purpose  of 
prevailing  upon  him  to  deliver  up  to  them  the  city 
of  Pisa,  and  the  other  fortified  places  of  Tuscany, 
which  had  been  conditionally  intrusted  to  him. 
The  persuasions  of  Savonarola  were  accompanied 
by  threats  and  denunciations,  that  if  the  king  viola- 
ted the  oath  M'hich  he  had  sworn,  with  his  hand 
on  the  evangelists,  and  in  the  sight  of  God,  he 
would  incur  the  wrath  of  heaven,  and  meet  with  a 
merited  punishment;    but  these  representations, 

although 

P  Guiccmrd.  lib.  ii.  v.  i.  Ji,  98. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  333 

although  urged  by  the  fanatick  with  his  usual  ve-  chap. 
hemence,   seem  to  have  been  little  regarded  by      ^v- 
Charles  ;  who  at  some  times  undertook  to  restore     1495. 
the  places,  and  at  others  alleged,  that  prior  to  his   J^t.  20. 
oath,  he  had  promised  the  citizens  of  Pisa  to  main- 
tain their  liberty  ;^   thus  availing  himself  of  the 
inconsistent  engagements  made  with  each  of  the 
contending  parties,  to  frustrate  the  requisitions,  of 
both. 


On  the  arrival  of  Cliarles  at  Pisa,  the  same  Eager  en. 

treaties  of 

solicitations  and  entreaties,  "\\ith  which  he  had  been  the  inhabi 

.       tantstoob' 

assailed  in  his  route  to^vards  Naples,  were  agam  tain  their 
renewed  with  additional  importunity,  and  no  mea- 
sures were  omitted,  which  might  induce  him  to 
take  the  inhabitants  under  his  protection,  and 
enable  them  to  throw  off  the  hateful  yoke  of  the 
Florentines.  In  fact,  the  spirit  of  political  inde- 
pendence was  never  more  strongly  evinced  by  any 
people  than  by  the  inhabitants  of  this  place  ;  who 
already  began  to  manifest  that  inflexible  disposi- 
tion, which  supported  them  through  the  long  and 
severe  trial  which  they  were  destined  to  undergo. 
The  streets  of  the  city  were  lined  with  escutcheons, 
and  bannerets  of  the  arms  of  France  ;  the  principal 
citizens,  with  all  their  attendants,  were  ready  to 
receive  the  king  ;  and  the  children,  drest  in  white 
satin,  embroidered  with  the  Jlcurs  de  lys^  saluted 

him 


1  Guicciard.lib.u.  v.  i./t.  98. 


334        '  ^IFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  him   with   exclamations  of    Fhe  h  Ro'i. — Vhe 

IV.      la  France.     As  he  proceeded  towards  the  bridge, 

1495.     an  emblematical  exhibition  v/as  prepared,  on  a 

Ex..  20.  scaifold  decorated  widi  rich  tapestry,  which  repre- 
sented a  figure  mounted  on  horseback,  completely 
armed,  so  as  to  resemble  a  king  of  France.  His 
mantle  was  strewed  with  lilies,  and  in  his  hand  he 
held  a  naked  sword,  the  point  turned  towards 
Naples.  Under  the  feet  of  his  horse,  were  the 
figures  of  a  lion  and  of  a  large  serpent,  intended 
to  represent  the  states  of  Florence  and  of  Milan. 
On  the  follo\\ing  day,  the  king  was  formally  re- 
quested, by  a  large  body  of  the  inhabitants,  to 
take  them  under  his  safeguard ;  but  his  answer 
was,  as  usual,  equivocal  and  unsatisfactory.  Those 
assurances,  which  the  citizens  could  not  obtain, 
were  next  solicited  by  their  wives  and  daughters  ; 
who,  cloathing  themselves  in  mourning,  proceeded, 
bare-footed,  through  the  streets  towards  the  apart- 
ments of  the  king ;  and,  being  admitted  to  his  pre- 
sence, supplicated,  with  loud  cries  and  exclama- 
tions, his  compassion  on  their  husbands,  fathers, 
and  children,  entreating  him  to  protect  them  against 
their  oppressors.  "■  In  his  reply,  Charles  assured 
them  of  his  affection  for  the  inhabitants  of  Pisa, 
and  promised  so  to  arrange  matters,  diat  they 
should  have  reason  to  be  perfectly  satisfied.  The 
method  which  he  took  for  this  purpose,  was  to 

garrison 


-r   Yergier  d^honneur. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  335 

garrison  the  citadel  with  French  soldiers,  the  com-  chap. 
mand  of  \\'hom  he  intrusted  to  D'Entraghes,  one      ^^• 


of  the  most  profligate  of  his  followers  ;^  who,  with-      1495. 
out  regarding  either  the  honour  of  his  sovereign,   -£t.  20. 
or  the  wishes  of  the  inhabitants,  availed  himself 
of  the  first  opportunity  of  converting  his  trust  to 
the  purposes  of  his  own  emolument. 

After  remaining  six  or  seven  days  at  Pisa, 
Charles  proceeded  throus:h  Lucca  and  Pietra  San-  Louis,  duke 

^  o       ^  ^  of  Orleans, 

ta,  to  Sarzana.  "^  On  his  arrival  there,  he  received  claims  the 
information,  that  the  Genoese  had  shown  a  dispo-  MHaa. 
sition  to  free  themselves  from  the  dominion  of  the 
duke  of  Milan,  whereupon  he  despatched  the  duke 
de  Bresse,  w  ith  one  hundred  and  twenty  men  at 
arms,  and  five  hundred  infantry,  to  encourage  the 
attempt ;  which  w  as  also  to  be  supported  by  the 
French  fleet,  which  had  sailed  for  that  purpose 
from  Naples.  The  Genoese,  however,  retained 
their  fidelity  ;  the  fleet  was  wholly  defeated  and 
captured  at  Rapallo ;  and  the  duke  de  Bresse  with 

difficulty 


s  "  Un  appele  Entragues,  homme  bien  mal  condition- 
ne  :"  says  Commines,  liv.  viii.  chafi.  in. 

t  At  Lucca,  says  Andre  de  la  Vigne,  the  king 
"  Fut  festie  moult  honnorablement, 
'*  En  submettant  la  ville  entierement : 
"  Les  corps,  les  biens  des  homines  et  des  femmes, 
'^  A  son  plaisir  et  bon  commandement, 
'f  Pour  le  servir  de  cueur,  de  corps,  et  dames."-* 


336  I-IFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

€  H  A  P.  difficulty  effected  a  junction  with  the  king  at  Asti, 

IV.      when  it  was  too  late  to  render  him  any  service* 

1495.     In  the  mean  time  the  duke  of  Orleans  had  not  only 

^t.  20.    secured  the  to\\Ti  of  Asti,  through  which  Charles 

was  necessarily  to  pass,  but  having  also  captured 

the  city  of  Novara,  a  pai't  of  the  territory  of  Milan, 

had  begun  to  set  up  his  hereditary  pretensions,  as 

a  descendant  of  the  Visconti,  to  the  dominion  of 

that  dutchy. 

The  advanced  guard  of  the  French  army  was 
t^Hnhiif  led  by  the  marshal  de  Gies,  who  was  accompanied 
tantsofPon.  i^y  Qian-Giacopo  Trivulzio.  In  approaching  the 
fortified  town  of  Pontremoh,  advantageously  situa- 
ted at  the  foot  of  the  Appenines,  and  which  was 
garrisoned  with  three  or  four  hundred  soldiers, 
some  resistance  was  expected  j  but  on  the  ap- 
proach of  the  French,  the  place  was  surrendered 
without  the  necessity  of  an  attack.  On  the  troops 
being  admitted  within  the  town,  a  quaiTel,  however, 
arose  between  some  of  the  inhabitants  and  a  party 
of  German  soldiers  in  the  service  of  the  French, 
in  which  about  forty  of  the  latter  lost  their  lives ; 
a  circumstance  which  so  exasperated  the  rest  of 
their  countrymen,  that  they  not  onl}-  attacked  and 
massacred  the  inhabitants,  but  set  fire  to  the  place. 
By  this  act  of  barbai-ity  they  consumed  a  consider- 
able quantity  of  provisions,  of  which  the  French 
army  then  stood  in  the  greatest  need.  This  out- 
rage, which  it  was  not  in  the  power  of  the  marshal 
dc  Gies  to  prevent,  was  highly  resented  by  the 

king ; 


mines. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  .     337 

king ;  not  only  on  account  of  the  loss  of  the  nje-  c  h  a  p. 

cessary  supplies,  at  a  time  when  his  troops  were  iv- 

almost  perishing  for  want,   but  of  the   disgrace  149  5. 

which  it  attached  to  his  arms  ;"  and  it  was  only  in  ^t.  20. 
consequence  of  a  most  essential  service,  which  the 
German  auxiliaries  soon  afterwards  rendered  to 
him,  that  they  were  restored  to  his  favour. 

Having  quitted  Sarzana,  Charles  nov/ arrived 
at  the  foot  of  the  Appenines,  near  the  town  of  Villa  ^''^''" 

_,  .  passes  the 

rranca;  havmg  consumed  nearly  six  weeks  in  his  ^w* 
march  from  Naples,  at  a  time  when  his  safety 
chiefly  depended  upon  his  passing  the  mountains, 
before  his  enemies  had  assembled  a  sufficient  force 
to  oppose  his  progi-ess.  The  same  good  fortune, 
which  had  attended  him  on  his  descent  to  Naples, 
seemed,  however,  to  accompany  him  on  his  return, 
and  frequently  reminded  i«s  annalist,  Commines, 
of  an  interview  which  he  had  at  Florence,  with 
Savonarola,  in  w  hose  predictions  he  appears  to 
have  placed  great  confidence;  and  who  assured 
him,  "  That  God  would  conduct  the  king  in  safe- 
"  ty,  without  the  loss  of  his  honour  ;  but  that,  as 
"  a  punishment*  for  his  neglecting  the  reformation 
"  of  the  church,  and  indulging  his  soldiers  in  their 

''  licentiousness, 


"  "  Tant  pour  la  honte,  qu'a  cause  des  grans  vivres  qui 
"  y  estoient,"  says  Commines,  l/v.  viii.  cAa/i.  4.  a  passage 
which  is  perfectly  intelligible  ;  although  his  commentator, 
Sauvages,  suggests  the  alteration  oi  honte  to  bonte. 

VOL.  I.  U  U 


338  IIJE  And  PONTIFICATE 

G  H  A  p.  "  licentiousness,  he  must  feel    a    stroke  of  the 

iv^; "scourge.""     In  ascending  the  mountains,   the 

1495.     army  deviated  from  its  former  tracks  and  inclined 
Jit.  20.   to  the  right,  towards  Parma,  where  they  met  with 
steep  acclivities,  \^  hich  rendered  the  conveyance  of 
their  aitillery,  of  which  they  had  about  forty  heavy 
pieces,  a  labour  of  extreme  difficulty.     On  this 
occasion  the  German  auxiliaries  offered  their  ser- 
vices to  the  king,  to  transport  the  cannon  by  their 
own  labour,  provided  he  would  restore  them  to  his 
favour.     Yoking  themselves  in  couples,  like  beasts 
of  biuthen,  one  or  two  hundred  to  a  piece  of  artil- 
lery, arid  aided  by  such  horses  as  could  be  spared, 
they  at  length  reached  the  summit  of  the  moun- 
tains ;  but  the  danger  and  difficulty  of  descending 
were  not  less  than  those  which  they  had  experi- 
enced in  the  ascent,  on  account  of  the  frequent 
precipices  which  they .  were  obHged  to  pass;  and 
which  induced  several  of  the  officers  to  advise  the 
kirig  to  destroy  his  artillery,  in  order  to  expedite 
his  progress ;  but  to  this  he  would  by  no  means 
,     consent.     It  is,  however,  certain,  that  without  the 
aid  of  the  Germans,  the  difficulties  of  conveying 
the  artillery  over  these  rugged  and  trackless  wilds 
would  have  been  v\  holly  insurmountable. 

Charles  had  now  passed  the  summit  of  those 
hills,   which  form  the  northern  extremity  of  the 

Appenires, 

I  I  ■        - 

^  Commines,  liv.  viii,  c/ia/i.  ii.  fi.  220. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  339 

Appenines,  aiid  was  winding  his  array  through  the  chap. 
steep  and  narrow  defiles  of  the  mountains;   when,      ^^•_ 
as  the  plains  of  Lombardy  opened  upon  his  sight,     1495. 
he  perceived,  at  the  distance  of  a  few  miles,  tlie   ^t.  20. 
tents  and  pavilions  of  a  numerous  army,  assembled  is  opposed  by 

y-v,.    ,  .  the  •llied 

by  the  allies,  to  oppose  his  progress.  Oi  this  army,  army  under 
the  chief  command  was  intrusted  to  Francesco  |,/Ma*X'.' 
Gonzaga,  marquis  of  Mantua,  who  was  assisted 
by  his  uncle  Ridolfo,  a  soldier  of  acknowledged 
honour,  and  great  experience.  Under  the  mar- 
quis, several  of  the  most  celebrated  generals  in 
Italy  led  the  different  bodies  of  ^\'hich  the  allied 
army  was  composed.  The  number  is  variously 
stated  by  contemporary  authors.  If  we  may  credit 
the  Italian  writers,  the  amount  scarcely  exceeded 
that  of  the  French  ;  bat  Commines  estimated  theni 
at  the  least,  at  thirty-five  thousand  men. 

The  allied  army  had  already  occupied  an  emi- 
nence on  the  banks  of  the  river  Taro,  one  of  the 
numerous  streams  of  the  Appenines,  which  dis- 
charge themselves  into  the  Po,  between  Parma  and 
Piacenza.  '"^     At  the  distance  of  about  tliree  miles 

fiom 


^  Cornazzano,  in  one  of  his  sonnets,  enumerates  twenty 
.of  these  tributary  rivers  j  and  he  might  have  recorded  a% 
many  more  : 

"  Non  ti  maravigliar  se'l  Po  vien  grosso 

"  A  primuvera,  e  cresce  in  Ferrarese  ; 

*'  Vinti  gran  fiumi  gli  fanno  le  spese 

"  Di  neve  alpestre,  che  gli  scolla  adosso,"  8cc. 


340  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP  from  the  Italian  camp,  the  advanced  guard  of  the 

IV'      French  took  possession  of  the  small  town  of  For- 

1495.     nova.     From  this  place  the  marshal  de  Gies  de- 

^t.  20.  spatched  a  messenger  to  the  allied  army,  requesting 
that  the  king  might  be  alloM'ed  to  pass  without 
interruption  to  his  own  dominions,  and  might  be 
supplied  with  provisions,  for  which  he  was  wilimg 
to  pay.  On  the  arrival  of  the  main  body  of  the 
French  ai^my,  which  encamped  on  the  banks  of 
the  river,  between  that  of  the  allies  and  the  town 
of  Fornova,  these  demands  were  repeated  ;  and 
Commines,  who  was  personally  acquainted  with 
the  Venetian  commissaries,  was  directed  to  for- 
ward the  negotiation.  Commines,  whilst  he  under- 
took the  commission,  told  the  king,  with  great 
sincerity,  that  he  had  little  hopes  of  success,  as  he 
had  never  known  tw^o  such  large  armies,  so  near  to 
each  other,  quit  the  field  without  a  trial  of  their 
strength.  ^  Nor  was  he  mistaken  in  this  conjec- 
ture ;  for  the  commissaries,  after  consulting  the 
chief  officers,  returned  for  answer,  that  they  could 
not  consent  to  any  pacification,  unless  the  king 
would  first  lay  down  his  arms,  and  consent  to 
restore  to  the  duke  of  Milan  the  city  of  Novara, 
and  to  the  pope,  the  different  places  in  the  papal 
territories  which  had  been  occupied  by  his  arms. 

A  contest  was  now  unavoidable,  and  both  par- 
ties prepared  for  it,  with  great  devotional  ceremony 

and 

J*  Mem.  de  Commines^  liv.  viii.  ckaji.  \i.fi,  227. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  34l 

and  repeated  exhortations  to  the  soldiery.    A  party  chat. 
Qf  the  stradtotti,  or  hussars,  in  the  service  of  the      iV\_. 
Venetians,   had  approached  towards  the   French     1495. 
camp,  and  fulUng  in  with  a  small  detached  body,   -^t-  20. 
had  killed  several  of  them,  and  dispersed  the  rest,  Preparat  ons 

.  ...  .  for  an  en- 

carr}-ing  off  the  heads  01  the  slain,  m  trmmph,  to  gagement, 
the  Italian  camp.  The  approach  of  evening,  how- 
ever, prevented  the  general  engagement  till  tlie 
following  day ;  but  a  dreadful  storm  of  thundery- 
attended  by  a  copious  fall  of  rain  in  the  night, 
seemed  to  the  superstitious  multitude,  to  announce 
some  important  event,  and  struck  both  armies  with 
terrour.  "  On  Monday,  the  sixth  day  of  July," 
says  Commines,  with  a  simplicity  almost  ludi- 
crous, "  the  gallant  king  Charles,  in  complete 
'  armour,  mounted  his  horse.  Savoy,  which  was 
'  presented  to  him  by  the  duke  of  Savoy ;  he  was 
'  the  finest  horse  I  ever  saw ;  his  colour  was 
'  black,  he  had  only  one  eye,  was  of  a  middle 
'  size,  but  well  proportioned  to  his  rider,  who 
'  seemed,  on  this  occasion,  to  be  quite  a  different 
'  being  from  that  for  wliich  nature  had  intended 
'  him,  both  in  person  and  countenance  ;  for  he 
'  always  appeai'ed,  and  is  still,  timid  in  his  speech, 
'  having  been  educated  among  low  and  effeminate 
'  people  ;  but  on  this  occasion,  his  horse  gave 
'  dignity  to  his  appearance ;  his  countenance  was 
'  firm,  his  complexion  ruddy,  and  his  expressions 
'  bold  and  judicious ;  insomuch  that  they  remind- 
'  ed  me  of  the  promise  of  Savonarola,  that  God 

''  would 


342  LIFE   AND   PONTIFICATE 

CHAP."  would  lead  him  by  the  hand,  and  that  his  honour 
^  -^°       "  would  still  be  preserved  to  him.'"' 

1495. 
^t.  20. 


Battle  of  the 
THro. 


The  advanced  guard  of  the  French  anny  was 
first  directed  to  pass  the  river  with  the  artillery, 
which  was  effected  with  gieat  difficulty,  and  by 
the  aid  of  a  considerable  number  of  beasts  of 
burden.  Next  came  the  battle^  or  cavalry,  in  the 
midst  of  which  was  the  king,  accompanied  by  the 
duke  de  Tremouille.  The  rear  of  the  army  with 
the  baggage,  was  brought  up  by  the  count  de  Foix. 
As  the  French  army  began  to  pass  the  river,  the 
Italians  were  in  motion.  The  marquis  of  Mantua, 
following  close  upon  the  French,  attacked  their 
rear  with  great  impetuosity ;  ^'shilst  the  other  com- 
manders of  the  allied  army,  passing  the  river  in 
different  directions,  assailed  the  French  troops  on 
every  side.  The  marshal  de  Gies,  with  the  ad- 
vanced guard,  maintained  the  strictest  discipline, 
and  proceeded  with  little annojance  ;  but  the  king, 
being  compelled  to  turn  his  front,  to  resist  the 
po^\  erful  attack  of  the  marquis  of  Mantua,  found 
himself  suddenly  in  the  midst  of  the  conflict,  and 
was  frequently  in  imminent  danger  of  falling  into 
tlie  hands  of  his  enemies  ;  his  relation,  the  bastard 
of  Bourbon,  having  been  made  a  prisoner  within 
twerity  paces  of  Mm.  In  the  confusion  that  ensued, 
the  commanders  lost  their  authority.     Gonzaga, 

rushing 


y  Commines,  liv.  vii.  chap.  vi.j*.  22r. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  ^43 

rushing  furiously  among  the  enemy,  fought  his  chap* 
way  into  the  midst  of  them  ;  and  after  a  consider-      ^v. 


able  slaughter,  returned  in  safety  to  his  followers.     1495. 
The  French  monarch  is  also  said  to  have  performed  ^t.  20. 
the  duty  of  a  common  soldier.  ^     Whilst  the  event 
yet  remained  doubtful,  the  count  of  Pitigliano,  and 
Virginio  Orsino,  availed  themselves  of  the  oppor- 
tunity of  effecting  tlieir  escape,  and  announced  to 
the  Italians  the  disorder  of  their  enemies,  endea- 
vouring, by  every  possible  means,  to  stimulate 
their  countrymen  to  continue  the  battle,  and  to 
avail  themselves  of  this  occasion  to  destroy  for 
ever,  the  influence  of  the  French  in  Italy.     Their 
exhortations  were,  however,  of  little  ay  ail.     More 
intent  on  plunder  than  on  victory,  the  Italian  sol- 
diery were  inspired  with  no  other  emulation  than 
that  of  acquiring  the  greatest  shai'e  of  the  immense 
booty  which  the  French  had  brought  with  them 
from  Naples,  of  which  having  possessed  them- 
selves, they  deserted  their  standards,  and  took  to 
flight  in  every  direction  ;  and  Charles,  collecting 
his  scattered  army,  was  suflered  to  proceed  on  his 
maixh.     The  royal  standards,  with  the  pavilion  of 
the   king,   and  a  profusion  of  spoil,   fell  into  the 
hands  ol  the  allies ;  *  but  the  French  having  effected 

their 


«  Muratori.  ^walid' Italia,  vol.  ix.  fi.  581. 

^  Among  tliis  booty  were  some  singular  articles  : — 
"  Vi  fu  trovato  uii  libroj  nel  quale,  sotto  diversi  habiti  ed 


rt 


44  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  their  passage,  claimed  the  honour  of  the  victor}-. 
•jv-  The  number  slain  on  the  part  of  the  Italians  was 
1495.     also  much  greater  than  on  that  of  the  French.^ 

JF.t.  20.  Among 


"  eta,  al  naturale  erano  dipinte  molte  femine  per  loro  violate 
"  in  molte  citta,  e  seco  il  portavano  per  memoria'*  Corioj 
Storia  di  Mtlano.  949,  Benedetti  asserts,  that  he  saw  this 
invaluable  treasure  : — "  Vidi  io  un  libro,  nel  quale  erano 
"  dipinte  varie  imagini  di  meretrici,  sotto  diverse  habito  ed 
*'  eta,  ritratte  al  naturale  ;  secondo  che  la  lascivia,  e  I'amore 
"  I'aveva  tratto  in  ciascuna  citta  :  queste  gortava  egli  (il  Re) 
"  seco  dipinte  fier  ricordarsene  poi."  Fatto  d'arme  del 
Tarro,  /?.  31. 

^  Summonte  asserts,  that  two  thousand  of  the  French, 
and  four  thousand  Italians  were  slain  in  the  engagement  ; 
Storia  di  J\''afioli,  vol.  iii.  p.  582  ;  but  the  number  is  exagge- 
rated. The  slaughter  of  the  Italians  was  in  the  proportion 
of  more  than  ten  to  one  of  the  French,  who  lost  only  from 
two  to  three  hundred  men.  This  is  in  a  great  degree  to  be 
attributed  to  the  cruelty  of  the  French,  who  massacred  all 
those  who  fell  into  their  hands,  without  making  any  pri- 
soners, v/hilst  such  of  the  French  as  were  taken  by  the 
Italians  were  well  treated,  and  scon  afterAvards  obtained 
their  liberty.  In  an  interview,  which  Commines  had  soon 
after  the  battle,  with  the  Marquis  of  Mantua,  that  com- 
mander recommended  to  him  the  prisoners,  and  particu- 
larly his  uncle  Ridolfo,  whom  he  supposed  to  be  living  ; 
"  mais  je  s^avoye  bien,"  says  Commines,  "  le  contraire  ; 
"  toutefois  je  Tasseuroye  que  tous  les  prisonniers  seroyent 
"  bien  traitez,  et  luy  recommanday  le  Bastard  de  Bourbon 
"  qu'il  tenoit.  Les  prisonniers  par  nous  detenus  estoyent 
'<  bien  aises  a  penser ;  car  il  n'en  y  avoit  point.  Ce  qui 
"  n'advint  par  adventure  jamais  en.bataille." 

Mem.  liv.  viii.  chap,  \\i.p.  2." 3, 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  345 

Among  them  was  Ridolfo  Gonzaga,  with  many  chap, 
otljer  noblemen  and  officers  of  distinguished  rank.      ^^- 
Unaccustomed  to  the  profuse  sheddmg  of  blood  in     ^495. 
battle,  the  Italians  seem  to  have  considered  this  as    ^^'  ^^• 
a  dreadful  engagement.     A  historian  of  great  au-^ 
thority  admits  that  the  event  w  as  doubtful,  and  that 
it  diminished  the  fear  which  the  Italians  had  enter- 
tained  of  the  French ; "  but  Commines  represents 
it  as  an  encounter  of  no  great  importance.     "  It 
*'  was  not,  however,"  says  he,  "  like  the  battles  to 
"  w^hich  the  Italians  had  been  accustomed;  A^hich 
*'  sometimes  continued  a  whole  dav,  without  either 
**  party  gaining  the  victory."  ^ 

In  judging  of  this  engagement,  which  has  been  Misconduct 

of  botli  psu"'" 

described  at  considerable  length,  by  both  the  French  ties. 
and  Italian  historians,  and  from  which  such  decisive 
consequences  were  expected,  it  is  not  easy  to  deter- 
mine whether  the  misconduct  of  the  French,  or  of 

the 


<^  Thuanua  Hist,  nui  Temfi.  lib.  i. 

«*  Mem.  de  Comm.  liv.  viii.  chafi.  vi.  fi.  231.  Machiavelli, 
in  his  Decennale  i.  57.  seems  to  concede  the  victory  to  the 
French  : — 

"  Di  sangue  il  fiume  parea  a  vedello, 
"  Ripien  d'uomini  e  d'arme.  e  di  cavagli, 
"  Caduti  sotto  al  GalUco  coltello. 
"  Cosi  gli  Italian'  lasciaro  andagli ; 
"  E  lor,  senza  temer  gente  awersara 
"  Giunson  in  Asti,  e  senz'  altri  travagH." 
VOL.    I.  XX 


iy. 


46  J.IFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 


c  H  A  P.  the  Italians,  was  the  greater.    The  intention  of  the 
IV'     French  monarch,  seems  to  have  been  to  pass  the 
1495.    river,  and  if  possible  to  avoid  a  battle  ;  in  conse- 
.^t.  20.  quence  of  which  attempt,  he  was  not  only  deprived 
of  the  assistance  of  his  advanced  guard,  in  which 
he  had  placed  almost  all  his  infantry  and  artillery, 
but  was  also  exposed,  both  in  flank  and  in  rear,  to 
the  attack  of  the  allies.     If  instead  of  adopting  a 
measure  which  was  equally  imprudent  and  pusil- 
lanimous, he  had  opposed  his  enemies  in  an  open 
contest,  it  is  easy  to  perceive,  from  the  conse- 
quences of  this  irregular  affray,  how  fatal  the  event 
must  have  been  to  the  arms  of  the  allies ;  and  that 
he  might  afterwards  not  only  have  pursued  his 
march  without  interruption,  but  in  all  probability 
have  possessed  himself  of  the  whole  territor}^  of 
Milan.     Nor  was  the  conduct  of  the  allies  less 
liable  to  reprehension  than  that  of  the   French. 
The  superiority  of  their  numbers,  and  the  advan- 
tages which  they  possessed,  in  attacking  an  enemy 
actually  on  their  march,  and  impeded  by  the  low 
and  marshy  banks  of  the  river,  ought  to  have  se- 
cured to  them  an  easy  and  decisive  victory.     But 
their  army  was  divided  into  many  detachments,  un- 
der generals  who  paid  little  respect  to  the  authority 
of  the  chief  commander.     Of  these,  some  Mere 
unable,  from  the  situation  of  the  place,  and  others 
unwilling,  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  engagement. 
A   great  number  fled  at  the  first  report  of  the 
French  artillery,  and  of  the  remainder,  the  chief 
part  \Acre  employed  in  sacking  the  French  camp, 

and 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  347 

and  securing  for  their  private  use,  as  great  a  share  chap. 
of  the  pkuider  as  they  could  obtain.    The  question  ___£Xl_. 
is  not,  therefore,  \\hich  of  the  contending  parties     i^^^- 
obtained    the    greatest  honour    in    this  engage-   ■^^-  2^* 
ment ;   but  which  of  them  incurred  the  least  dis- 
grace. 

The  dread  which  the  Italians  had  entertained  of 
the  French,  may  in  some  degree  be  estimated  by 
the  exultation  which  the  event  of  the  battle  of  the 
Tare  occasioned  in  Italy.  The  praises  of  the 
marquis  of  Mantua  resounded  in  every  quarter, 
and  the  w  orks  of  contemporary  w  riters  \'et  bear 
ample  testimony  to  his  fame.  Ever  hostile  to  the 
French,  Crinitus  immediately  addressed  to  him  a 
Latin  ode.  Battista  Mantuano,  has  celebrated  his 
prowess  in  a  poetical  allusion  to  his  baptismal 
name ; "  and  Lelio  Capilupi  has  left  a  copy  of  Latin 
verses,  intended  as  an  inscription  for  his  statue. 
Without  prostituting  his  talents  to  national  par- 
tiality,  or  personal  flattery,  Fracastorius  has  also 
adverted  to  this  engagement,  in  a  few  beautiful 
lines,  neai'  the  close  of  the  first  book  of  his  Syp/ii- 

/is, 


^  "  Dant  sua  Romanis  victx  cognomina  genles, 
"  Et  jam  patratum  testificantur  opus  : 
"  At  nondum  victi  dederant  tibi  nomina  Frand, 
''  H.xc  tibi  venture  nuntia  laudis  erat." 


348  LIFE  AND   PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  lis^  which  deserve  to  be  recalled  to  more  particulai- 
^^' —  notice.  ^ 


1495. 

Mx..  20.        ]sJq  sooner  had  Ferdinand,  the  young  king  of 
fetu""' Naples,   received  information    that    Charles    had 
Naples.        quitted  the  city,  than  he  made  a  descent  on  the 
coast  of  Calabria,  at  the  head  of  about  six  thousand 
troops,  hastily  raised  in  Sicily,  and  supported  by 
a  detachment  of  Spaniards,  under  the  command  of 
Gonsalvo  da  Cordova ;  but  the  gallant  d' Aubigny, 
to  whom  the  defence  of  that  part'of  the  kingdom 
had  been  intrusted,  was  prepared  for  their  recep- 
tion ;  and,  in  an  engagement  near  Seminai-a,  de- 
feated them  with  considerable  loss.    Gonsalvo  fled 
across  the  mountains  to  Reggio,  and  Ferdinand 
returned  to  Messina,  after  owing  his  life  to  the 
generosity  of  his  page,  Giovanni  di  Capua,  bro- 
ther to  the  duke  of  Termini,  who  relinquished  his 

horse 


f "  Dii  patrii,  quorum  Ausonia  est  sub  numine,  tuque 
"  Tu  Latii,  Saturne,  pater,  quid  gens  tua  tantum 
"  Est  merita?  An  quidquam  superest  dirique  gravisque 
"  Quod  sit  inexhaustum  nobis  ?  Ecquod  genus  usquara 
"  Aversum  usque  adeo  coelum  tulit?  Ipsa  labores, 
"  Parthenope,  die  prima  tuos,  die  funera  regum, 
"  Et  spolia,  et  prxdas    captivaque  eoUa  tuorum. 
"  An  stragem  infandam  memorem,  sparsumquc  cruorem 

'  "  Gallorumque,  Italiimque  pari  diserimine,  quum  jam 
"  Sanguineum,  et  defuncta  virum,  defunetaque  equorum 
"  Corpora  volventem,  eristasque  atque  arma  trahentem 
^'  Eridanus  pater  aceiperet  rapido  agmine  Tarrum  ?" 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  349 

horse  to  the  king  when  his  own  was  slain  under  chap. 
him,  and  thereby  met  ^^•ith  that  death  which  would      ^^- 
otherwise  have  been  the  fate  of  his  master.     At      ^495. 
Messina  he  fitted  out  a  fleet,  consisting  of  numerous  ^-^  ^^ 
but  small  and  weakly  manned  vessels,  and  pro- 
ceeded towards  Naples,  ^here   he  was  in  hopes 
that  the  inhabitants  would  haA-e  shown  some  de- 
monstrations   of  their  attachment  to  his   cause. 
Disappointed  in  his  expectations,  after  hovering 
three  days  on  the  coast,  he  was  proceeding  to  the 
island  of  Ischia,  when  a  bark  arrived  from  Naples, 
with  information,  that  his  return  A\-as  most  ardently 
w^ished  by  the  inhabitants,  \Aho  were  only  pre- 
vented by  the  presence  of  the  French  soldiery  from 
manifesting  their  loyalty  ;  and  assuring  him,  that, 
if  he  would  make  a  second  descent  on  the  coast, 
they  would  be  ready  to  espouse  his  cause.     On 
the  day  follow  in  g  that  of  the  battle  of  the  Taro, 
Ferdinand  landed  at  Madalena,  near  the  mouth  of 
the  river  Sebeto,  w  ithin  a  mile  of  Naples ;  and 
whilst  the  duke  de  Mompensier  led  out  the  French 
troops  to  oppose    his  progi^ess,    the   inhabitants, 
tumultuously  taking  up  arms,  closed  the  gates  of 
the  cit}'  against  their  conquerors,  and  opened  them 
only  to  receive  their  former  sovereign,  who  entered, 
amidst  the  most  joyful  acclamations,  into  a  place 
which  he  had  quitted  only  a  few  months  before,  as 
an  outcast  and  a  fugitive. 

The  French,  howcA'cr,  still  retained  possession 
of  the  two  fortresses  of  Naples,  the  Castel-niwuoy 

and 


S50  LITE   AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAT,  and  Gastcl  delPUoi:io^  where  the  duke  de  Moni'. 
^^'      pensier  for  some  time  resisted  the  attacks  of  Ferdi- 
1495.     nand,  till,  being  at  length  reduced  to  extremities, 
Ex.  20.    he  effected  his  escape  in  safety  to  Salerno.     At  this 
Contests  bt-  placc  lic  again  raised  the  French  standard,  and 
Frerh'ind    recnforccd  his  small  army  by  the  accession  of  several 
Neapolitans,  jxjwcrful  partisans ;  till,  conceiving  himself  suffi- 
ciently strengthened  to  hazard  another  attack,  he 
approached  towards  Naples,  defeated  a  considera- 
ble body  of  the  Aragonese,  and  occasioned  such 
consternation  in  the  city,  that  the  king  was  once 
more  on  the  point  of  seeking  his  safety  by  flight. 
A  timely  reenforcement  from  the  pope,  and  the 
powerful  assistance  of  Prospero,  and  Fabrizio  Co- 
lonna,  at  length  enabled  Ferdinand  to  repel  his 
enemies ;  and  the  provincial  cities  of  Capua  and 
Nola,  with  many  other  important  places,  returned 
to  their  allegiance,  and  acknowledged  him  as  their 
sovereign.     The  duke  de  Mompensier  withdrew 
into  the  city  of  Atella,  where  he  strongly  fortified 
himself;  whilst  d'Aubigny  still  kept  possession  of 
Calabria,  in  the  hope  of  supporting  himself  till  the 
promised  succours  should  arrive  from  France. 


Expulsion  of       Amongst  the  other  powers  to  whom  Ferdinand 

the  Freimli      ,i  1^.  .  ...  ••iii 

frcii  the  had  resorted  tor  assistance  m  his  necessities,  he  had 
NaSr  "^  ^ot  neglected  the  senate  of  Venice  ;  who,  having 
now  avowed  an  open  hostility  to  the  French,  sent 
to  his  succour  a  well  armed  fleet,  and  a  considera- 
ble body  of  troops,  under  the  command  of  the 
marquis  of  Mantua,  who  had  so  well  established  his 

military 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  351 

military  reputation  at  the  battle  of  the  Taro.  This  chap. 
assistance  was  not,  however,  obtiuned  without  im-      ^^- 
portant  sacrifices  on  the  part  of  the  king  ;  and  the     1495. 
Venetians  were  to  be  put  in  possession  of  Brindisi,    ^^-  ^o- 
Trani,  Gallipoli,  Otranto,  and  other  places  on  the 
coast  of  the  Adriatick,  as  pledges  for  the  perform- 
ance of  the  conditions  on  which  it  was  furnished. 
On  commencing  the  attack  of  Atella,  Ferdinand 
was  also  joined  by  a  body  of  Swiss  troops,  who 
had  just  arrived  in   Italy  to  cooperate    with  the 
French ;  but  who  now  turned  their  arms  agamst 
their  employers,  who  were  no  longer  able  to  advance 
them  the  stipulated  pay.     In  this  emergency,  the 
duke  de  Mompensier  had  recourse  to  d' Aubigny, 
whom  he  earnestly  entreated  to  send  him  imme- 
diate  succours  ;  and  although  that  general,  then 
in  an  infirm  state  of  health,  had  to  contend  with 
the  Spanish  ti'oops  under  the  command  of  Gonsalvo, 
who  had  again  taken  the  field,  yet  he  sent  a  de- 
tachment to  his  assistance,  under  the  command  of 
the  count  de  Moreto,  and  Alberto  Sanseverino. 
Gonsalvo,    however,  surprised  and   defeated  the 
French  troops  on  their  march,  and  made  both  the 
commanders    prisoners.       He  then    hastened    to 
Atella,  and  uniting  his    arms  with  those  of  the 
king,  blockaded  the  place  so  effectually,  that  the 
duke  Mas  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  proposing  a 
capitulation.     A  truce  of  thirty  days  Mas  agreed 
on  ;  and  it  was  further  stipulated,  that  if  within 
that  time  a  considerable  iu-mament  should  not  anive, 
the  duke  should  not  only  surrender  the  fortress  of 

Atella, 


252  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.  Atella,  but  all  the  other  places  dependant  on  the 

J'^-      French  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples.  Having  secured 

1495.    his  own  retreat,  Charles  paid  little  regard  to  the 

Mt.  20.  safety  of  the  faithful  soldiers  whom  he  had  left  in 
Italy.  ^  The  expected  succours  did  not  appear^ 
and  the  treaty  was  accordingly  concluded.  But 
Ferdinand,  ^\'ho  had  engaged  to  send  the  duke  and 
his  troops  by  sea  to  Provence,  led  them  prisoners, 
to  the  iimount  of  about  six  thousand  men,  to  Na- 
ples, v\  hence  they  were  conveyed  to  the  island  of 
Procida,  and  other  unhealthy  places,  where  up- 
wards of  two  thirds  of  them  perished  by  sickness, 
famine,  and  pestilence.  The  duke  de  Mompen- 
sier  shared  the  same  fate,  having  died  at  Pozzuolo, 
leaving  behind  him  the  character  of  a  good  soldier, 
and  a  faithful  subject.  D'Aubigny  had  made  some 
progress  in  Calabria,  but,  hearing  of  the  capitula- 
tion of  Atella,  and  being  again  closely  pressed  by 
Gonsalvo,  he  finally  ^^'ithdrew  his  troops  from  the 
Neapolitan  territory,  and  had  the  good  fortune  to 
return  with  them  in  safety  to  France. 


The  capture  cf  Novara  by  the  duke  of  Orleans, 

Charles  V!U.  ,  *^  ,  "^  ^  •' 

forms  a  new  which  had  bccn  considered  as  an  event  highly  fa- 

illuMice  with  1        T'  1  1-1  1  r- 

Lodovico  vourable  to  the  i!  rench,  proved  m  the  result  one  of 
tet,'i"sto  the  most  humiliating  and  destructive  incidents, 
f ranee.       which  had  occurred  during  the  war.     Soon  after 

the 


Mem.  de  Commmes,  liv.  viii.  cAo/:.  xiii. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH. 


353 


the  battle  of  the  Tare,  No  vara  was  invested  by  the  chap. 
allies,  who  possessed  themselves  of  the  approaches,      ^^* 


and  so  effectually  cut  off  all  supplies,  that  the  duke  ^^^^• 
of  Orleans,  with  a  numerous  garrison,  was  reduced  ■^^'  ^^' 
to  the  utmost  extremity  of  famine.  In  this  emer- 
gency, Charles  had  no  resource  but  to  enter  into 
a  treaty  with  Lodovico  Sforza,  for  a  temporary 
cessation  of  hostilities,  which  he  with  great  diffi- 
culty obtained  ;  and  the  duke  of  Orleans  and  the 
marquis  of  Saluzzo,  with  a  small  party  of  their 
friends,  were  suffered  to  visit  the  king  at  Vercelli, 
under  a  promise  of  returning  to  Noviu'a,  in  case  a 
final  treaty  was  not  concluded  on.  This  circum- 
stance led  to  a  more  general  discussion  between 
die  adverse  parties,  in  the  course  of  which,  Lodo- 
vico again  changed  his  politicks,  and,  without  the 
assent  of  his  allies,  entered  into  a  league  of  perpe- 
tual peace  and  amity  with  the  king,  in  which, 
among  other  articles,  Lodovico  agreed  to  allow, 
him  to  fit  out  a  fleet  at  the  port  of  Genoa,  and  pro- 
mised to  grant  him  a  free  passage,  on  his  return  to 
Naples,  and  to  assist  him  with  money  and  ti'oops. 
The  bastard  of  Bourbon,  with  the  rest  of  the 
French,  made  prisoners  at  the  battle  of  the  Tare, 
were  set  at  liberty,  and  power  was  reserved  for  the 
Venetians  to  enter  into  the  treat)'  within  the  space 
of  two  months,  in  which  case  they  were  to  recall 
their  fleet  from  Naples,  and  undertake  not  to  afford 
any  assistance  to  the  house  of  Aragon.  The  city 
of  Novai'a  was  restored  to  Lodovico ;  in  conse- 
quence of  which  the  French  garrison,  after  liaving 
VOL.  r.  V  y  lost 


554  LIFE   AND   PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  lost  upwards  of  two  thousand  of  their  number  by  fa- 
IV'  mine  and  disease,  were  led  trom  thence  to  Vercelli, 
1495.     so  exhausted  through  want  of   sustenance,    that 

iEt.  20.  many  of  them  perished  on  the  road,  and  upwards 
of  three  hundred  died  alter  their  arrival.''  No 
sooner  was  the  treaty  concluded,  than  Commines 
was  again  despatched  to  Venice,  to  induce  the  se- 
nate to  accede  to  the  terms  proposed ;  and  Charles, 
taking  the  route  of  Turin,  returned  in  the  month 
of  October,  1495,  to  France,  with  the  remains  of 
his  army ;  plundered,  diseased,  and  reduced  to 
less  than  one  fourth  of  its  original  number. 

Consequences       Thus  terminated  the  celebrated  expedition  of 

of  the  expe-  * 

ditioa  -f      Charles   VIII.    against  the  kingdom  of  Naples ; 

Charles  VIII.  ,  .  .  .  '  i    -    • 

into  Italy,  au  cxpcdition  originating  m  puerile  ambition,  con- 
ducted with  folly  and  rapacity,  and  ending  in 
the  dissipation  of  the  revenues  of  his  crown,  and 
in  the  destruction  of  his  army.  That  he  ac- 
complished his  object,  is  the  boast  of  the  French 
historians;  but  it  is  easy  to  perceive,  that  the 
successes  of  Charles  VIII.  are  not  to  be  attri- 
buted to  his  courage  or  to  his  abilities,  but  to 
the  weak  and  irresolute  conduct  of  his  adversa- 
ries,   the    selfish  and  temporizing  policy  of  the 

Italian 


^  The  number  which  quitted  Novara,  was  about  five 
thousand  five  hundred  men,  of  whom  not  more  than 
six  hundred  were  able  to  perform  duty.  Commines j  Uv. 
\iii.  chap.  x. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH. 


355 


Italian  states,  and  above  all,  to  the  odium  excited  c  hap, 
against  the  house    of  Aragon,    by  the  cruelties 


IV. 


exercised  by  Ferdinand  I.  and  his  son  Alfonso,  1495. 
on  their  subjects.  If  these  advantages  could  -^^^  '^^■ 
^  'have  been  countervailed  by  any  misconduct  of 
his  own,  the  defeat  of  Charles  had  been  certain. 
Such  were  his  necessities  in  the  commencement 
of  his  undertaking,  and  such  the  difficulties  wkh 
which  he  provided  for  his  soldiery,  that  he  Mas 
not  only  obliged  to  borrow  money  at  a  most  ex- 
orbitant interest,  but  even  to  plunder  his  friends 
and  allies.  The  time  chosen  for  his  enterprise 
could  not  indeed  have  been  more  fa^•ourable  to 
his  views ;  for  manv  causes  had  concurred  to 
disgust  the  people  of  Italy  with  their  rulers,  and 
had  led  them  to  regard  tlie  French  as  their  friends 
and  deliverers,  and  as  a  nation  on  whose  honour 
and  good  faith  they  could  place  the  most  perfect 
reliance ;  but  this  errour  was  not  of  long  dura- 
tion ;  and  the  cruelty  and  disorder  which  distin- 
guished the  march  of  the  French  army  soon 
convinced  their  partisans  and  admirers,  that  the 
expected  change  ^vas  not  likely  to  promote  their 
happiness.  The  irruption  of  the  French  seemed 
to  be  the  extinction  of   all  literature  in  Italy.  " 

The 


i  "  Nescio  quo  fato  superiore  anno  evenerit,  quo  Fran- 
•'  corum  rex  Carolus,  Italiam  cum  infesto  exercitu  et 
■"  instructis  copiis  invasit,  ut  pnncipes  viri  in  Uteris,  alque 


in 


356  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.  The  example  of  a  weak  and  licentious  monarch 
IV-      corrupted  his  followers.     An  incredible  degree  of 
1495.     debauchery  and  prostitution  prevailed.     The  re- 
Mt.  20.   straints  of  modesty,  the  ties  of  morality,  the  voice 
of  religion,  were  all  equally  disregarded  ;  and  the 
hand  of  providence  almost  visibly  interfered,  to 
punish  by  the  scourge  of  a  loathsome  and  destruc- 
tive malady,  those  enormities  which  no  other  mo- 
tives could  restrain.     Shocked  at  the  hideous  dis- 
ease, which  now  first  obtruded  itself,  like  a  putrid 
carcass,  into  the  rosy  bowers  of  pleasure,  the  Ita- 
lians and  the  French  recriminated  on  each  other 
the  disgrace  of  its  introduction  ;  and  the  appella- 
tions of  mal  de  Naples^  and  mal  Franceze,  were 
intended  by  each  of  these  nations,  to  remove  to 
the  other  the  infamy  of  its  origin.     Of  all  the  con- 
sequences 


"  in  sunimis  disciplinis  clarissimi  perierint :  hoc  est, 
"  Hermolaus  Barbarus,  lo.  Picus  Mirandula^  et  An.  Po- 
"  lidanus ;  qui  omnes  in  ipso  statim  Francoi'um  adventu 
"  et  conatibus,  imma4;uro  obitu,  ad  superos  concesserunt. 
"  Sed  enim  liters  ipsx,  ac  studium  bonarum  artium,  si- 
"  mill  cum  Italix  libertate,  ccEperunt  paulatim  extingui, 
"  barbaris  ingruentibiis,  cum  deessent  hi  homines,  qui 
"  illas,  sue  patrocinio,  assiduisque  studiis,  mirifice  fove- 
"  rent.  Qualis  inter  alios  vir  summa  sapientia  Sc  egregio 
"  animo  Laurentius  Medicis  *  *  *  *  Qux  res  monere 
"  interdum  me  solet,  quam  brevi  tempore  fortunx  ratio 
'^  commutetur,  quamque  inique  nunc  agatur  cum  bonis 
"  studiis ;  siquidem  pro  melioribus  disciplinis,  vitia,  pro 
'*  humanitate  et  officiis,  bella  et  cxdes  succreverunt."  Crir 
nitiis^  de  honestd  disci/il.  lib.  xv.  cap.  ix. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  357 

sequences  incident  to  the  expedition  of  Charles  c  h  a  p. 
VIII.  against  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  it  is  proba-  _^Zj„ 
ble  that  this  Avill  be  the  longest  remembered.     In     1495. 
other  respects,  this  event  seems  only  to  lia\'e  broken    -^-t.  20-. 
down  those  bai'riers,  which  nature  had  formed  to 
secure  the  repose  of  mankind,  and  to  have  opened 
a  wider  field  for  the  range  of  ambition,  and  the 
destruction  of  the  human  race. 


CHAP.  V. 


1496—1499. 

MARRIAGE  of  Ferdinand  II.  of  Naples— His  death- 
Contest  respecting  the  dominion  of  Pisa — Descent  of 
the  emperour  elect,  Maximilian,  into  Italy — .The  Medici 
attempt  to  regain  their  authoritv  in  Florence — Death 
of  Beatrice  of  Este — Alexander  VI.  attacks  the  Roman 
barons — Recovers  the  city  of  Ostia — Death  of  the  duke 
of  Gandia  son  of  Alexander  VI. — Particular  account  of 
that  event — Cesar  Borgia  accused  of  the  murder  of  his 
brother  without  sufficient  evidence — Second  attempt  of 
the  Mtdici  to  enter  the  city  of  Florence — Fatal  conse- 
quences to  their  partisans  within  the  city — Paolo  \  itelli 
appointed  general  of  the  Florentines  against  Pisa — The 
Florentines  form  an  alliance  with  Lodovico  Sforza — 
Death  of  Charles  VIII.  and  accession  of  Louis  XII. — 
Death  of  Savonarola — Vitelli  captures  the  fortress  of 
t  Vico  Pisano — Third  attempt  of  the  Medici  to  regain 
their  native  place — The  contest  respecting  Pisa  sub- 
mitted to  the  decision  of  Ercole,  duke  of  Ferrara — His 
interference  proves  ineffectual — The  inhabitants  of  Pisa 
resolve  to  defend  themselves — Vitelli  effects  a  breach 
in  the  walls — Neglects  to  avail  himself  of  his  advan- 
tages— Is  brought  to  Florence  and  decapitated. 

J  HE  death  of  Alfonso  II.  the  fugitive  king  of 
Naples,  which  happened  at  Messina  on  the  nine-       y, 
teenth  day  of  November,   1495,  had  confirmed  to  "^^49^ 
Ferdinand  the  possession  of  the  crown ;  and  he,   jg^^oi. 
being  now  freed  from  the  apprehensions  of  the 

French, 


360  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

G  H  A  P.  French,  thought  it  expedient  to  enter  into  the  ma- 

V-       trimonial  state.     In  selecting  a  bride,  he  found  no 

1496.     great  difficulty  ;  having  chosen,  for  that  purpose, 

^^•^^-   his  aunt  Joanna,  the  half  sister  of  his  father,  then 

Fr/did°n  ^"^y  fourteen  years  of  age,  but  highly  distinguish- 

kiriRofNa-  (2d  by  her  beauty  and  accomplishments.  This 
marriage  gave  great  scandal  to  the  christian  world;* 
but  the  dispensation  of  the  pope  speedily  removed 
all  difficulties.  Guicciai'dini,  who  supposed  that 
mankind  are  always  actuated  by  motives  of  poli- 
tical interest,  accounts  for  this  union,  by  presu- 
ming, that  Ferdinand  wished  to  strengthen  his 
connexion  with  the  king  of  Spain ;  but  had  the 
ties  of  consanguinity  been  a  sufficient  title  to  his 
favour,  Ferdinand  already  stood  nearly  related  to 
him  ;  and  it  is  therefore  more  probable,  diat  the 
motive  of  his  choice  was  the  gratification  of  an 
amorous  passion,  which  he  had  conceived  during 
their  voyage  to  Sicily.  This  is  rendered  yet  more 
probable  by  the  accounts  given  of  the  cause  of  his 
death ;  which  event  took  place  on  the  fifth  day  of 

His  death.  September,  1496,  and  was  said  to  have  been  occa- 
sioned, or  accelerated,  by  the  excessive  indulgence 
of  his  passion  for  his  new  bride.''     As  he  left  no 

offsprings 


^  "  Ce  me  semble  horreur,"  says  Commines,  "  de  parler 
"  d'un  tel  marriage  ;  dont  on  eu  fait  ja  plusiers  en  cette 
"  muison."  Mem.  de  Commines,  lib.  viii.  chafi.  xiv.  p.   251. 

^  Su?nmo?ite,  Hist,  dl  JMapoli  iii.  lib,  v'x.p.  583.     He  is 

comme- 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  361 

offspring,  he  was  succeeded  in  his  dominions  by  c  h  a  p. 
his  uncle  Federigo,  a  prince  of  excellent  disposi-       ^' 
tions,  and  considerable  talents ;  but  the  ambition     '496. 
of  his  contemporaries,  and  the  unfavourable  cir-      *"  ^ ' ' 
cumstances  of  the  times,  prevented  his  people  from 
enjoying  that  happiness  which  they  might  other- 
wise have  experienced  under  his  government. 

Before  Charles  VIIL  had  quitted  Turin,  on  ^;;;;.';;;'- 
his  return  to  France,  another  interview  had  taken  dominion  of 

of  Piss, 

place  between  him  and  the  Florentine  deputies ; 
who  still  pursued  him  with  their  solicitations  and 
remonstrances  ;  and  by  the  advance  of  a  large  sum 
of  money,  of  which  he  stood  greatly  in  need,  and 
many  unreasonable  concessions,  obtained  from  him 
a  definitive  assurance  that  Pisa  should  again  be 
restored  to  them.*^  Directions  were  accordingly 
sent  to  d'Entraghes  to  surrender  to  them  the  cita- 
del ;  but  these  directions  were  either  accompanied 
by  others  of  a  contrary  tendency,  or  d'Entraghes 
preferred  his  own  interest  to  the  honour  and  the  fa- 
vour of  his  master  ;  for,  instead  of  complying  with 
tlie  orders  of  the  king,  he  sold  the  fortress  to  the 

inhabitants 


commemorated  by  the  following  lines,  in  the  sacristy  of 
the  church  of  S.  Domenico,  at  Naples  : 

"  Ferrandum,  Mors  sseva,  diil  fugis  arma  gerentem  ; 
"  Mox  positis,  quxnam  gloria  ?  fraude  necas." 

"  Guicciard.  Storia  d' Italia,  lib.  i\.  1.  120. 
VOL.  I.  Z  Z 


362  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  inhabitants  of  Pisa,  for  the  sum  of  twelve  thousand 
V-       ducats ;    and,  having  received  the  money,  relin- 
1496.     quished  it  into  their  hands. 


M  21. 


The  Florentines,  thus  deluded  in  their  expec- 
tations, had  immediate  recourse  to  arms.     The 
citizens  of  Pisa,  on  the  other  hand,  not  only  pre- 
pared to  defend  themselves  to  the  last  extremity, 
but  endeavoured,    by  the  most  earnest  solicita- 
tions, to  obtain  assistance  fi'om  several  of  the  other 
states  of  Italy,    and  even  of  Europe ;  to  \^'hom 
they  did  not  hesitate  to  offer  the  dominion  of  their 
city,  provided  they  were  freed  from  the  yoke  of 
the  Florentines.     The  Venetians,  eager  to  extend 
the  limits  of  their  territories,  were  among  the  first 
to  listen  to  their  entreaties.     Lodovico  Sforza  also 
engaged  in  their  defence.     The  Florentine  army, 
under  the  command  of  Paolo  Vitelli,  attempted  to 
storm  the  city ;  but,  after  having  driven  in,  with 
great  precipitation  and  slaughter,  the  troops  em- 
ployed in  the  defence,  and  possessed  themselves 
of  the  suburbs,  they  were,  in  their  turn,  obliged 
to  retreat  by  the  artillery  of  the  citadel ;  their  com- 
mander being  wounded,  and  many  of  the  soldiery 
killed.     Encouraged  by  their  success,  the  troops 
of  Pisa  took  the  field,  and  opposed  themselves  to 
the  Florentines,  over  whom  they  obtained  some 
ad\  antages,  although  no  decisi\'e  engagement  took 
place. 

In 


empe'our 
axl- 

IIIO 


rr 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  363 

In  this  situation  of  affairs,  a  new  competitor  chap. 
made  his  appearance,  with  the  intention  of  termi-       v. 
nating  at  once  the  pretensions  of  inferiour  powers,     149  6. 
and  of  taking  the  city  of  Pisa  under  his  own  pro-   ^Et.  21. 
tection.     This  was  no  less  a  personasre  than  the  '^"""»°f 

i  <->  thf  empe'o 

emperour  elect,  Maximilian  ;  who,  induced  by  the  «''^"^''  ^^'' 
oners  of  the  citizens  of  Pisa,  and  the  persuasions  uaiy. 
of  Lodovico  Sforza,  passed,  in  the  month  of  Octo- 
ber, 1496,  with  a  party  of  horse,  and  eight  regi- 
ments of  infantry,  through  the  Valteline,  into  the 
territories  of  Milan.  After  having  been  splendidly 
entertained  during  some  days,  by  Lodovico,  he 
hastened  to  Genoa,  Avhere  he  embarked,  with  his 
troops,  for  Pisa;  but  on  his  arrival  there,  he  found 
that  the  Venetians  had  already  occupied  the  garri- 
son, as  auxiliaries  to  the  inhabitants,  and,  conceiv- 
ing themselves  equal  to  the  defence  of  the  place, 
did  not  choose  that  he  should  share  with  them, 
eitlier  in  die  honour  or  the  spoil.  He  then  sailed 
to  Leghorn,  which  place  he  cannonaded  for  seve- 
ral days,  and  where  he  had  nearly  lost  his  life  by 
a  ball,  which  carried  away  a  part  of  the  imperial 
robe.  This  place  was  defended  by  the  celebrated 
Tebalducci,  the  first  of  the  Florentine  Condottieri 
who  succeeded  in  introducing  a  proper  state  of 
subordination  and  discipline  amongst  the  Italian 
soldiery. d  During  this  contest,  the  Venetian  com- 
missaries 


^  Mirdi,    Vita   d''Antonio    Giacomini    Tebalducci    Males- 
fiini.   Fior.  1597.  4ro,  fiatsim. 


364 


LIFE  AND   PONTIFICATE 


CHAP,  missaries  admonished  Maximilian  to  desist,  as  they 

V'       had  themselves  pretensions  to  the  possession  of 

1496.    the  place.     He    then    determined  to   attack  the 

#.t.  2 1 ,  Tuscan  territories,  for  the  purpose  of  devastation 
and  plunder ;  but  at  this  moment,  a  violent  tem- 
pest dispersed  his  fleet.  Finding  all  his  purposes 
defeated,  and  apprehensive  for  his  own  safety, 
Maximilian  abandoned  his  enterprise,  and  took  the 
speediest  route  to  his  own  dominions ;  where  he 
arrived,  full  of  animosity  against  the  Venetians, 
and  with  no  small  discredit  to  his  character  as  a 
military  commander. 


The  Medici 
attempt  to 
regain  the 
city  of  Flo- 
rence. 


Whilst  the  Florentines  were  thus  contending 
with  powerful  enemies  abroad,  and  were  distracted 
by  discordant  opinions,  and  the  inflammatory  ha- 
rangues of  Savonarola  at  home,  the  brothers  of  the 
Medici  conceived  that  a  favourable  opportunity 
was  afforded  for  attempting  to  regain  their  autho- 
rity in  their  native  place.  For  this  purpose  they 
formed  the  project  of  an  attack  upon  the  city,  in 
conjunction  with  their  kinsman,  Virginio  Orsino, 
who,  after  having  escaped  from  the  custody  of  the 
French  king,  at  the  battle  of  the  Taro,  had  again 
begun  to  collect  his  adherents,  in  hopes  of  retriev- 
ing the  fortunes  of  his  house,  by  the  sale  of  their 
services.  The  Medici  were  then  at  Rome ;  but 
Virginio  having  flattered  them  with  the  fairest 
hopes  of  success,  if  the  necessary  resources  could 
be  found  for  the  payment  of  his  troops,  they  ex- 
erted themselves  in  procuring  for  him  large  sums 

of 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  365 

of  money,  with  which  he  continued  to  increase  chat. 
the  number  of  his  followers.     The  three  brothers       ^- 
also  employed  themselves  with  great  industry,  in     M96. 
collecting  together  their  adherents  from  all  parts   J^t.  21. 
of  Italy.     Piero  having  obtained  pecuniary  assist- 
ance from  the   Venetians,  and  being  favoured  in 
his  enterprise  by  the  pope,  raised  a  considerable 
number  of  troops  within  the  papal  states,   with 
which  he  advanced  tlirough  the  territory  of  Siena, 
to  the  lake  of  Perugia,  expecting  to  be  joined  by 
such  levies  as  his  brother  Giuliano  had  been  able 
to  assemble  in  Romagna.      A  formidable  body 
being  thus  collected,  Virginio  and  Piero  de'  Me- 
dici passed,   in  the  midst  of  winter,  into  Umbria ; 
and,  by  a  toilsome  march  through  the  snow,  at 
length  reached  the  baths  of  RapoUano.     The  Flo- 
rentines had,  however,  been  apprized  of  the  at- 
tempt, and  had  withdrawn  a  part  of  their  troops 
from  Pisa  for  their  own  defence.     They  had  also 
fortified    and  strengdiened  the  cities  of  Arezzo 
and  Cortona,  and  continued  to  watch  with  unre- 
mitting vigilance  the  adherents  of  the  Medici  \a  ith- 
in  the  walls  of  Florence.     The  vigour  and  promp- 
titude of  these  precautions,  depressed  the  hopes 
of  the  assailants,  \\'ho  had  relied  more  on  the  exer- 
tions of  their  friends  within  the  city,  than  on  their 
own  force,  and  supposed,  that  the  appearance  of  a 
po\\erful  military  body  in  the  vicinity,  M^ould  en- 
courage them  to  declare  themselves.     No  disturb- 
ance was,  however,  excited ;  and  Virginio,  instead 
of  proceeding  to  the  attack,  contented  himself  AAith 

plundering 


366  LIFE   AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  plundering  the  defenceless  villages,  for  the  sub- 

^^'      sistance  of  his  troops.    Whilst  such  was  the  hope- 

1496.    less  state  of  the  expedition,    he  received  highly 

^t.  31.  advantageous  offers  to  induce  him  to  relinquish 
his  undertaking,  and  join  the  standard  of  the  French, 
then  on  the  point  of  being  expelled  from  the  king- 
dom of  Naples.  Virginio  did  not  long  hesitate 
between  his  honour  and  his  interest.  Even  his 
animosity  to  the  king  of  France,  who  had  unjustly 
detained  him  as  a  prisoner,  gave  way  to  the  hopes 
of  gain ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  remonstrances 
of  Piero  and  his  friends,  he  led  his  troops  toward 
Naples ;  not,  however,  without  the  most  solemn 
promises  that  as  soon  as  the  contest  respecting 
that  kingdom  should  be  terminated,  he  would 
return  to  Tuscany,  with  a  more  powerful  arma- 
ment :  promises  which,  if  sincere,  he  never  had 
an  opportunity  of  fulfilling;  for,  being  captured 
with  the  duke  de  Mompensier,  at  Atella,  he  expe- 
rienced the  same  fate  as  that  officer,  having  died 
whilst  a  prisoner  at  Naples."  The  cardinal  de* 
Medici,  and  his  brother  Giuliano,  who  had  in  vain 
endeavoured  to  prevail  upon  Giovanni  Bentivoglio 
of  Bologna,  to  assist  them  in  their  attempt,  were 
now  obliged  to  retire  from  that  place,  and  to  seek 
for  shelter  within  the  territories  of  Milan.^ 
r. ;  Early 

*  Nardi.  Histor.  Fiorent.  lib.u.  fi,2^. 
^  Jovit,  Vila  Leon.  x.  lib.  i.  fi.  17,  19. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  367 

Early  in  the  year  1497,  the  prosperous  fortunes  chap. 
of  Lodovico  Sforza  were  interrupted  by  a  domes-       v* 
tick  disaster,  \\hich  was  only  the  harbinger  of  his     1497. 
approaching  calamities.     His  wife  Beatrice,  the   Mt.  22. 
partner  of  his  ambition,    his  grandeur,    and  his  Death  of  ««»• 

*^  1  •!       1  trice  of  Este, 

crimes,  and  of  whose  councils  he  had  on  every  wifeofLodo- 
occasion  availed  himself,  died  in  childbed,  after """' 
having  been  delivered  of  a  son,  who  did  not  sur- 
vive his  mother.^  Though  insensible,  or  regardless 
of  tlie  distress  which  he  had  occasioned  throughout 
Italy,   Lodovico  sunk  under  his  misfortune,    in 
weak  and  unmanly  sorrow ;  and  sought  to  alleviate 
his  grief,  and  at  the  same  time,  perhaps,  to  gratify 
his  ostentation,  by  the  most  expensive  and  splen- 
did obsequies,  which  were  repeated,  with  addi- 
tional magnificence,  on  the  expiration  of  a  year  , 
fi'om  the  death  of  his  wife.     During  this  interval, 
he  never    seated  himself  at  his  table;    but  was 
served  in  a  chamber  hung  with  black,  from  the 

hands 


g  The  epitaph  which  Lodovico  caused  to  be  placed  over 
the  body  of  his  child,  displays  his  arrogance  in  the  midst 
of  his  grief. 

"  Infelix  partus,  amisi  ante  vitam  quam  in  lucem  ederer ; 
"  infelicior  quod  matri  moriens  vitam  ademi,  et  parentera 
"  consorte  sua  orbavi.  In  tam  adverso  fato  hoc  solum  niihi 
"  potest  jucundum  esse,  quoo  divi  parentes  me  Ludo- 
"  vicus,   ET   Beatrix,  Mediolanenses  duces,  Genu- 

"  KRE.     1497,    TERTIO  NONAS  JaNUARII." 

Corio,  Storia  cli  Milan. /lar.  vii./;.  962. 


368  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  hands  of  his  attendants.''    Such  a  violent  and  per- 
V.       severing  sorrow,  caused  him  to  be   considered, 
1497.    thi'oughout  all  Italy,  as  a  paragon  of  conjugal  fideli- 
iEt.  22.  ty ;  and  the  poets  of  the  time  sought  to  assuage 
his  grief,  by  celebrating  his  affection,  and  embalm- 
ing the  memory  of  his  wife  in  their  verse.' 

Alexander  Alcxandcr  VI.  beine;  now  firmly  seated  in  the 

V I  attacks 

the  Rom»n  poutifical  chalr,  and  freed  from  his  apprehensions  of 
the  French,  began  to  adopt  those  vigorous  mea- 
sures for  the  subjugation  of  the  Roman  nobility, 

and 


h  Corio,  Histor.  Milan.  Jiarte  vii./i.  962. 

'  Among  these  was  the  Greek  Marullus,  who  has  devo- 
ted the  following  hyperbolical  lines  to  her  memory  : 

"  Solverat  Eridanus  tumidarum  flumina  aquarum ; 

"  Solverat,  et  populis  non  levis  horror  erat. 
"  Quippe,  gravis  Pyrrhsc  metuentes  tempora  cladis, 

"  Credebant  simili  crescere  flumen  aqua. 
"  Ille  dolor  fuerat  sjcvus,  lacrymaeque  futuri 
"  Funeris,  et  justis  dona  paranda  novis  : 

"  Scilicet  et  fluvios  tangunt  tua  acerba,  Beatrix, 

"  Funera,  nedum  homines  mcestaque  corda  viri." 

Efiigr.  lib,  iv. 

On  the  same  subject,  the  learned  Pontico  Virunio  wrote 
four  books  of  Latin  elegies,  "  historiis  Gracorum,  et 
fabulis  reconditis  refertos,  pulcherrimaque  inventione  di- 
gestos ;"  from  the  perusal  of  which,  Lodovico,  it  seems, 
derived  great  consolation.  Zeno  Diss,  Voss.vol.  ii./j.  315. 
These  elegies  have  not  been  printed. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  369 

and  the  aggrandizement  of  his  own  family,  which  chap. 
he  pursued  with  unremitting  industry,  during  the  v- 
remainder  of  his  hfe.  His  eldest  son,  Giovanni,  1497. 
had  been  honoured,  by  Ferdinand  of  Spain,  ^\  ith  -^t.  22. 
the  title  of  duke  of  Gandia;  Cesar,  his  second 
son,  had  been  raised  to  the  dignity  of  the  purple  ; 
and  his  daughter  Lucrezia,  who,  before  the  eleva- 
tion of  her  father,  had  been  married  to  a  Spanish 
gendeman,  wtis,  soon  after  that  event,  divorced 
from  her  husband,  and  became  the  wife  of  Gio- 
vanni Sforza,  lord  of  Pesaro.  The  first  hostile 
attempt  of  the  pontiff,  was  directed  against  the 
territories  of  the  Orsini ;  who  had  equally  disre- 
garded his  admonitions  and  his  threats,  and  had 
united  their  arms  with  those  of  the  French.  The 
command  of  the  papal  troops,  destined  to  this 
expedition,  was  intrusted  to  the  duke  of  Gandia  ; 
who  was  accompanied  by  Guidubcildo  da  Monte- 
feltri,  duke  of  Urbino,  a  commander  of  ackno^v- 
ledged  courage  and  experience.  After  possessing 
themsehes  of  some  places  of  inferiour  importance, 
they  commenced  the  siege  of  Bracciano.  This 
e\'ent  first  called  into  action  the  militar}^  talents  of 
Bartolommeo  d'  Alveano,  then  very  young,  but 
who  afterwards  established  his  reputation,  as  one 
of  the  most  accomplished  commanders  of  Italy. 
In  conjunction  with  Carlo,  the  illegitimate  son  of 
Virginio  Orsino,  and  Vitellozzo  Vitelli,  he  vigo- 
rously attacked  the  papal  troops.  The  engagement 
continued  for  several  hours;  in  the  result,  the 
Roman  generals  were  completely  routed ;  the  duke 
VOL.  I.  3  a  of 


370  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  of  Urbino  was  taken  prisoner,  with  several  other 

V.       noblemen,  and  officers  of  high  rank  ;  but  the  duke 

1497.     of  Gandia  effected  his  escape,  after  having  been 

Mi.  22.    slightly  wounded  in  the  thigh.    Thus  disappointed 
in  his  attempt  to  wrest  from  the  family  of  Orsini 
their  patrimonial  possessions,  Alexander  had  re- 
course, for  the  aggrandizement  of  his  offspring,  to 
another  expedient.     With  the  consent  of  the  col- 
lege of  cardinals,  he  separated  from  the  states  of 
the  church,  the  city  of  Benevento ;  and  erecting  it 
into  an  independent  dutchy,   conferred  it,   with 
other  domains,  on  his  eldest  son.^ 

Recovers  Altliousfh  Charlcs  VIII.  after  his  return  from 

the  city  of  D  •  •    i       i  i 

ostia.  his  Neapolitan  expedition,  had  relmquished  to  the 
pope,  the  fortresses  of  Civita  Vecchia,  Terracina, 
and  other  places  within  the  papal  state,  which  he 
had  occupied  by  his  arms,  he  still  retained  the  city 
of  Ostia,  the  command  of  which  he  had  intrusted 
to  the  cardinal  Giuliano  della  Rovere,  bishop  of 

that 


J  «  Feria  quarta,  septima  Junii,  fuit  secretum  consisto- 
"  rium,  in  quo  serenissimus  D.  noster  erexit  civitatem 
"  Beneventanam  in  ducatum,  et  de  consensu  omnium  car- 
"  dinalium  qui  interfuerunt,  nuUo  se  opponente,  seu  mini- 
"  mum  verbum  contradicente,  infeudavit  illustrissimum 
"  dominum  Johannem  Borgia,  de  Arragonia  ducem  Gandix, 
*'  S.  R.  E.  capitaneum  generalem,  filium  suum  carissimum, 
"  et  omnes  successores  suos,  ex  lumbis  descendentes."  &c. 

Burc/iard.  Diar 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  371 

that  place.''  The  expulsion  of  the  French  from  chap. 
Naples,  by  the  aid  of  the  Spanish  troops,  under  the  '^- 
command  of  Gonsalvo,  had  not  only  encouraged  1497. 
the  pope  to  attempt  the  recovering  of  this  important  ^t.  22. 
station,  but  afforded  him  an  opportunity  of  cairy- 
ing  his  intentions  into  effect,  by  die  aid  of  Gon- 
salvo, who  being  then  imemployed,  gladly  accepted 
of  the  lucrative  offers  of  the  pontiff,  to  assist  in  the 
attack.  Uniting  his  arms  with  those  of  the  pope, 
Gonsalvo  proceeded  to  bombard  the  fortress  ;  but 
the  cannonading  had  scarcely  commenced,  when 
Menaldo,  who  held  the  place  for  the  cardinal,  and 
who  by  his  piratical  depredations,  had  greatly  an- 
noyed the  navigation  of  the  Tiber,  suiTendered  at 
discretion  ;  and  was  led  by  Gonsalvo,  in  triumph, 
to  Rome.  On  his  approach  to  the  city,  Gonsalvo 
was  met  by  the  sons  of  the  pontiff,  the  cardinals 
and  prelates  of  the  church,  and  by  an  immense 
concourse  of  the  people,  who  were  anxious  to  see 
a  man,  whose  exploits  had  already  extended  his 
fame  through  all  Italy.  He  ^vas  immediately  intro- 
duced to  the  pope,  who  received  him  \\'ith  the  holy 
kiss,  and  bestowed  upon  him,  in  full  consistory^ 
the  golden  rose,  which  is  annually  consecrated  by 
the  pontiff,  and  presented  only  to  sovereigns  and 
great  princes,  who  have  merited  the  favour  of  the 
holy  see.'    On  this  occasion  Gonsalvo  gave  a  proof 

of 


^  Guicciard.  Storia  d'  Ital.  lib.  ii.  I.  94. 
'  Joviiy  vita  magni  Gonsalvi.  lid.  i.  /i,  222. 


372  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  of  his  magnanimity,  in  prevailing  on  the  pontiff  to 
V-       spare  the  Ufe  of  Menaldo ;  who  being  set  at  Uberty, 
1497.     was  permitted  to  retire  to  France.  "* 

Mt.  22. 

D.ath  of  the       The  exultation  of  the  pontiff  on  this  occasion, 

duke  of  Gan-  ,  „  ,  , .  i         ' 

dia,  son  of    was  not,   however,   of  long  contmiiance,   havnig 
Alexander     ^^^^  spccdily  succecdcd  by  a  most  tragical  event, 
that  not  only  blasted,  in  a  gi'eat  degree,  the  hopes 
of  his  family,  but  branded  it  with  a  stigma,  which 
has  rendered  it  peculiarly  odious  to  future  times. 
This  was  the  death  of  the  duke  of  Gandia ;  who, 
after  having  passed  the  evening  at  a  splendid  enter- 
tainment, given  by  his  mother,  was,  on  his  return 
home,  assassinated,  and  his  body  thrown  into  the 
Tiber ;  where  it  remained  undiscovered  for  several 
days.     The  perpetration  of  this  crime  has  been 
imputed  by  the  Italian  historians,    without  hesi- 
tation, to  Cesar  Borgia;   who,    being   disgusted 
with  his  ecclesiastical  profession,  and  earnestly  de- 
sirous of  signalizing  himself  in  a  military  capacity, 
is  supposed  to  have  considered  his  brother  as  having 
preoccupied  the  station  which  he  was  desirous  of 
obtaining;  and  to  have  been  jealous  of  the  su- 
periour  ascendancy  which  the  duke  had  acquired, 
in  the  favour  of  the  pontiff.     In  examining  these 
motives,  it  might  indeed  be  observed,   that  the 
destination  of  the  elder  brother  to  a  secular  em- 
ployment 


"^   Guicciard,  Storia  d^ Italia,  lib.  iii.    1.  175. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  373 

ployment  did  not  necessarily  confine  the  younger  chap. 
to  an  ecclesiastical  state  ;  and  that  the  honours  be-       ^' 
stowed  on  the  duke  of  Gandia,  did  not  seem  to      1497. 
prevent  the  pontiff  from  promoting  the  interests  of  -^t.  22. 
his  second  son,  whom  he  had  placed  in  such  a  sta- 
tion, as  to  afford  him  an  opportunity  of  obtaining 
the  highest  dignity  in  Christendom.    Some  authors 
have,  therefore,  not  scrupled  to  suggest  a  more 
powerful  cause  of  his  supposed  enmity,  by  assert- 
ing, that  he  was  jealous  of  the  preference  which 
the  duke  had  obtained  in  the  affections  of  their 
sister  Lucrezia,  with  whom  it  is  said,  that  not  only 
the  two  brothers,  but  even  Alexander,  her  father, 
had  criminal  intercourse. "     Frequentl}%  however, 
as  this  charge  has  been  repeated,  and  indiscrimi- 
nately as  it  has  been  believed,  it  might  not  be 

difficult 


•^  "  Era  medesimamente  fama,  se  pero  e  degno  di  cre- 
«  dersi  tanta  enormita,  che  nell'  amor  di  Madonna  Lucre- 
"  zia  concorressino,  non  solamente  i  due  fratelli,  ma  ezian- 
"  dio  il  padre  medesimo." 

Guicciard.  Storiad'Ital.  lib.  iii.  1.  182. 

"  On  avoit  des  preuves  convainquantes,"  says  the  com- 
"  piler  Moreri,  "  qvie  Cajsar  etoit  I'auteur  de  ce  fratricide  ; 
"  car,  outre  ses  interets  d'ambition,  il  ne  pouvoit  souffrir 
"  que  le  due  de  Gandia  eut  plus  de  part  que  lui  auK  bonnes 
"  graces  de  Lucrece  Borgia,  leur  sceur,  et  leur  maitresse." 
Moreri,  art.  Cas.  Borgia.  Thus  to  convict  a  person  of  one 
crime,  it  seems  only  necessary  to  accuse  him  of  another 
equally  groundless,  and  to  denominate  this  a  convincincf 
proof. 


374  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  difficult  to  show,  that  so  far  from  this  being,  with 
V'      justice,  admitted  as  a  proof,  that  Cesar  was  the 
1497.    perpetrator  of  the  murder  of  his  brother,  the  im- 
JE.t.  22.   putation  is  in  itself,  in  the  highest  degree  improba- 
ble ;  and  this  transaction  must  therefore  be  judged 
of  by  such  positive  evidence  as  yet  remains,  with- 
out presuming  the  guilt  of  Borgia  from  circum- 
stances which   are  yet  more  questionable  than  the 
crime  of  which  he  stands  primarily  accused.  ° 


Particular 
account  of 


The  most  interesting  and  particular  account 
of  this  mysterious  event  is  given  by  Burchard ; 
this  event,  gjjjj  jg  jj-j  substance,  as  follows:  "  On  the  eighth 
"  day  of  June,  the  cai-dinal  of  Valenza,  and  the 
"  duke  of  Gandia,  sons  of  the  pope,  supped  with 
*'  their  mother,  Vanozza,  near  the  church  of 
*'  S.  Pietro  ad  mncula;  several  other  persons  being 
"  present  at  the  entertainment.     A  late  hour  ap- 

'*  proaching, 


°  Gordon,  in  his  Life  of  Alexander  VI.  (Lond.  1720. 
fo.)  not  only  asserts,  on  the  authority  of  Tomaso  Tomasi, 
that  Cesar  was  the  perpetrator  of  this  murder,  but  has 
given  at  great  length  the  private  conferences  between  him 
and  the  assassins  hired  for  this  purpose,  with  as  much  ac- 
curacy, as  if  he  had  himself  been  present  on  the  occasion. 
(v.iiii.  153,  ^c.)  In  the  same  manner  he  has  also  favour- 
(id  us  with  the  private  conversation  between  Cesar  and  the 
duke,  on  their  last  interview  in  the  streets  of  Rome  :  "  Ce- 
"  sar  wished  him  much  pleasure,  and  so  they  parted." — 
A  mode  of  writing,  which  reduces  history  below  the  level 
of  romance. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENtH.  375" 

**  proaching,  and  the  cardinal  having  reminded  his  c  h  a  p. 
**  brother,  that  it  was  time  to  return  to  the  apos-       ^- 
*'  tolick  palace,  they  mounted  their  horses  or  mules,     •  ^97 
"  with  only  a  few  attendants,  and  proceeded  toge-   ^^-  ^^' 
"  ther  as  far  as  the  palace  of  cardinal  Ascanio 
"  Sforza,  when  the  duke  informed  the  cardinal, 
"  that  before  he  returned  home,  he  had  to  pay  a 
*'  visit  of  pleasure.     Dismissing  therefore  all  his 
*'  attendants,  excepting  his  staffiero^  or  footman, 
"  and  a  person  in  a  mask,  who  had  paid  him  a  visit 
"  whilst  at  supper,  and  who,  during  the  space  of 
"  a  month,  or  thereabouts,  previous  to  this  time, 
*'  had  called  upon  him  almost  daily,  at  the  aposto- 
lick  palace,  he  took  this  person  behind  him  on 
'  his  mule,  and  proceeded  to  the  street  of  the 
Jews,  where  he  quitted  his  servant,   directing 
*'  him  to  remain  there  until  a  certain  hour  ;  when, 
"  if  he   did  not  return,    he   might  repair  to  the 
"  palace.     The  duke  then  seated  the  person  in  the 
*'  mask  behind  him,  and  rode,  I  know  not  whither ; 
*'  but  in  that  night  he  was  assassinated,  and  throw  n 
*'  into  the  river.     The  ser\'ant,  after  having  been 
*'  dismissed,    was    also    assaulted    and    mortally 
*'  wounded;  and  although  he  was  attended  with 
"  great  care,  yet  such  was  his  situation,  tliat  he  could 
*'  give  no  intelligible  account  of  what  had  befallen 
*'  his  master.     In  the  morning,  the  duke  not  hav- 
"  ing  returned  to  the  palace,  his  servants  began  to 
*'  be  alarmed  ;  and  one  of  them  informed  the  pon- 
"  tiff  of  the  evening  excursion  of  his  sons,  and 
"  that  the  duke  had  not  yet  made  his  appearance. 

'^  This 


<( 


ti 


376  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  It  A  P.  "  This  gave  the  pope  no  small  anxiety ;  but  he 

V-       "  conjectured  that  the  duke  had  been  attracted  by 

1497.     <'  some  courtesan  to  pass  the  night  with  her,  and 

iEt.  22.  <<  not  choosing  to  quit  the  house  in  open  day,  had 
"  waited  till  the  following  evening  to  return  home. 
"  When,  however,  the  evening  arrived,  and  he 
"  found  himself  disappointed  in  his  expectations, 
"he  became  deeply  afflicted,  and  began  to  make 
"  inquiries  from  different  persons,  whom  he  or- 
"  dered  to  attend  him  for  that  purpose.  Amongst 
"  these  was  a  man  named  Giorgio  Schiavoni,  who, 
"  having  discharged  some  timber  from  a  bark  in  the 
"  river,  had  remained  on  board  the  vessel  to  watch 
"  it,  and  being  interrogated  whether  he  had  seen 
*'  any  one  tlirown  into  the  river,  on  the  night 
"  preceding,  he  replied,  that  he  saw  two  men  on 
"  foot,  who  came  down  the  street,  and  looked 
"  diligently  about  to  observe  whether  any  person 
"  was  passing.  That  seeing  no  one,  they  returned, 
"  and  a  short  time  afterwards  two  others  came, 
"  and  looked  around  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
"  former  ;  no  person  still  appearing,  they  gave  a 
"  sign  to  their  companions,  when  a  man  came, 
"  mounted  on  a  white  horse,  having  behind  him  a 
"  dead  body,  the  head  and  arms  of  which  hung  on 
*'  one  side,  and  the  feet  on  the  other  side  of  the 
"  horse ;  the  two  persons  on  foot  supporting  the 
"  body  to  prevent  its  falling.  They  thus  pro- 
*'  ceeded  towards  that  part,  ^vhere  the  filth  of  the 
*'  city  is  usually  discharged  into  the  river,  and 
"  turning  the  horse,  with  his  tail  towards  the  water, 

"  the 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  377 

*'  the  two  persons  took  the  dead  body  by  the  arms  chap. 
"  and  feet,  and  with  all  their  strength  flung  it  into  ^- 
"  the  river.  The  person  on  horseback  then  asked  1497. 
"  if  they  had  thrown  it  in,  to  which  they  replied,  ^t.  23. 
*'  Signor,  si.  (yes,  sir.)  He  then  looked  towards 
'*  the  river,  and  seeing  a  mantle  floating  on  the 
"  stream,  he  inquired  what  it  was  that  appeared 
"  black,  to  which  they  answered,  it  was  a  mande ; 
"  and  one  of  them  threw  stones  upon  it,  in  conse- 
"  quence  of  which  it  sunk.  The  attendants  of  the 
*'  pontifl"  then  inquired  from  Giorgio,  why  he  had 
**  not  revealed  this  to  the  governour  of  the  city; 
"  to  which  he  replied,  that  he  had  seen  in  his  time, 
"  a  hundred  dead  bodies  thro^^^l  into  the  river  at 
"  the  same  place,  without  any  inquiry  being  made 
"  respecting  them,  and  that  he  had  not,  therefore, 
"  considered  it  as  a  matter  of  any  im^xyrtance.  The 
"  fishermen  and  seamen  were  then  collected  and 
*'  ordered  to  search  the  ri^er,  where,  on  the  fol- 
"  lowing  evening,  they  found  the  body  of  the 
"  duke,  with  his  habit  entire,  and  thirty  ducats 
"  in  his  purse.  He  was  pierced  with  nine  wounds, 
"  one  of  which  was  in  his  throat,  the  others  in  his 
"  head,  body,  and  limbs.  No  sooner  was  the 
"  pontiff' informed  of  the  death  of  his  son,  and  that 
"  he  had  been  thrown,  like  filth,  into  the  river*, 
' '  than  giving  way  to  his  grief,  he  shut  himself  up 
"  in  a  chamber,  and  wept  bitterly.  The  cardinal 
"  of  Segovia,  and  other  attendants  on  the  pope, 
"  went  to  the  door,  and  after  many  hours  spent  in 
"  persuasions  and  exhortations,  prevailed  upon 
VOL.   I.  3  b  "  him 


Hcieiit  evi- 

dei;ce. 


378  LIFE   AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  "  him  to  admit    them.      From  the  evening  of 

V-        "  Wednesda}',    till   the    following    Saturday,  the 

1497.     "  pope  took  no  food ;  nor  did  he  sleep  from  Thurs- 

Mt.  22.    u  ^r^y  morning  till  the  same  hour  on  the  ensuing 

"  day.     At  length,  however,  giving  way  to  the 

"  entreaties  of  his  attendants,  he  began  to  restrain 

"  his  sorrow,  and  to  consider  the  injury  which  his 

"  own  health  might  sustain,  l^y  the  further  indul- 

"  gence  of  his  grief." 

From  tliis  account,  \\  hich  is  in  ti'uth  the  only 
c«ar  Borgia  authcntick  iuformatioii  that  remains,  respecting  the 
the  murder    dcath  of  tlic  dukc,  it  sccms  probable,  that  he  had 

ofhis  brother   ^  .  ,  .  .         . 

without  suf.  lor  some  time  been  carrying  on  an  amorous  inti'igue, 
by  the  intervention  of  the  person  who  so  frequently 
visited  him  in  disguise.  That  the  evening  on 
which  he  met  with  his  death,  he  had  been  detected 
by  some  jealous  rival,  or  injured  husband,  and  had 
paid  with  liis  life  the  forfeiture  of  his  folly,  his 
presumption,  or  his  guilt.  The  cardinal  appears 
not  to  have  had  the  least  share  in  directing  the  mo- 
tions of  the  duke ;  nor  does  it  appeal'  from  Bur- 
chard,  that  he  again  left  the  palace,  after  he  had 
returned  home  on  the  evening,  when  the  murder 
was  committed.  Throughout  the  "whole  narrati\'e, 
there  is  not  the  slightest  indication,  that  Cesar  had 
any  share  in  the  transaction ;  and  the  continuance 
of  the  favour  of  both  his  father  and  his  mother, 
after  this  e\ent,  may  sufficiently  prove  to  e^-ery 
impartial  mind,  that  he  was  not  even  suspected  by 
them  as  the  author  of  the  crime, 
mifl  '>  The 


1  eiice. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  379 

The  brothers  of  the  Medici,  disappointed  in  c  u  a  p. 
tiieir  first  attempt  to  regain  their  native  place,  now       ^' 
formed  a  more  deliberate  and  systematick  plan  for     1497. 
effecting  their  purpose.     Amidst  the  internal  com-   ^t.  22. 
motions  A^hich  Florence  had  experienced  since  the  second  at. 

1    '  fi         -A.  /T      1'     •         1         r>  r>»  tempt  of  tlie 

expulsion  ot  the  Medici,  the  form  of  its  govern-  Med.ci  w  en. 
ment  had  undergone  frequent  changes,  until  the  o7fU  ""'' 
populace  had  at  length  usurped  the  whole  direction 
of  the  state,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  higher  ranks, 
and  under  the  influence  of  Savonarola,  had  united 
the  enthusiasm  of  liberty  with  the  fanaticism  of 
superstition.  The  violent  extremes  to  which  they 
proceeded  soon,  however,  produced  a  reaction 
favourable  to  their  opponents.  The  inability  of  a 
set  of  artisans,  who  left  tlieir  stalls  in  the  habits  of 
their  occupations,  to  regulate  the  concerns  of  the 
state,  became  appai'ent ;  the  misconduct  or  negli- 
gence of  the  rulers  had  been  manifested  by  an 
alarming  scarcity  of  provisions ;  and  at  length,  by 
the  exertions  of  the  more  respectable  inhabitants, 
the  office  of  gonfalomere  was  conferred  on  Ber- 
nardo del  Nero,  a  citizen  of  advanced  age  and  great 
authority,  whose  long  and  friendly  intercourse  with 
the  family  of  the  Medici,  gaA'c  reason  to  suppose 
that  he  was  well  inclined  to  their  interest.  The 
other  offices  of  government  were  also  filled  by  per- 
sons who  were  supposed  to  be  adverse  to  the 
fratesch'i,  or  followers  of  Savonarola.  Encouraged 
by  these  favourable  circumstances,  Piero  commu- 
nicated his  viev\'s  to  the  Venetians,  who  promised 
to  support  him  in  his  attempt.     The  concurrence 

of 


380  LITE   AND   PONTIf ICATE 

c  H  A  P.  of  Alexander  VI.  who  was  highly  exasperated 
V-       against  the  Florentines,  for  the  protection  aftbrded 
1497.     to  Savonarola,  in  his  free  censures  of  the  abuses 
iEt.  22.   of  the  church,  was  easily  obtained ;  nor  did  Lo- 
dovico  Sforza  oppose  an  enterprise,  which,  by  di- 
viding and  weakening  the  Florentines,  might  afford 
him  an  opportunity  of  availing  himself  of  their 
dissensions  to  his  own  advantage.     The  military 
commander  chosen  by  Piero  de'  Medici,  on  this 
occasion,  was  Baitolommeo  d'Alveano,  who  had 
acquired  great  honour  in  the  defence  of  Bracciano, 
against  the  arms  of  the  pope.     By  the  credit  and 
exertions  of  the  three  brothers,    a  considerable 
body  of  troops  was  raised,  with  which  d'Alveano, 
marching  only    by  night,  and  through  the  least 
frequented  roads,  proceeded  to  Siena.     He  was 
here  met  by  Piero  and  Giuliano,  who  had  obtained 
further  succours  from  the  inhabitants  of  Siena, 
whose  aversion  to  the  Florentines  led  them  to  pro- 
mote every  measure  that  was  likely  to  increase  their 
internal  commotions,  or  to  weaken  their  political 
strength.  ^    A  communication  was  secretly  opened 
between  the  Medici  and  their  friends  in  Florence. 
The  day  was  agreed  upon,  when  the  Medici  should, 
early  in  the  morning,  approach  the  city,  and  enter 
the  gates;  at  which  time  their  adherents  would 
be  ready  to  receive  them,    and  to  second  their 

efforts 


»'  Malavolti^  Storia  di  Siena,  par.  o.fi.  103. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  381 

efforts.     In  their  progress  towards  Florence  they  chap. 
met  with  no  interruption ;  and,  aniving  within  a       ^'- 


few  miles  of  the  city,  they  took  their  stations  for     '497. 
the  night ;   intending  to  reach  the  walls  at  the  hour   ^t*  22. 
appointed,  on  the  following  morning.  When,  how- 
ever, they  prepared  to  pursue  their  route,  they  found 
their  order  deranged,  and  their  progress  obstructed 
by  the  effects  of  an  uncommon  fall  of  rain,  w  hich 
had  continued  throughout  the  night ;  and  which, 
by  postponing  their  arrival  until  a  late  hour  of  the 
day,  gave  sufficient  time  to  their  adversaries  to  be 
apprized  of  their  intentions.     Vigorous  measures 
were  instantly  adopted  for  the  defence  of  the  city. 
Paolo  Vitelli,    the    coiidottiero  of  the  Florentine 
troops,  who  had  casually  arrived  there  on  the  pre- 
ceding evening,  secured  the  gates,  and  took  the 
command  of  those  who  ^vere  ready  to  join  in  re- 
pelling the  attack.     The  partisans  of  the  Medici, 
some  of  whom  had  given  sufficient  indications  of 
their  designs,  were  seized  upon,  and  committed  to 
safe  custody  ;  insomuch,  that  \\  hen  the  Medici  ar- 
rived  under  the  walls,    instead  of   finding  their 
friends  ready  to  receive  them,  they  discovered, 
that  CAcry  measure  had  been  taken  for  resistance.  "^ 

Being 


9  Nardi  informs  us,  that  this  attempt  was  made  on  the 
twenty-eighth  day  of  April,  1497.  According  to  the  same 
author,  Piero  de'  Medici  approached  so  near  to  the  city 
walls,  as  to  be  seen  by  the  inhabitants  ;  who  came  in 
throngs,  as  to  a  spectacle,  to  take  a  view  of  him  and  his 

associates, 


382  LIFE   AND  PONTinCATE 

c  H  A  P.  Being  thus  disappointed  in   their  expectation  of 
v»       succeeding  in  their  enterprise,  by  the  aid  of  their 
1497.    accomphces    within    the    cit}^,    they    dehberated 
JEt.  22.  whether  they  should  attack  the  gates,  and  endea- 
vour to  carry  the  place  by  storm  ;  but,  after  a  con- 
sultation of  four  hours,  they  concluded  that  their 
force  was  not  equal  to  the  undertaking.     Bending 
their  course,  therefore,  towards  the  papal  domi- 
nions, d'Alveano  and  his  military  associates  en- 
deavoured   to  recompense    themselves    for  their 
disappointment,    by  plundering  the  inhabitants ; 

whilst 


associates,  but  gave  no  demonstrations  of  attachment  to 
his  cause.  He  remained  there  about  two  hours  ;  and  being 
molested  by  the  small  arms  from  the  fortress,  was  obliged 
to  take  shelter  behind  the  wall  of  one  of  the  fountains  in 
the  suburbs  of  the  city.  This  historian,  who  was  a  great 
admirer  of  Savonarola,  gives  a  singular  instance  of  the 
folly  of  the  magistrates,  and  of  his  own  credulity,  in  re- 
lating, that  Girolamo  Benivieni,  the  celebrated  Florentine 
poet,  who  was  himself  a  warm  enthusiast,  was  despatched 
to  consult  Savonarola,  on  the  event  of  the  attempt  made 
by  Piero  de'  Medici,  which  had  occasioned  the  magistrates 
great  alarm :  When  Savonarola,  who  was  engaged  in 
reading,  raised  his  head,  and  said  to  Benivieni — "  Modicte 
"^dei,  guars  dubitasti?  Know  you  not  that  God  is  with 
"  you  ?  Go,  and  inform  the  magistrates  from  me,  that  I 
"  shall  pray  to  God  for  the  city,  and  that  they  may  enter- 
"  tain  no  fears  ;  for  Piero  de'  Medici  will  come  as  far  as  the 
"  gates,  and  will  return  without  having  effected  any  thing." 
"  And  so"  says  the  historian,  "  it  proved."  JVardi,  His(. 
«  Fior.  lib.  ii.  /?.  37. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  383 

whilst  Piero  and  his  brother  Giuliano  retired  in  c  h  a  p. 
haste  to  Siena.  ^' 

1497. 

This  affair  did  not,  however,  terminate  without  ^'*  ^^' 
bloodshed.     No  sooner  were  the  prevailins:  party  ^*''''  ^""^^' 

r  r>  1  J    quences   to 

within  the  walls  apprized  of  the  retreat  of  the  Me-  ^^^  i^rtisans 

.  Ill-  .  of  the  Medici 

dici,  and  the  object  of  their  visit,  than  they  insti-  within  tue 
tuted  a  strict  inquiry  as  to  the  authors  and  abettors 
of  the  undertaking  ;  in  consequence  of  which,  four 
of  the  principal  citizens,  Nicolo  Ridolfi,  Lorenzo 
Tornabuoni,  Giannozzo  Pucci,  and  Giovanni  Cam- 
bi,  were  found  to  be  implicated  in  the  conspiracy, 
and  were  condemned  to  death. "^      Bernardo  del 

Nero, 


^  To  Lorenzo  Tornabuoni,  who  was  nearly  related  to 
the  Medici,  Politiano  had  inscribed,  in  terms  of  warm  com- 
mendation, his  Sylva,  entitled  ^mdra ;  at  the  same  time 
applauding  him  for  his  proficiency  in  the  Greek  language, 
and  exhorting  him  to  persevere  in  the  study  of  it.  His 
untimely  death  is  lamented  in  a  Sonnet  of  Bernardo  Accolti, 
called  V  Unko  Aretino : 

"  lo  che  gia  fu  tesor  de  la  natura, 

"  Con  man  legate,  scinto,  e  scalzo  vegno 
"  A  porre  il  giovin  collo  al  duro  legno, 
"  E  ricever  vil  paglia  in  sepoltura. 

''  Pigli  exemplo  di  me  chi  s'assicura 
"  In  potentia  mortal,  fortuna,  o  regno  ; 
"  Che  spesso  viene  al  mondo,  al  cielo,  a  sdegno 

"  Chi  la  felicita  sua  non  misura. 

"  E  tu  che  levi  a  me  gemme,  e  tesauro, 
"  La  consorte,  i  figlioli,  la  vita  mesta  ; 

"Che 


384  LIFE   AND   PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.  Nero,  the  gonfaloniere^  accused  of  having  been 
V-  privy  to  their  proceedings  without  disclosing  them, 
1497.  -vvas  adjudged  to  a  similar  fate.  The  persons  thus 
Ex.  22,  condemned,  appealed  to  the  consiglio  grande,  or 
general  assembly  of  the  people,  in  conformity  to 
a  late  regulation  in  the  constitution,  introduced  by 
the  frateschi ;  but  the  promoters  of  this  salutary 
law  were  the  first  to  infringe  it,  and  the  conve- 
nient pretexts  of  publick  danger  and  state  necessity, 
were  alleged  by  the  adherents  of  Savonarola,  as 
sufficient  justifications  for  carrying  the  sentence 
into  immediate  execution.^  The  inhabitants  of 
Florence,  unaccustomed  for  a  long  course  of  years, 
to  see  the  political  errours  of  their  fellow  citizens 
punished  with  such  sanguinary  severity,  derived 
from  this  transaction  additional  motives  of  dissatis- 
faction ;  and  the  death  of  these  citizens,  who, 
whether  guilty  or  not  of  the  crime  laid  to  their 
charge,  were  condemned  contraiy  to  the  establish- 
ed forms  of  law,  was  soon  afterwards  avenged  by 

the 


"  Che  piu  poi  troverrei  un  Turco,  iin  Mauro ! 
"  Fammi  una  grazia  almen,  turba  naolesta, 
"  A  colei,  cui  tanto  amo,  in  piatto  tl'auro, 
"  Fa  presentar  la  mia  tagliata  testa." 

O^iere  d'Accolti.  Ed.  Fir.  1514. 

s  "  E  quel  condusse  in  su  le  vostre  mura 
"  II  vostro  i^raJi  ribdlo.,  onde  ne  nacque, 
"  Di  cinque  cittadini  la  sepolturo." 

Macchiavd.  Decennale.,   1. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  385 

the  slaughter  of  those  who  had  been  most  active  in  chap. 
their  destruction.  v. 


1497. 

The  siege  of  Pisa  still  continued  to  increase    ^^-  22. 
in  importance,  and  to  augment  the  number  of  the  Paoio  viteiu 
contending  parties.     In  favour  of  the  inhabitants,  general  of  the 
the  duke   of  Urbino,  who  had  purchased  his  li- 
berty at  the   expense  of  thirty  thousand  ducats, 
d'Alveano,  his  late  adversary,  Paolo  Orsini,  As- 
torre  Baglioni,  and  several  other  commanders  of 
independent  bodies  of  troops  took  the  field,  having 
been  engaged  in  the  cause  principally  by  the  wealth 
and  credit  of  the  Venetians  :  and  the  command  of 
the  whole  ^^^as  intrusted  to  the  marquis  of  Mantua. 
The  ardour  of  the  Florentines  kept  pace  with  that 
of  their    enemies.     They   raised  a    considerable 
body  of  troops  within  the  Tuscan  tcn-itories  ;  seve- 
ral experienced  commanders  joined  their  standard. 
Paolo  Vitelli,  \A'ho  had  already  rendered  many  im- 
portant  services  to  the  republick,  was  appointed 
thief  general,  and  the  bastone,  or  emblem  of  com- 
mand, ^vas  delivered  to  him  with  great  solemnity, 
on  a  day  fixed  upon  for  that  purpose,  by  the  rules 
of  astrology.     On  this  occasion  all  the  astrologers 
in  the  city,  who  it  seems  formed  a  numerous  body, 
were  assembled  in  the  great  court  of  the  palace ; 
and  \vhilst  one,  ^vho  was  in  the  immediate  service 
of  Vitelli,  with  the  rest  of  his  fraternity,  waited 
with  the  insti'umcnts  in  their  hands  to  obsers^e  the 
feiice  pimto,  or  fortunate  moment,  Marcello  Vir- 
gilio,  chancellor  of  the   republick,    delivered  an 
VOL.   I.  3  c  oration 


386  LIfE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  oration  before  the  magistrates  in  honour  of  their 

V-       general ;  when,  on  a  sign  being  given  by  the  per- 

1497.     son  appointed  for  that  purpose,  the  orator  instantly 

^t.  22,  concluded  his  speech,  and   Vitelli,  on  his  knees, 

received  from  the  gonfaloniere  the  emblem  of  his 

authority,  amidst  the  sound  of  trumpets,  and  the 

plaudits  of  the  populace.*'     At  the  same  time  the 

Madonna  delV  Impriinata  was  carried  through  the 

city  in  a  ceremonial  procession ;  a  measure  which 

we  are  told  had  never  been  resorted  to  at  Florence 

without  manifest  advantage.'* 


The  Floren- 
tines form  an 


Whilst  the  adverse  parties  were  thus  preparing 
ainaMcewith  for  a  dccisivc  contest,  the  inhabitants  of  Pisa 
sforzl  °  despatched  a  body  of  troops,  consisting  of  seven 
hundred  horse  and  one  thousand  foot,  to  levy 
contributions  upon,  or  to  plunder  the  inhabitants 
of  the  district  of  Volterra.  Returning  with  a  con- 
siderable booty,  they  were  attacked  in  the  valley 
of  S.  Regolo  by  a  party  of  the  Florentines,  under 
the  command  of  the  count  Rinuccio,  and  being 
thrown  into  disorder,  were  on  the  point  of  relin- 
quishing their  spoil ;  when  a  fresh  body  of  horse 
arriving  from  Pisa  changed  the  fortune  of  the  day, 
and  the  greater  part  of  the  Florentine  detachment 
was  either  slaughtered  or  made  prisoners.  This 
disaster  was  severely  felt  by  the  Florentines,  who 

now 


I  A'crd/,  Hist.  Fior.  lib.  iii. /z.  53. 
»*  Ammirato,  Hist,  Fior.  v.  iii.  fi.  254. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  387 

now  began  to  apprehend,  that  unless  they  could  c  hap. 
detach  some  of  their  adversaries  from  the  alliance  v- 
formed  against  them,  they  might  eventually,  not  1497. 
only  fail  in  their  attempt  to  recover  the  city  of  Pisa,  Mt.22. 
but  might  so  far  exhaust  their  strength,  as  to  be- 
come themselves  a  prey  to  the  ambition  of  their 
enemies.  Of  these,  the  most  forifiidable  were  the 
Venetians,  A\ho  were  then  in  the  zenith  of  their 
power,  and  had  given  decisive  proofs  of  their  in- 
tentions to  extend  their  dominion  into  the  southern 
provinces  of  Italy.  In  this  exigency,  the  Floren- 
tines had  recourse  to  Lodovico  Sforza,  who,  by 
having  so  frequently  changed  the  object  of  his 
political  pursuit,  afforded  them  some  hopes,  that 
he  might  not  refuse  to  listen  to  their  representations. 
Nor  were  they  mistaken  in  this  opinion.  Lodo^•ico 
beard,  with  attention,  the  arguments  by  which 
they  endeavoured  to  convince  him,  that  in  afford- 
ing assistance  to  the  inhabitants  of  Pisa,  he  was 
only  acting  a  subsidiary  part  to  the  republick  of 
Venice,  wliich  was  already  too  powerful  for  the 
other  states  of  Italy,  and  would,  by  the  acquisi- 
tion  of  Pisa  and  its  territory,  become  highly  for- 
midable, even  to  Lodovico  himself.  Induced  by 
these,  and  similar  motives,  and  actuated  by  that 
instability  which  characterized  the  whole  of  his 
conduct,  Lodovico  entered  into  the  proposed  trea- 
ty; and  it  was  agi*eed  between  the  parties,  that 
in  order  to  avail  themselves  of  it  to  greater  advan- 
tage, no  external  demonstration  of  it  should  imme- 
diately take  place,  but  that  Lodovico  should  take 

advantage 


388  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  advantage  of  such  opportunity  of  withdrawing  his 
v»      troops,  as  should  appear  to  be  most  for  the  interest 
1498.    of  his  new  aUies/ 

jEt.  23. 


From  the  time  of  the  return  of  Charles  VIII. 

charieiViii.  to  his  owu  domiuious,  the  Itahan  states  had  been 
^LouhxiT  ^^P^  ^^^  continual  alarm,  by  rumours  of  great  pre- 
parations, said  to  be  making,  for  another  and  more 
po^verful  descent  upon  the  kingdom  of  Naples  ; 
but  these  apprehensions  were  suddenly  dispelled 
by  the  death  of  that  monarch,  occasioned  by  an 
apoplexy,  whilst  he  was  amusing  himself  by  the 
game  of  tennis,  at  the  castle  of  Amboise,  in  the 
month  of  April,  1498.  The  exultation  of  the 
Italians  on  this  event,  was  not,  however,  well 
founded,  and  it  is  probable  that  the  death  of  the 
king,  instead  of  being  favourable  to  their  repose, 
was  the  occasion  of  their  being  exposed  to  still 
greater  calamities.  Chai'les  had  little  pretensions, 
either  in  body  or  in  mind,  to  the  character  of  a 
hero.  He  had  made  a  hazardous  attempt,  from 
the  consequences  of  which  he  had  been  extricated 
with  difficulty  ;  and  there  was  no  great  probability 
that  he  would  have  exposed  himself  to  tlie  dangers 
of  a  second  expedition.  The  longer  continuance 
of  his  life  would  therefore  have  prevented,  or  post- 
poned, the  hostile  efforts  of  his  bolder  and  more 
active  successour.     This  successour  was  Louis, 

duke 

▼  Guicciard.  Storia  (Vital,  lib,  iv.  1.195. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  389 

duke  of  Orleans,  cousin  to  Charles  in  the  fourth  c  hap. 
degree,  who,  under  the  name  of  Louis  XII.  as-       '^' 
sumed  the  croMTi,  without  opposition,  and  immc-     1498. 
diately  after  his  accession,  gave  a  sticking  proof  of   ^^t.  23. 
his  intentions,  by  taking  the  additional  titles  of 
duke  of  Milan,  and  king  of  the  two  Sicilies.     No 
sooner  had  he  ascended  the  throne,  than  he  found 
a  pretext  for  divorcing  his  wife,  the  daughter  of 
Louis  XL  who,  as  he  alleged,   was  so  devoid  of 
personal  attractions,  and  of  so  sickly  a  constitution, 
that  he  had  no  hopes  of  progeny  from  her,   and 
chose  in  her  stead,  Anne  of  Bretagne,  the  widow 
of  his  predecessor,  Charles  VIII.  Avho  is  supposed 
to  have  been  the  object  of  liis  affection  before  her 
former  marriage.    As  the  dispensation  of  the  pope 
was  requisite  for  this  union,  Alexander  VI.  was 
happy  in  so  favourable  an  opportunity  of  gratifying 
the  wishes  of  the  new  sovereign  ;  but  the  king  was 
too  impatient  to  wait  the  return  of  his  ambassa- 
dour,  and  presuming  on  the  success  of  his  mission, 
celebrated  the  marriage  before  the  necessary  for- 
malities for  his  divorce  had  been  expedited  from 
Rome.     This  irregularity  was,  however,  readily 
pardoned,  and  Cesar  Borgia,  who  had  now  de- 
vested himself  of  the  rank  of  cai-dinal,  was  deputed 
to  carry  to  France  the  dispensation,   which  w^as 
accompanied  by  the  hat  of  a  cardinal  for  George  of 
Amboise,   archbishop  of  Rouen.     The  magnifi- 
cence displayed  by   Cesar  on  this  embassy,   far 
exceeded  that  of  royalty  itself;  and  the  king  remu- 
nerated his  services,  by  conferring  on  him  the  tide 

of 


390  LIFE  AND   PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  of  duke  of  Valentinois,  in  Dauphiny,   and  by  a 

V.       grant  of  the  annual  sum  of  twenty  thousand  livres  ; 

1498.     to  which  was  also  added,  the  promise  of  a  territorial 

Mt.  23.  possession  in  the  Milanese,  as  soon  as  the  king- 
should  have  completed  the  conquest  of  tliat  coun- 
try.'" About  the  same  time,  Lucrezia,  the  daugh- 
ter of  the  pontiff,  was  divorced  from  her  husband, 
Giovanni  Sforza,  lord  of  Pesaro,  and  married  to 
Alfonso  of  Aragon,  a  natural  son  of  Alfonso  II. 
late  king  of  Naples. 

Ever  since  the  brothers  of  the  Medici  had  been 
compelled  to  quit  their  native  place,  the  Floren- 
tines had  exhibited  a  striking  instance  of  the  effects 
of  fanaticism,  in  debasing  both  the  intellectual  and 
moral  powers  of  the  mind.  Absurd  and  blasphe- 
mous pretensions  to  the  peculiar  favour  of  heaA^en, 
Death  of  sa.  ^q  ^\^q  powcr  of  workinc:  miracles,  and  of  predict- 

vonarola.  *  o  '  i 

ing  future  events,  were  asserted  by  Savonarola  and 
his  followers,  who  attempted  to  establish  the  reign 
of  Jesus  Christ,  as  it  was  impiously  called,  by  acts 
of  violence  and  bloodshed.  This  sudden  depres- 
sion 


■*  Guicciard.  lib.  iv.  1.  207.  On  this  occasion  Cesar  is 
supposed  to  have  carried  with  him  an  immense  treasure, 
and  even  the  horses  of  his  attendants  are  said  to  have  been 
shod  with  silver.  His  magnificent  entrance  into  Chinon, 
'  is  described  by  Brantome.  Mem.  v.  227.  Ed.  Leyde,  1722. 
GordoiCs  Life  of  Alex.  FI./i.lSO.  The  divorce  of  Louis  XII. 
and  his  marriage  contract  with  Anne  of  Bretagne,  appear 
in  the  collection  of  Du  Mont,  vol.  iii./i.  2.Ji/2.  404,  405. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  391 

^on  occasioned,  however,  as  sudden  a  reverse,  chap. 
No  sooner  were  the  Florentines  convinced  of  the       '^' 
fraudulent  practices  of  their  pretended  prophet,     1498. 
than  they  satiated  their  resentment  by  the  destruc-    ■^^'  ^^' 
tion  of  the  man  who  had  so  long  been  the  object 
of  their  admiration,   after  which  they  committed 
his  body,  together  with  those  of  two  of  his  asso- 
ciates, to  the  flames,  and  scattered  their  ashes  in 
the  river  Anio."     Respecting  the  character  of  Sa- 
vonarola, 


*  This  circumstance  is  adverted  to  in  tJie  following 
sonnet,  prefixed  to  an  Italian  translation  in  MS.  of  the  life 
of  Savonarola,  from  the  Latin  of  Giovan-Francesco  Pico, 
one  of  his  warmest  admirers.  At  the  close  of  the  work  is 
a  large  collection  of  miracles,  attributed  to  this  extraordi- 
nary and  unfortunate  man.  The  person  referred  to  under 
the  name  of  //  Tiranno,  is  undoubtedly  Piero  de'  Medici  :— 

"  Alma  citta,  che  al  fuoco,  al  onda, 
"  Vedesti  in  preda  i  tre  martiri  eletti, 
"  E  tra  le  pene  acerbe,  e  tra  dispetti, 
"  Lieti  insieme  provar  morte  gioconda, 

"  Godi,  che  d'ogni  ben  tosto  feconda 
"  Ti  mostran  di  profeti  i  santi  detti ; 
"  E  tu,  che  sei  regina  de'  profeti, 
"  Ove  il  fallo  abondo,  la  grazia  abonda. 

"  II  tuo  ricco,  onorato,  altiero  fiume, 

"  Che  si  nasconde  il  gran  tesoro  in  seno, 
"  Di  quel  sacro  divin  cenere  sparso, 

"  Vedra  morto  il  Tiranno,  spento  ed  arso 
"  Ogn  'infidel,  e'l  vizio  venir  meno, 
"  Ed  apparir  nuova  luce,  e  nuovo  lume." 

For  the  particulars  of  the  catastrophe  of  Savonarola,  see 
Life  ofJ^or.  de'  Medici,  vol.  ii.  p.  269. 


392  LIPE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  vonarola,  a  great  diversity  of  opinions  has  arisen, 

V'      as  well  in  subsequent  times,   as  in  his  own  ;  and 

1498.     whilst  some  have  considered  him  as  a  saint  and  a 

-Et.  23.  martyr,  others  have  stigmatized  him  as  an  impostor 
and  a  demagogue.  It  requires  not,  however,  any 
great  discernment  to  perceive,  that  Savonarola 
united  in  himself  those  exact  proportions  of  kna- 
very, talents,  folly,  and  learning,  which,  combined 
with  the  insanity  of  superstition,  compose  the  cha- 
racter of  a  fanatick  ;  the  motives  and  consequences 
of  whose  conduct,  are  perhaps  no  less  obscure  and 
inexplicable  to  himself,  than  they  are  to  the  rest  of 
mankind. 

The  secret  treaty  between  Lodovico  Sforza  and 
viteiiicM-    |.j^g  g^^^g  Qf  Florence,  was  much  more  detrimental 

tures  the  for-  ' 

tress  of  vico  to  thc  Venetians,  than  it  would  have  been  if  pub- 
lickly  avowed.  By  his  solicitations,  several  of  the 
Italian  leaders,  who  had  engaged  in  the  defence  of 
Pisa,  were  induced  to  enter  into  the  service  of  the 
Florentines  ; '  and  the  army  of  the  republick,  under 
the  command  of  Paolo  Vitelli,  at  length  took  the 
field,  Avith  a  considerable  body  of  horse,  and  a 
powerful  train  of  artillery.  Having  hastily  passed 
the  Arno,  Vitelli  first  bombarded  the  casde  of 
Buti,  where  the  Venetians  attempted  to  oppose  his 
progress.  This  place  he  carried  by  assault  on  thc 
second  day.  Thence  he  proceeded  towards  Pisa, 
and  having  stationed  several  bodies  of  troops  in  the 
vicinity,  so  as  to  pre\  ent  the  approach  of  supplies 
to  the  city,  he  turned  his  artilleiy  against  Vico 

Pisano, 


Fisano. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  393 

Pisano,  a  fortress  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Pisa,  chap. 
where,  having  made  a  breach  in  the  walls,  he  com-        ^- 


pelled  the  garrison  to  capitulate,  and  proceeded  1498. 
by  regular  approaches,  to  reduce  the  city  to  sub-  -^^^  ^3. 
mission.  ^ 

In  the  mean  time  the  exiled  brothers  of  the 
Medici,  conceivinar  that  another  opportunity  was  Thini  at. 

°  .  ,  tempt  of  the 

now  afforded  them  for  attempting  the  recovery  of  Medici  to  re- 
Florence,  requested  the  Venetian  saiate  to  admit  „jtive  puce. 
them  as  associates  in  the  war  ;  representing  to 
them,  the  practicabilit)-  of  sending  a  body  of  troops 
through  the  passes  of  the  Appenines,  where  they 
"would  be  joined  by  the  numerous  friends  of  the 
Medici  in  that  quarter,  by  whose  assistance  they 
might  attack  the  city  before  it  could  be  provided 
with  the  means  of  defence.  The  Venetians,  at 
this  time  closely  pressed  by  Vitelli,  willingly  ac- 
cepted the  offer ;  and  a  large  body  of  infantiy  was 
immediately  collected,  the  command  of  Avhich  was 
giA-en  to  the  duke  of  Urbino  and  Astorre  Baglioni, 
of  Perugia.  Piero  de'  Medici,  with  his  brother 
Giuliano,  and  his  cousin  Giulio,  having  united 
their  troops  \^ith  those  of  Baitolommeo  d'Alveano 
and  Carlo  Orsino,  joined  the  Venetians  in  the  Val 
de  Lamone,  and  possessed  themselves  of  the  small 
to\^'n  of  Marra.  They  soon,  however,  found  them- 
selves 


■     ! 


>•   Guicciard.  Sloria  cV  Ital.  lib.  iv.  I.  199. 
VOL.  I.  3d 


394  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  selves  opposed  by  the  Florentines,  with  whom 
V.      Lodovico  Sforza  had  now  united  his  arms  ;  but 
1498.    the  duke  of  Urbino  pressed  forwards,  and  having 
jEt.  23.  captured  the  town  of  Bibbiena,  descended  into  the 
sterile  district  of  Casentino,   through  which  the 
Arno  continues  its  course  to  Florence ;  and,  al- 
though his  operations  were  retarded  no  less  by  the 
severity  of  the  weather,  than  by  the  efforts  of  his 
enemies,  his  approach  filled  the  inhabitants  of  Flo- 
rence   with  consternation.     They,  therefore,   di- 
rected their  commander  Vitelli  to  fortify,  in  the 
best  manner  he  could,  the  places  which  he  had 
occupied  near  Pisa,   and  to  proceed  immediately 
to  oppose  the  Medici,  in  Casentino.    The  courage 
and  experience  of  the  duke  of  Urbino,  and  the 
ardour  £uid  rapidity  of  d'Alveano,  were  opposed 
by  the  vigilance  and  caution  of  Vitelli.     With 
inconceivable  industry  he  fortified  the  passes  by 
which  alone  the  troops  of  the  Medici  could  ap- 
proach ;  he  restrained  their  excursions  on  every 
side ;    he  weakened  their  forces  in  vai'ious  skir- 
mishes, and  harassed  them  by   cutting  oft'  their 
supplies.    Unable  either  to  procure  subsistence,  or 
to  change  the  situation  of  their  troops,  the  Vene- 
tian commissaries,  with  the  brothers  of  the  Medici, 
secretly  deserted  their  ai-my,  and  fled  for  safety  to 
the  town  of  Bibbiena.     The  soldiers  themselves 
were  compelled  to  undergo  that  last  of  all  military 
disgraces  the  compulsory  surrender  of  their  arms  ; 
after  which  they  were  permitted  by  their  con- 
querors to  retire,  dejected,  emaciated,  and  dis- 
graced, 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH,  395 

graced,  to  their  own  country.     It  was  probably  on  c  h  a  p. 
this  disastrous  event,  that  the  anguish  of  Piero  de'       V' 
Medici  burst  forth  in  the  following  sonnet  •/  which,     1498. 
although  incorrect  and  unpolished,  may  be  consi-    -^i-  s.i. 
dered  as  the  genuine  expression  of  his  feelings. 

SONNET. 

When  all  my  sorrows  past  I  call  to  mind. 
And  what  I  am,  Avith  what  I  was  compare  ; 
No  more  allowed  those  dear  delights  to  share, 
Alone  to  thee,  my  native  spot,  confined, 

Tears 


*  This  production  is  now  first  printed  from  the  original, 
in  the  Laurentian  library  ;  which  appears  there  in  a  very 
rude  and  imperfect  state  : 

SONETTO. 

"  Non  posso  far  che  gli  occhi  non  m'inacqui, 
*'  Pensando  quel  ch'io  sono,  e  quel  ch'io  ero  ; 
"  D'aver  diletto  mai  piu  non  spero 
"  In  alcun  nido  com'  in  quel  ch'io  nacqui. 

«  Per  certo  ch'a  fortuna  troppo  spiacqui, 
"  E  chi'l  cognosca  credi  che'l  sia  '1  vero  ; 
"  Sofert'  ho  in  pace,  e  gia  non  mi  dispero, 
"  Con  tutto  che  con  I'ira  il  viso  imbiacqui, 

<*  lo  m'assomiglio  al  legno  in  alto  m?ire, 
"  Che  per  fortuna  I'arbore  sta  torto, 
"  Cangio  le  vele  e  sto  per  annegare. 

"  Se  non  perisco  ancor,  guignero  in  porto. 
"  Fortuna  sa  quel  ch'ella  sa  ben  fai'e, 
"  Sana  in  un  punto  chi  e  quasi  morto. 

"  lo  son  fuor  del  mio  orto, 
"  Dice  il  proverbio  ;  odi  parola  adorna 
"  Che  chi  non  muor  qualche  volta  ritorna." 


396  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.       Tears  dim  my  eyes.     Yet  though  with  looks  unkind 
V.  Vindictive  fortune  still  pursues  me  near, 

J  >gg  Firm  as  I  may  her  injuries  I  bear  ; 

_.  In  spirit  ardent,  but  with  heart  I'esigned 

Like  some  storm-beaten  bark,  that  o'er  the  deep 
Dismantled  drives,  the  sport  of  every  blast, 
I  speed  my  way,  and  hourly  wait  my  doom. 
Yet  when  I  trace  the  many  dangers  past, 

Hope  still  survives  ;  my  destined  course  I  keep, 
And  trust  to  fate  for  happier  hours  to  come. 

During  the  contest  respecting  the  city  of  Pisa, 
the  Florentines  had  at  various  times  made  over- 

The  contest 

respecting     turcs  to  thc  Vcnctians  and  their  aUies,  for  com- 

Pisa  submit-  ,    , 

ted  to  the  promising  the  chflferences  to  which  it  had  given 
Ercoie,  duke  Hsc ;  but  the  scuate,  conscious  of  their  superiority, 
ot  Fe.rara.  ^^^  dcsirous  of  rcduciug  the  territory  of  Pisa  under 
their  own  dominion,  had,  under  various  pretexts, 
refused  to  hsten  to  any  terms  of  pacification.  The 
disgraceful  defeat  of  their  troops  in  Casentino,  and 
the  vigour  with  which  Vitelli  carried  on  the  siege  . 
of  Pisa,  at  length  induced  them  to  relax  in  their 
pretensions  ;  and,  by  the  intervention  of  Lodo- 
vico  Sforza,  it  was,  after  long  negotiation,  agreed, 
that  all  differences  between  the  contending  parties 
should  be  finally  decided  by  Ercoie,  duke  of  Fer- 
rara.  Having  undertaken  the  ofiice  of  mediator, 
and  heard  the  various  representations  of  the  dif- 
ferent envoys,  he  published  his  determination  on 
the  sixth  day  of  April,  1499  ;  by  which  he  order- 
ed, that  the  Venetians  should  immediately  with- 
draw their  troops  from  the  Florentine  and  Pisan 
territories.     That  the  Florentines  should  pay  to 

tliem 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  397 

them  one  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  ducats,  by  c  hap. 
stated  payments  of  fifteen  thousand  in  each  year,       ^' 
as  an  indemnity  for  the  expenses  of  the  war  ;  and     1*99. 
that  the  city  of  Pisa  should  return  to  its  obedience  ^'^-  ^*- 
to  Florence,  under  certain  restrictions,  b}'  which 
the  administration  of  justice,  both  criminal  and 
civil,  and  the  publick  revenue  of  the  state,  were 
secured  to  the  inhabitants.^ 

This  determination,  instead  of  reconciling:  the  ""  '"'^"'^" 

^  rfnce  ineffec- 

contending  parties,  was  received  with  disapproba-  '"^'J- 
tion  by  all.  The  Venetians,  disappointed  in  those 
views  of  aggrandizement  with  which  they  had 
entered  into  the  war,  considered  the  payment  of 
an  annual  sum  as  no  alleviation  of  their  vexation 
and  disgrace.  The  Florentines  murmured,  that 
after  the  enormous  expenses  which  they  had  alrea- 
dy sustained  in  the  defence  of  their  long  established 
rights,  they  should  be  compelled  to  reimburse 
the  Venetians  to  so  large  an  amount ;  whilst  their 
dominion  over  the  city  and  territory  of  Pisa  vras 
mutilated  and  restricted,  so  tliat  thev  could  not 
indemnify  themseh  es  in  that  quarter  for  any  part 
of  their  expenditure.  But  abo^■e  all,  die  citizens 
of  Pisa  exclaimed  against  the  decision  of  the  duke ; 
which  they  contended,  Mould  in  eifect,  deliver 
them  once  more  into  the  absolute  power  of  theb 
oppressors,  who  would  soon  find  a  pretext  to  de- 

pri\'e 


GuicciariL  Gloria  d'  Ital.  lib,  iv.  1.  220, 


resolve  to 
defend  them- 
selves. 


398  LIFE   AND   PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  prive  them  of  their  immunities,   and  to  reduce 
V'       them  to  the  same  disgraceful  state  of  vassalage, 
1499.    under  which  they  had  so  long  laboured.     It  was 
^t.  24.   to  no  purpose,  that  the  duke  attempted,    by  an 
additional  decree,  to  obviate  these  objections.  The 
continuance  of  the  war  was  resolved  upon ;  and 
measures  were  resorted  to  for  the  renewal  of  hos- 
tilities, with  greater  violence  than  before.'' 

The  inhahi.         In  some  respects,  however,  the  contest  took  a 
tants  of  Pisa  ^jjjfgj-gj-jt  aspcct.     From  some  indications  in  the 

course  of  the  treaty ,  the  citizens  of  Pisa  began  to 
suspect,  that  the  Venetians  might  at  length  accom- 
modate their  differences  with  the  Florentines,  and 
that  their  city  might  be  considered  as  the  price  of 
reconciliation;  whilst  the  Venetians,  affecting  to 
be  dissatisfied  with  the  conduct  of  the  inhabitants, 
withdrew  their  troops  from  the  defence  of  the  city, 
for  the  purpose,  in  fact,  of  securing  the  posses- 
sion of  such  parts  of  the  territory  as  they  might  be 
enabled  to  occupy.  The  citizens  saw,  without 
regret,  the  departure  of  their  doubtful  allies ;  and 
with  the  aid  of  a  few  mercenaries,  who  had  been 
introduced  within  the  walls  by  the  Venetians,  and 
who  liad  agreed  to  join  in  their  defence,  they 
resolved  to  maintain  tiieir  independence  to  the  last 
extremity.''  The  walls  of  Pisa  were  of  uncom- 
mon 

''  Guicciard.  Storia  d'  Ital.  lib.  iv.  1 .  220. 
c  Ibid,  fi,  221. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  399 

moil  strength.     The  fortresses  were  well  provided  chap. 
and  garrisoned.     The  inhabitants  were  numerous       v. 


and  courageous  ;  many  of  them  were  respectable  1499. 
by  their  rank  and  talents ;  and  an  unremitting  war-  Mt.  34. 
fare  of  several  years,  had  habituated  them  to 
militaiy  fatigues.  Above  all,  their  aversion  to  the 
government  of  the  Florentines  was  inexting-uish- 
able  ;  and  this  sentiment  alone  would  have  supplied 
every  deficiency. 

On  the  other  hand  the  Florentines  lost  no  time  y'""' /f- 
in  availing  themselves  of  the  successes  which  they  '"  '*»«  *'^*' 

.  T-»'i  -1111         7'      '^"'  neglects 

had  already  obtamed.   Besides  a  considerable  body  toivaii  him- 
of  horse,  their  army  was  now  increased  to  ten  jdvalugel 
thousand  foot ;  with  which,  and  the  aid  of  twenty 
large  pieces  of  ai'tillery,  Vitelli  attacked  the  for- 
tress of  Stampace,  on  which  the  citizens  of  Pisa 
chiefly  relied  for   the  defence  of  the  city.     The 
exertions  of  the  besieged  to  repair  the  breaches, 
although  both  sexes,  and  all  descriptions  of  per- 
sons united  in  the   labour,  were  ineffectual,  and 
an  unremitting  cannonade  of  ten  days,  at  length 
levelled  a  great  part  of  the  walls.  Of  those  engaged 
in  the  defence,  many  were  slaughtered ;  the  rest 
took  refuge  in  the  city,  and  were  closely  pursued 
by  the  Florentine  troops,    who  at  that  moment 
might  in  all  probability  have  possessed  themselves 
of  the  prize  for  which  tliey  had  so  long  contended. 
Vitelli,  ho\vever,  either  did  not  percei^'e,  or  did 
not  choose  to    avail  himself   of   the  opportunity 
afforded  him  for  terminating  the  war.     Satisfied 

with 


400  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  with  the  success  of  the  day,  in  the  acquisition  of 

^''      the  fortress,  and  conceiving  that  the  city  would 

1499.    now  become  an  easy  prey,  he  restrained  the  ardour 

^t.  24.  of  the  soldiery,  and  allowed  the  inhabitants  to 
recover  from  their  panick.  But  although  Vitelli 
had  omitted  to  storm  the  city,  he  persevered  with 
the  utmost  vigilance  in  such  measures  as  were 
most  likely  to  compel  the  inhabitants  to  suiTcnder; 
and,  in  the  various  means  which  he  adopted  for 
reducing  the  place,  gave  striking  proofs  of  those 
abilities,  by  which  he  had  obtained  his  military 
reputation.  The  constant  use  of  artillery  had 
again  effected  a  breach  in  the  walls ;  the  soldiers, 
inflamed  with  the  hopes  of  plunder,  were  earnest 
for  the  attack  ;  the  Florentine  commissaries  remon- 
strated with  Vitelli  on  the  injudicious  and  danger- 
ous delays  which  he  manifested  in  all  his  proceed- 
ings, and  a  time  was  at  length  fixed  upon  for 
storming  the  place,  which  it  was  agreed  should  be 
the  twenty-fourth  day  of  August.  But,  whilst  tlie 
fi-uits  of  his  labours  were  thus  ripening,  and  seem- 
ed only  to  court  his  hand,  a  sudden  blight  deprived 
Vitelli  of  his  expected  prize.  The  low  and  mar- 
shy district  in  the  vicinity  of  Pisa,  had  combined 
with  the  slaughter  of  the  soldiery,  to  occasion  a 
pestilential  distemper  in  the  Florentine  camp,  which 
in  the  course  of  a  few  days,  made  so  rapid  a  pro- 
gress, that  at  the  time  appointed,  a  sufficient 
number  of  troops  could  not  be  collected  to  pro- 
ceed to  the  attack.  Fresh  IcA'ies  of  soldiers  were 
poured  in  by  the  Florentines ;  but  the  destructive 

malis^nitv 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  401 

malignity  of  the  disorder,  destroyed  them  more  chap. 
fapidly  than  they  could  be  replaced."^  Smitten,  like       v- 
the  Greeks  before  Troy,  by  an  invisible  hand,  the     1499. 
Florentine  troops  were  compelled  to  abandon  their  ^t.  34. 
enterj^rise,  in  order  to  secure  a  retreat,  before  the 
further  progress  of  the  disease  should  so  far  debili- 
tate them,  as  to  render  them  an  easy  conquest  to 
the  exasperated  and  vindictive  inhabitants.   Vitelli 
therefore  embarked  his  artillery  on  the  Amo,  for 
the  purpose  of  conveying  it  to  Leghorn ;    but  by 
an  unfortunate  fatality,  the  greater   part  of  it  fell 
into  the  hands  of  tlie  enemy.     Quitting,  witli  the 
remainder  of  his  troops,  the  contagious  precincts 
of  Pisa,  he  proceeded  throusrh  the  Via  Marrana  ^''^''^ 

1      /-,  •  A-x       1  •  brought  to 

towards  Cascma.  On  his  arrival  at  this  place,  he  Florence  and 
was  met  by  a  deputation  from  the  citizens  of  Flo- 
rence, by  whom  he  was  made  a  prisoner  and  con- 
ducted to  that  city,  where  he  was  put  to  the  torture 
for  the  purpose  of  inducing  him  to  confess  that  he 
had  conducted  liimself  with  treachery  towards  the 
republick.  Among  other  charges  against  him, 
it  was  alleged,  that  he  had  held  an  interview  Avith 
the  Medici  in  the  war  of  Casentino,  and  that  he 

had 

*  Gidcciard.  Storia  d'  Ital.  lib.  iv.  1.  235.  Muratori 
Annali  d'  Ital.  ix.  597.  Macchiavelli  also  alludes  to  this 
circumstance  in  his  first  Decennale  : 

"  Lungo  sarebbe  narrar  tutti  i  tovti, 

"  Tutti  gl'  inganni  corsi  in  quell'  assedio, 
"  E  tutti  i  cittadin,  per  febbve  moiti." 
VOL.  I.  3  E 


402  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  had  intentionally  suffered  them  to  escape,  although 
V;,      he  had  it  in  his  power  to  have  sent  them  prisoners 
1499.     to  Florence,  to  have  received  the  due  reward  of 
iEt.  24.   their  rebellion  against  their  country.     His  conduct 
before  Pisa  was,  however,  a  still  more  grievous 
cause  of  offence ;   and  although  no  acknowledg- 
ment of  either  guilt  or  errour  could  be  obtained 
from  him,  he  was  ordered  to  be  decapitated ;  and 
the  sentence  vias  on  the  same  night  carried  into 
effect.*"     His  brother  Vitellozzo,  although  at  that 
time   labouring  under    sickness,    had    the   good 
fortune    to  effect  his    escape,    and  fled  to  Pisa, 
with  as  many  of  his  followers  as  he  could  pre- 
vail upon  to  accompany  him.     He  was  received 

Avith 


^  JVerlif  Commentarii.  lib.  iv.  /j.  84.  The  unhappy  fate 
of  Vitelli  is  commemorated  by  Ant.  Fr.  Ranieri,  in  the 
following,  not  inelegant,  lines  : 

"  Urbis  ut  ingratx  scelus,  et  victricia  Pauli 

*'  Audiit  immiti  colla  resecta  manu, 
"  Scipiadum  major,  tua  quid  benefacta,  Vitelli, 

"  Quid  valuere  mea  ?  ah,  dixit  et  ingemuit. 

Nardi  informs  us,  that  although  no  charge,  but  that  of 
disobedience,  could  be  proved  against  Vitelli,  before  his 
execution,  many  of  his  letters  were  afterwards  discovered, 
which  manifested  his  treachery.  Hist.  Fior.  lib  iii.  //.  61. 
This  mode  of  executing  a  person  first,  and  obtaining  the 
proofs  of  his  guilt  afterwards,  is  not  greatly  to  be  com- 
mended, and  affords  too  much  reason  to  conjecture,  that 
the  documents  were  fabricated,  for  the  purpose  of  justifying 
an  act  of  odious  and  illegal  severity. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  403 

with  great  exultation  by  the  inhabitants,  who  by  c  h  a  p. 

tlieir  own  resohition,  and  a  fortunate  concurrence  v- 

of  events,  were  at  length  freed  from  their  ad ver-  1499. 

saries,  and  once  more  indulged  themselves  in  the  ^t.  24. 
hope  of  establishing  the  ancient  independence  of 
their  repubhck. 


CHAP.  VI. 

1499—1503. 

LOUIS  XII.  resolves  to  attempt  the  conquest  of  Milan 
and  Naples — Forms  an  alliance  with  Alexander  VI.  and 
the  Venetians — The  cardinal  de'  Medici  quits  Italy — 
Travels  through  various  parts  of  Europe — Louis  XII. 
possesses  himself  of  the  dutchy  of  Milan — Cesar  Bor- 
gia attacks  the  cities  of  Romagna — ilmprisonment  and 
death  of  Lodovico  Sforza — The  cardinal  de'  Medici 
arrives  at  Rome — The  Florentines  again  attack  Pisa- 
Cesar  Borgia  perseveres  in  his  hostilies  against  the 
Italian  states — The  Medici  attempt  a  fourth  time  to  ef- 
fect their  return  to  Florence — Cesar  Borgia  threatens 
that  city — Treacherous  combination  between  Louis  XII. 
and  Ferdinand  of  Spain — Federigo  king  of  Naples  is 
deprived  of  his  dominions — He  retires  to  France — Gon- 
salvo  betrays  the  young  duke  of  Calabria — Cesar  Borgia 
captures  the  states  of  Piombino,  Camerino,  and  Urbino 
— Pietro  Soderini  preserves  Florence  from  the  attacks 
of  Borgia — Is  appointed  Gonfaloniere  for  life — Alliance 
between  Cesar  Borgia  and  Louis  XII.— The  Italian  no- 
bles oppose  the  proceedings  of  Borgia — Several  of  them 
treacherously  put  to  death  by  him  at  Sinigaglia — He 
seizes  on  their  territories — Death  of  Alexander  VI. — 
Remarks  on  his  character  and  conduct, 

VV  HILST  Italy  continued  to  be  thus  agitated  by  ^  h  a  p. 
internal  commotions,  another  storm  was  gathering      vr. 
beyond  the  Alps,  uhich  soon  burst  with  additional     1499. 
violence  on  that  unhiappy  coinitry.     The  attack  of  j?a  24. 

Charles 


406  LIFE   AND   PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.  Charles  VIII.  upon  the  kingdom  of  Naples  was 
VI.      the  effect  of  a  puerile  ambition  ;  but  Louis  XII. 
1499.     Avasa  courageous  and  a  politick  prince;  and  the 
^t.  24.   personal  experience  which  he  had  acquired  during 
Louis  XII.    the  expedition  of  Charles  VIII.  in  which  he  had 
attempt  IL  hiiTisclf   bom    a    principal    part,    rendered    him 
Murif   a    still    more    dangerous    enemy.     After  having 
Naples.        openly  asserted  his  pretensions  to  the  crown  of  Na- 
ples, and  the  states  of  Milan,  he  began  to  nego- 
tiate with  the  other  powers  of  Europe,  and  in  par- 
ticulai'  with    the    Italian    governments,  for  their 
assistance  or  neutrality  in  the  approaching  contest. 


Venice, 


Forms  .in  ai-       j^^  raininaT  over  Alexander  VI.  to  his  interests 

liance  with  "^  *-*  .    . 

Aie.xander  he  fouud  but  litUc  difficulty.  1  hat  ambitious  pon- 
repubiick  rf  tiff,  incessantly  aiming  at  the  exaltation  of  his  family, 
'  and  desirous,  beyond  measure,  of  estabhshing  his 

authority  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  where  he  had 
already  obtained  considerable  influence,  had  pro- 
posed to  Federigo  the  marriage  of  Cesar  Borgia 
with  one  of  his  daughters,  whose  dowry  he  ex- 
pected should  be  the  extensive  principality  of  Ta- 
rentum.  This  union  Avas,  however,  rejected  in 
the  most  decisive  terms  by  Federigo ;  who,  although 
he  ^vas  not  ignorant  that  his  refusal  would  draw 
down  upon  him  the  resentment  of  the  pontiff,  chose 
rather  to  abide  its  consequences,  than  assent  to  an 
alliance,  M'hich  he  considered  as  still  more  danger- 
ous. Thus  disappointed  in  the  hopes  of  aggran- 
dizement, which  he  had  so  warmly  cherished 
from  this  quarter,  Alexander  was  prepared  for  any 

propositions 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  407 

propositions    from  the  French  monarch,    which  chap. 
might  enable  him  to  gratify  his  resentment  against      v^* 
the  king  of  Naples.     A  reciprocation  of  fa\ours     1499. 
had  already  commenced  between  Louis  XII.  and   JE.i.  24. 
the  pope,  by  which  both  parties  had  been  highly 
gratified;  and  this  connexion  was  speedily  strength- 
ened by  the  marriage  of  Cesai*  Borgia  with  Carlotta, 
daughter  of  John  D'Albret,  king  of  Navaire,  and 
nearly  related  to  Louis  XII.  and  by  the  promotion 
of  the  brother  of  that  princess  to  the  purple.     The 
marriage  took  place  on  the  twelfth  day  of  May, 
1499;  and  fi-om  this  period  Alexander  considered 
himself  as  devoted  to  the  interests  of  France,  and 
was  ready  to  emplo}'  both  his  spiritual  iuid  temporal 
arms  in  her  service.  *     The  Venetians,  disgusted 

with 


*  When  the  news  of  the  marriage   of  Cesar  Borgia, 

and  of  his  being  honoured  by  Louis  XII.  with  the  order  of 

St.  Michael,  was  received  at  Rome,  great  rejoicings  took 

place  ;  which,  if  we  may  believe  Burchard,  were  conducted 

in  a  manner  highly  discreditable  to  the  pontiff  and  tlie  apos- 

tolick  see.     "  Feria  quinta  vigesima  tcrtia  Maii,  venit  cur- 

"  sor  ex  Francia.,  qui  nunciavit  Sanctissimo  Domino  nostro 

"  Cxsarem  Valentinum  Ducem  filium  suum,  olim  cardina- 

"  lem,  contraxisse  matrimonium  cum  magnifica  Domina 

"  de  Allebretto,  a  die  prxsentis  mensis  ;  et  illud  Dominica 

"  duodecima  ejusdem  consummasse.  «         »         » 

"  *         *       Venit  alius  annuncians  quod  in  die  pentecostes 

♦'  nona  dccima  hujus,  Rex  Francix  assumpsit  Ducem  prsc- 

"  dictum   in  confratrewi  confraternitatis  Sancti  Michaclis, 

"  quse  est  regia  et  magiii  honoris.     Fuerant  propterca  ex 

"  mandato  Pontificis  facti  multiignes  per  urbem  in  signum 

"  Iwiitix  ; 


408  LIFE   AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  with  the  irresolute  and  treacherous  conduct  of  Lo- 

VI'      dovico  Sforza,  had  already  been  induced  by  the 

1499.    promise  of  being  put  into  possession  of  the  city  of 

jEt.  24.  Cremona,  and  the  district  of  Ghiaradadda,  to  enter 

into  a  league  with  Louis  XII.  to  assist  him  in  the 

recovery  of  Milan,  in  which  a  power  was  reserved 

to  Alexander  VI.   to  become  a  party.  ^     Of  this 

privilege  the  pope  soon  afterwards  availed  himself; 

having  first  stipulated,  among  other  articles,  that 

the  states  of  Imola,    Forli,  Faenza,  and  Pesaro, 

then  under  the  government  of   their   respective 

lords,  should  be  conquered  by  the  arms  of  the 

allies,  and  united  under  tlie  sole  dominion  of  Cesar 

Borgia. 

dJ  M?dfd  "**       These  portentous  transactions  were  not  regarded 
quits  Italy,    ^y[^\y  r^^  inattentive  eye  by  the  cardinal  de'  Medici. 

and  travels  J  J 

tiiroaghva-    Hc  had  uow  attempted,  in  conjunction  with  his 

ri,ous  parts  of 

E.iioi)e.  brothers,  at  three  different  times,  to  effect  the  re- 
storation of  his  family  to  their  native  place.  The 
ill  fortune  or  misconduct  of  Piero  had  defeated 
all  their  endeavours,  and  every  new  attempt  had 
only  served  to  increase  the  violence  of  their  ene- 
mies, 


"  laetitise  ;  seel  in  magnum  dedecus  et  verecundiam  Sanctis- 
"  simi  Domini  nostri,  et  ejus  sanctae  sedis."  Burchard. 
Diar.     v.  Jjifiendix  to  Gordon's  Life  of  Alexander  VI. 

^  This  treaty,  formed  at  Blois,  and  bearing  date  the 
fifteenth  day  of  April,  1499,  is  given  in  the  Corps  Diplo- 
matique of  Dumont.    v.  iii.  par.  ii./i.  406. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  409 

mies,  and  to  bar  the  gates  of  Florence  more  firmly  chap. 
against  them.    Durmg  five  years  he  had  been  com-      vi- 
pelled  to  avail  himself  successively  of  the  protec-     ^499. 
tion  of  the  ancient  friends  of  his  family,  in  different   ■^^'  24. 
parts  of  Italy ;  but  as  the  hopes  of  his  restoration 
to  Florence  diminished,  he  began  to  be  regarded  as 
an  exile  and  a  fugitive,  and  in  the  approaching 
disturbances  of  Italy,  it  was  not  easy  to  determine 
in  what  pait  he  might  find  a  secure  asylum.     The 
city  of  Rome,  which  ought  to  have  afforded  him 
a  safe  and  honourable  residence,    was  rendered 
irksome  to  him  by  the  vices,  and  dangerous  by  the 
animosity  of  the  pontiff;  whilst  the  Florentines,  in 
order  to  secure  themsehes  during  the  approaching 
commotions,    had    acceded  to   the    league  with 
France,  and  thereby  cut  off  fi'om  the  Medici  all 
hopes  of  deriving  assistance  from  that  power  on 
which  they  had  hitherto  relied.     Impelled  by  these 
circumstances,  and  perhaps  also  actuated  by  the 
laudable  desire  of  visiting  foreign  countries,  the 
cardinal  determined  to  quit  Italy,    and  to  pass 
some  portion  of  his  time  in  traversing  the  principal 
kingdoms  of  Europe,  till  e\ents  might  arise  more 
favourable  to  his  views.  *^ 

This  design  he  communicated  to  his  cousin 
Giulio  de'  Medici,  and  it  was  agreed  to  form  a 

party 

*  Ammirato.,  RUratd  d'hiiomini  illuatri  cli  Cam  Medici. 
(J/iHsc.  vol.  iii.  ft.  66. 

VQL.  I.  3  F 


410  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  party  of  twelve  friends  ;  a  number  which  they  con - 
VI-      sidered  sufficiently  large  for  their  mutual  security 
1499.    in  the  common  incidents  of  a  journey,  and  too 
Mt.  24.  small  to  afford  any  cause  of  alarm.     Discarding, 
therefore,  tlie  insignia  of  their  rank,  and  equipping 
themselves    in    a  uniform  manner,    they    passed 
through  the  states  of  Venice,  and  visited  most  of 
the  principal  cities  of  Germany ;  assuming  in  turn 
the  command  of  their  troop,  and  partaking  of  all 
the  amusem-ents  afforded  by  continual  change  of 
place,  and  the  various  manners  of  the  inhabitants. 
On  their  arrival  at  Ulm,  their  singular  appearance 
occasioned  their  being  detained  by  the  magistrates ; 
but,  on  their  disclosing  their  quality  and  purpose, 
they  were  sent  under  a  guard  to  the   emperour 
Maximilian,  who  received  the  cardinal  with  that 
respect  and  attention,  to  which,  from  the  celebrity 
of  his  ancestors,  and  his  high  rank  in  the  church, 
he  was  so  well  entitled.     Far  from  interrupting 
their  progress,  Maximilian  highly  commended  the 
magnanimity  of  the  cardinal  in  bearing  his  adverse 
fortune  Avith  patience ;  and  his  judgment  and  pru- 
dence, in  applying  to  the  purposes  of  useful  infor- 
mation, that  portion  of  his  time,  of  which  he  could 
not  now  dispose  to  better  advantage.     Besides  fur- 
nishing him  with  an  honourable  passport  through 
the  German  states,  Maximilian  gave  him  letters  to 
his  son  Philip,  then  governour  of  the  low  countries  ; 
recommending  the  cardinal  and  his  companions  to 
his  protection  and  favour.     After  having  passed  a 
considerable  time    in   Germany,    the    associated 

friends 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  411 

friends  proceeded  to  Flanders ;  ^vhere  they  were  chap. 
received  by  Philip,  not  only  with  hospitality,  but  ^^- 
with  magnificence.  The  cardinal  then  intended  to  1499. 
have  taken  shipping,  and  proceeded  to  England  ;  ^t.  24. 
but  the  danger  of  the  voyage  deterred  his  friends 
from  the  undertaking  ;  and  at  their  entreaties,  he 
relinquished  his  design.  ^  They,  therefore,  bent 
their  course  towards  France.  On  their  arri\-al  at 
Rouen  they  were  again  seized  upon,  and  detained 
in  custody  ;  and,  although  the  cardinal,  and  his 
cousin  Giulio,  made  an  immediate  discovery  of 
their  rank,  and  represented  the  object  of  their  jour- 
ney to  be  totally  unconnected  with  political  con- 
cerns ;  yet,  in  the  state  of  hostility  that  had  then 
commenced  between  the  kings  of  France  and  of 
Naples,  there  appeared  to  be  too  much  ground  for 
suspicion,  to  admit  of  their  being  speedily  releas- 
ed; nor  was  it  until  letters  were  obtained  from 
Piero  de'  Medici,  then  in  the  French  camp  at  Mi- 
lan, that  they  were  enabled  to  procure  their  dis- 
charge. Having  again  obtained  their  liberty,  they 
proceeded  through  France,  visiting  every  place  de- 
serving of  notice,  and  examining  whate\'er  was 
remarkable,  till  they  arrived  at  Marseilles  ;  where 

after 


**  "  Dal  qual  finalmente  partendo,  a  Terrovana  su'  I' 
"  oceano  si  condusse  ;  con  pensiero  di  veder  Inghilterra, 
«  se  da  compagni  non  fosse  stato  dissuaso ;  paurosi  oltre 
"  modo  de'  flutti  di  quel  vasto  e  profondissimo  marc' 
Amniir.  Ritratii,  in  Ofiusc.  vol.  m.p.  66. 


412  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  after  a  short  stay,  they  determined  to  proceed  by 
'^'^'      sea  immediately  to   Rome.       The  winds  being, 
1499.    however,  unfavourable,    they  were  compelled  to 
^t.  24.   (,Q^3^  the  Riviera  of  Genoa,  where  having  been 
driven  on  shore,  they  thought  it  advisable  to  re- 
linquish their  voyage,  and  to  proceed  by  land  to 
Savona.     On  their  arrival  at  this  place,  they  met 
Avith  the  cardinal  Giuliano  della  Rovere,  who  had 
fled  thither  to  avoid  the  resentment  of  Alexander 
VI.     A  common  enmity  to  that  profligate  pontiff*, 
and  a  similaiity  of   misfortunes,    rendered  their 
meeting  interesting :  and  three  refugees  sat  at  the 
same  table,  all  of  whom  were  afterwards  elevated 
to  the   highest  dignity   in  the    christian    world. 
The  two  cousins  of  the  Medici  gave  an  account  of 
the  objects    which  they  had  met  with   on  their 
journey ;  and  related  the  difficulties  which  they  had 
surmounted  by  land,  and  the  dangers  which  they 
had  encountered  by  sea.     The  cardinal  della  Ro- 
vere recapitulated  in  his  turn,  the  events  which 
had  taken  place  in  Italy  since  their  departure,  and 
in  \vhich  they  were  so  deeply  interested.     From 
Savona  the  cardinal  de  Medici  repaired  to  Genoa, 
where  for  some  time  he  took  up  his  residence  with 
his  sister,  Madalena,  the  wife  of  Francesco  Cibo, 
who  had  fixed  upon  that  city  as  the  place  of  his 
permanent  abode.  * 

During 


*  jimmir.  Ritratd,  0/iusc.  vol.  iii  ft.  66. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  413 

During  the  absence  of  the  cardinal  from  Rome,  chap. 
a  very  considerable  change  had  taken  place  in  the     ^^- 
political  state  of  Italy.     The  French  army  under     1499. 
the  command  of  d' Aubigny  had  crossed  the  Alps ;    -*^t.  24. 
and,  forminsf  a  junction  with  the  troops  of  Gian-  louIsxh. 
Giacopo   Trivulzio,   who  had  now  obtained  the  himseifot 
rank  of  marshal  of  France,  occupied  several  of  the  Miun. 
principal  towns  in  the   Milanese,   and  at  length 
captured  and  sacked  the  capital.     It  was  not  A\ith- 
out  difficulty   that   Lodovico  Sforza  effected  his 
escape  into  the  Tyrol.     Louis  XII.  informed  of 
the  success  of  his  ai-ms,  hastened  to  Milan,  which 
he  entered  as  sovereign  on  the  sixth  day  of  Octo- 
ber, 1499,  amidst  the  acclamations  of  the  people ; 
who,  wearied    ^\ith  the  tyranny  of  the   usurper, 
regarded  the  French  as  the  avengers  of  his  crimes, 
and  the  assertors  of  their  rights.  ^    On  this  occa- 
sion the  rightful  heir  to  the  supreme  authority  fell 
into  the  hands  of  Louis  XII.  who  tore  him  from 
his  motlier  Isabella,  and  sent  him  into  a  monastery 
in   France;    whilst  Isabella   herself,   having  wit- 
nessed the  destruction  of  her  husband  and  children 
at  Milan,  returned  to  Naples  to  behold  that  of  her 
whole  familv.     The  arms  of  the  French  and  their 
allies  in  Italy,  having  thus  far  been  successful,  the 
conquering  parties  began  to  divide  the  spoil.     The 
states  of  Milan  and  of  Genoa  were  recei^•ed  into 

the 


^  MuraCon\  Annali  d*  Italia,  vol.  ix.  ft.  600. 


414  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  the  allegiance  of  the  king  of  France. 'f     The  city 
VI-      and  district  of  Cremona  were  surrendered  up  to 
1499.     the  Venetians,  as  had  been  previously  agreed  on  ; 
iEt.  24.   and  it  only  remained  to  gratify  the  wishes  of  Alex- 
ander, and  his  son  Cesar  Borgia,  by  obtaining  for 
the  latter  the  dominion  of  the  several  states  in  Ro- 
magna,  which  had  been  promised  to  him  as  a 
recompense  for  the  concurrence  of  the  pope  in 
the  league  with  France. 

Cesai*  Borgia,  now  no  longer  called  the  cardinal 
Cesar  Borgia  of  Valcuza,  but  dukc  of  Valcntiuois,  having  ob- 
ckLs  of  Ro-  tained  a  considerable  body  of  French  troops,  and 
magna.  ynitcd  them  with  the  papal  forces,  proceeded  to 
attack  the  city  of  Imola,  which  he  soon  compelled 
to  capitulate.  The  fortress  of  Forli  was  defended 
with  great  courage  by  Caterina  Sforza,  the  mother 
of  the  young  prince  Ottaviano  Riario ;  but  all 
resistance  to  so  superiour  a  force  being  ineffectual, 
she  was  at  length  obliged  to  surrender ;  and,  being 
made  a  prisoner,  was  sent  to  the  castle  of  S.  An- 
gelo,  at  Rome.  She  was,  however,  soon  after- 
wai'ds  liberated  in  consequence  of  the  representa- 
tions of  Ivo  d'  Allegri,  who  commanded  the 
French  troops  in  the  service  of  Cesar  Borgia,  and 
who  was  induced  not  less  from  admiration  of  her 
courage  than  compassion  for  her  sex,  to  interest 
himself  in  her  behalf.     The  further  progress  of  the 

united 

i      8  1).  Macc/iiavellijlib.  del  Principe,  p.  6.  ed.  1550. 


/ 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  415 

united  armies,  Mas  prevented  by  new  disturbances  chap. 
in  the  Milanese,  in  consequence  of  which,  d' Alle-      vi- 
gri  returned  with  the  troops  under  his  command,      isoo. 
into  that  district ;  and  Cesar,  hastening  to  Rome,    M\..  25. 
entered  the  city  on  the  twenty-sixth  day  of  Febru- 
ary,  1500,  with  extraordinary  pomp.^    A  carnival 
was  soon  afterwai'ds  celebrated,  in  which  he  dis- 
played his  magnificence  at  an  incredible  expense  ; 
and,  as  a  rewai'd  for  his  achievements,  the  pope 
presented  him  with  the  golden  consecmted  rose, 
and  dignified  him  with  the  title  of  Gonfalon'iere  of 
the  holy  Roman  church. 

The  period  was  now  fast  approaching  in  which  imprison. 
Lodovico  Sforza,  the  author  of  so  many  calamities  de..ti.ofL»- 
to  his  countr}',  and  to  mankind,  was  to  meet  with  jforz^ 
the  retribution  that  awaited  his  misdeeds.     After 
having  attempted,  in  vain,  to  procure  the  assistance 
of  the  emperour  elect,  Maximilian,  he  resorted  to 
the  mercenary  aid  of  the  Swiss,  from  whom  he 
engaged  an  army  of  eight  thousand  men.     With 
this  force,  and  such  additional  troops  as  his  own 
exertions,  and  those  of  his  brother,  the  cardinal 
Ascanio,  could  raise,  he  suddenly  descended  into 
Italy,  and  passing  by  the  lake  of  Como,  possessed 
himself  of  the  adjacent  city.     The  commencement 
of  his  undertaking  was  prosperous.     The  cruelties 

and 


^  The  particulars  of  this  splendid  procession  are  fully 
given  by  Bu  re  hard. 


416  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICAtE 

CHAP,  and  enormities  practised  by  the  French,  had  already 

vJ'      convinced  the  people  of  the  errour  into  which  they 

1500.    had  been  led,  by  a  too  favourable  opinion  of  their 

Mt.25.   conquerors.      The  cities  of  Milan  opened  their 
gates  to  their  former  sovereign,  whose  government, 
though  severe,  appeared  to  them  kind  and  lenient, 
in  comparison  with  the  tyranny  of  the  French. 
Louis  XII.  was,  however,  unwilling  to  relinquish 
his  conquest  without  further  efforts.    Fresh  troops 
were  poured  over  the  Alps ;  the  principal  part  of 
which  consisted  also  of  Swiss  mercenaries,  who, 
to  the  number  of  ten  thousand,  engaged  to  oppose 
their  own  countrymen ;  and  who,  joined  to  six 
thousand  French  troops,  under  the  command  of 
the  duke  de  Tremouille,  again  threatened  the  de- 
struction of  the  family  of  Sforza.     The  contest 
between  the  two  armies   was  concentred  at  the 
city  of  Novara,  from  which  Lodovico  had  expelled 
the  French ;  who  still,  however,  kept  possession 
of  the  fortress.     Whilst  the  event  of  the  war  yet 
remained  uncertain,  that  treachery,  of  which  Lodo- 
vico had  so  often  set  the  example,  was  now  em- 
ployed to  his  own  destruction.  A  secret  intercourse 
had  already  taken  place  between  the  Swiss  troops 
in  his  service  and  the  French  commander.     At 
the  moment  when  he  expected  to  avail  himself  of 
their  assistance,  the}'  suddenly  deserted  his  standard, 
alleging  that  they  would  not  oppose  their  country- 
men in  battle ;  and,  with  the  privity  and  concur- 
rence of  the  French,  took  the  direct  road  to^vards 

their 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  417 

own  country.*     In  attempting  to  effect  his  escape,  chap. 
Lodovico  was,  on  the  tenth  day  of  April,   1500,      vi- 
made  prisoner,  with  several  of  his  nobility  and     isoo. 
friends.^     His  o^vn  crimes  afforded  a  pretext  to   ^t.  25. 
Louis  XII.  for  treating  him  with  a  degree  of  cruelty, 
which,  in  fact,  only  served  to  gratify  the  resent- 
ment of  the  king,  for  the  opposition  given  to  his 
pretensions,  and  which  changed  the  remembrance 
of  the  misconduct  of  Lodovico  into  compassion  for 
his  misfortunes.  Conveyed  to  the  castle  of  Loches, 
in  the  dutchy  of  Berri,*"  he  was  there  inclosed  in  a 
dark  and  lonely  chamber ;  where,  daily  furnished 
with  the  means  of  life,  but  deprived  of  all  that 
could  render  life  tolerable,  he  languished  in  soli- 
tude and  misery  the  remainder  of  his  existence ; 
a  space  of  ten  years.     Scarcely  does  the  history 
of  mankind  exhibit  a  spectacle  of  equal  commi- 
seration.    Pain  and  privation,  racks  and  chains, 
may  agonize  the  body ;  but  the  indignant  reaction 
of  a  mind  conscious  of  its  rectitude,  opposes  a 

barrier 


'  The  treacherous  conduct  of  the  Swiss  on  this  occasion 
was  notorious,  and  is  commemorated  in  the  works  of  seve- 
ral of  the  writers  of  the  time. 

J  On  the  same  day  that  Sforza  was  made  prisoner,  the 
poet  Marullus  lost  his  life,  in  attempting  to  pass  the  river 
Cecina,  in  the  district  of  Volterra.  His  untimely  fate  was 
a  subject  of  regret  to  several  of  his  learned  friends. 

^  Guiciard.lib.'iv.  1.  252.  Murat,  Annali.  vol.  ix.  ft. 
705. 

VOL.   I.  3  G 


418  LITE   AND   PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  barrier  to  their  eftects ;  whilst  death,  a  ministering^ 
VI-  angel,  is  ever  at  hand  to  ward  off  the  last  extremes 
1500.     of  suffering.     This,  alas,  was  not  the  fate  of  Lo- 

Mt.  25.  dovico  ;  with  sufficient  understanding  to  be  aware 
of  his  errours,  and  with  sufficient  sensibility  to  be 
convinced  of  his  guilt,  the  sufferings  of  his  mind 
were  probably  yet  more  acute  than  those  of  his 
body.  The  human  ruin  was  complete.  Other 
calamities  may  be  tolerated,  "  but  a  wounded  spirit, 
who  can  bear?" 


de'  Medici 
returns  to 
Uoine. 


The  cardinal  Such  wcrc  thc  cvcuts  that  had  taken  place  in 
Italy,  during  the  absence  of  the  cardinal  de'  Me- 
dici, and  which  speedily  prepared  the  way  to  still 
more  important  alterations.  From  Genoa  the  car- 
dinal hastened  to  Rome,  in  the  expectation,  that 
amidst  the  changes  and  commotions  to  which  the 
pretensions  of  Louis  XII.  and  the  ambition  of 
Cesai'  Borgia  incessandy  gave  rise,  an  opportunity 
might  yet  occur  of  restoring  the  Medici  to  their 
former  authority  in  the  city  of  Florence.  On  his 
arrival  at  Rome,  the  moderation  of  his  conduct^ 
and  the  respectability  of  his  life,  seemed  to  have 
effected  a  change  in  the  disposition  of  the  pope; 
who,  from  this  time,  appears  to  have  laid  aside 
his  ill  will,  and  to  have  treated  the  cardinal  with  the 
respect  and  attention  due  to  his  rank.  But,  although 
this  alteration  in  the  conduct  of  the  pope  was 
sufficiently  observable,  it  ^^'as  not  supposed,  by 
those  who  had  the  best  opportunities  of  forming 
a  just  opinion  of  these  very  opposite  characters, 

that 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  419 

diat  Alexander  was  sincere  in  his  professions  of  c  n  a  p. 
esteem,  for  one  whom  he  had  so  lately  marked  as      vi- 
an  object  of  his  displeasure.     On  the  contrary  it     i^oo 
was  conjectured,  that  the  crafty  pontiff  was  only    -^t-  2&. 
desirous   of   avoiding  the   imputation  of   having 
such  a  man  as  the  cardinal  for  his  enem}%   and 
of  screening  himself  from  the  odium  which  he  justly 
deserved,  by  inducing  a  belief,  that  he  li^^ed  ^v•ith 
him  on  terms  of  intimacy  and  confidence.     It  is 
thus  that  vice  sometimes  associates  itself  with  vir- 
tue, that  it  may  with  less  danger  of  detection  pur- 
sue its  criminal  purposes.^ 


The  awai'd  of  the  duke  of  Fernu-a  for  termina-  '^^'=  ^'°""- 

tines  again 

ting  the   war  respecting  the  city  of  Pisa,  having  attack  ti.c 
been  rendered  ineffectual  by  the  dissent  of  all  the  but'^rrere.' 
parties,  the  Florentines  had  begun  to  take  measures  Sabltant'^r 
for  repairing  their  former  disasters ;  and,  as  they 
had  concurred  with  the  Venetians  and  the  pope,  in 

the 


J  "  Cum  enim  vitam  moresque  tuos  ab  ineunte  xtate 
"  considero,  cum  castissime  superatam  adolescentiam,  ju- 
**  ventutem  actam  gravissime  atque  sanctissime,  cum  prse- 
"  terea  intueor  quanta  animi  fortitudine  atque  constantia, 
"  paupertatem,  diuturnumque  exilium  toleraveris ;  qua 
"  prudentia,  errore  fortasse  aliquo,  gravem  tibi  adversa- 
"  rium  Alexandrum  pontifacem  maximum,  eo  deduxeris 
"  facilitate  tua  et  suavissimis  moribus,  ut  non  modo  odium 
"  dissimulare  vellet,  sed  etiam  ad  declinandam  invidiam, 
"  se  tibi  cuperet  haberi  amicissimum,  See.  Greg.  Cortenii 
«  E^i.  ad  Leon. -a.,  inter  ejusd.  efufam.p.  219.  Vcn.  \572. 


420  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.  tli6  league  with  France,  they  conceived  that  they 

VI-      were  also  entitled  to  derive  some  advantage  from 

1500.    the  successes  of  the  allies,  towards  which  tliey  had 

JE.t.25.  contributed  by  sending  to  the  aid  of  the  king  a 
considerable  body  of  troops.  ""  These  pretensions 
were  urged  widi  great  eagerness ;  insomuch,  that 
the  cardinal  of  Rohan,  who  governed  the  Milanese 
states  on  behalf  of  Louis  XII.  was  at  length  pre- 
vailed upon  to  furnish  the  Florentines  with  a  body 
of  six  hundred  horse,  and  eight  thousand  Swiss 
soldiers,  accompanied  by  a  formidable  train  of  ar- 
tillery, and  a  supply  of  ammunition,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  reducing  the  citizens  of  Pisa  to  obedience.  " 
With  this  aid,  and  a  considerable  additional  body 
of  Italian  mercenaries,  the  Florentines  again  as- 
saulted that  unfortunate  city  ;  which  the  inhabitants 
had  fortified  to  the  utmost  of  their  power.     The 

besieged 


m  Guicciard.  lib.  v.  vol.  i.  fi.  254.  The  frequent  intro- 
duction of  the  "  siege  of  Pisa,"  may  perhaps  remind  the 
reader  of  the  sarcasm  of  Boccalini,  where  he  pretends, 
that  the  laconick  senate  condemned  an  unfortunate  author, 
■who  had  been  convicted  of  using  three  words,  where  two 
were  sufficient,  to  read  once  over  the  war  of  Pisa  by  Guic- 
ciardini ;  but  that  the  culprit,  after  having  with  great 
agony  laboured  through  the  first  page,  requested  his 
judges  would  send  him  to  the  gallies  for  life,  rather  than 
compel  him  to  go  thi'ough  with  his  labour.  Boccalin.  Rag- 
guag.  vi.  Guicciardini  enjoys  his  reputation  and  the  critick 
his  jest. 

"  JVardi)  Hist.  Fior.  lib,  iv.  fi.  55,  Ijfc. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  421 

besieged  did  not,  however,  wholly  rely  either  on  c  h  a  p. 
the  strength  of  their  ramparts,  or  on  theu'  own  vi- 
courage ;  but  had  recourse  to  artifice  and  nego-  1 500. 
tiation,  for  mitigating  the  violence,  or  obviating  ^^t.  25. 
the  effects  of  the  threatened  attack.  To  this  end 
tliey  despatched  their  envoys  to  the  French  go- 
vemours  in  Milan  and  Genoa,  as  well  as  to  Beau- 
mont, the  commander  of  the  French  troops  destined 
for  the  assault,  proposing  to  deliver  up  the  city  to 
the  French  king,  provided  he  would  receive  them 
as  his  subjects,  and  afford  them  his  protection. ' 
To  this  offer  Ravestan,  the  govemour  of  Genoa, 
expressed  his  assent ;  but  Beaumont  still  persevered 
in  the  attack ;  and,  having  at  length  succeeded  in 
demolishing  a  part  of  the  walls,  he  ordered  his 
troops  to  commence  the  assault.  An  ill  disciplined 
and  tumultuous  body  of  horse  and  foot  rushed  to- 
wards the  city ;  but,  although  the  walls  were  de- 
stroyed, an  immense  trench,  which  the  industry 
of  the  inhabitants  had  formed  within  them,  with 
an  additional  rampart,  unexpectedly  opposed  their 
further  progress.  ^  In  one  moment  the  daring  as- 
sailants were  converted  into  astonished  spectators, 
and  the  remainder  of  the  day  was  passed  without  any 
effort  to  surmount  the  difficulty.  The  offers  made 
to  the  king  of  France,  now  began  to  produce  their 

effects. 


•  Guicciard.  lib.  v.  vol,  ii.  fi.  256. 
P  JVardi.  Histor.  Fior.  lib.  iy.  fi.  56. 


422  LITE   AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  effects.  Miuiy  of  the  French  officers  "were  favoiir- 
VJ-  able  to  the  cause  of  the  hiliabitants.  An  amicable 
1500.  intercourse  soon  took  place  between  them,  and  they 
iEt.  25.  who  had  been  repulsed  as  enemies,  were  now  ad- 
mitted as  friends.  By  this  communication,  and 
the  long  delay  to  which  it  gave  rise,  the  discipline 
of  the  besieging  army  was  wholly  destroyed.  A 
general  mutiny  took  place,  in  M^hich  the  soldiery 
seized  upon  the  supplies  intended  for  the  siege, 
sacked  the  camp,  and  took  prisoner  the  Florentine 
commissary,  Luca  d'Albizi,  on  a  pretext  that  the 
arrears  of  their  pay  had  not  been  duly  discharged. 
No  sooner  was  the  besieging  army  dispersed,  than 
the  troops  in  the  city  sallied  out,  and  proceeding 
to  Librafatta,  a  gai'rison  toMn  on  the  Tuscan  fron- 
tier, with  great  intrepidity,  scaled  the  walls,  and 
possessed  themselves  of  the  place  ;  m  hich  was  of 
the  utmost  importance  to  their  safety,  as  it  opened 
to  them  all  the  country  towards  Lucca.  '^  Nor  did 
the  misfortimes  of  the  Florentines  terminate  here. 
Louis  XIL  exasperated  beyond  measure  at  the  dis- 
honour which  the  French  arms  had  sustained  in 
this  enterprise,  accused  the  Florentines  of  having 
rendered  it  abortive  by  their  own  parsimony  and 
imprudence.  The  Florentines  were  earnest  to 
justify  themsehes ;  for  which  purpose  they  des- 
patched two  ambassadours  to  the  king;   one  of 

whom 


^   Guicciard.  lib.  v.  vol..  i./i.  257. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  423 

whom  xvas  the  celebrated  Nicolo  Macchiavelli ;  »•  c  h  a  p. 
but  their  representations  were  of  little  avail ;  and  it      vi- 
was  only  by  the  payment  of  an  additional  sum,  for     1501. 
the  support,  as  the  king  pretended,  of  tlie  Swiss    ■'^^-  ^^' 
troops   on  their  return  to  Milan,  that  they  were 
again  received  into  favour.    The  resentment  of  the 
monarch  being  thus  pacified,  he  once  more  pro- 
posed to  afford  them  his  assistance.     But  the  Flo- 
rentines, suspecting,  perhaps,  that  he  had  himself 
designs  upon  the  city  of  Pisa,  or  being  already  so 
far  exhausted,  as  to  be  unable  to  bear  the  expenses 
which  a  new  attempt  ntust  inevitably  occasion, 
thought  proper  to  decline  his  further  aid. 

<  '  In'the  mean  time  Cesar  Borgia  persevered  in  cesar  Borgim 

1     1  -1  •   •  r   T»  T>       perseveres  in 

his  attempt  to  subdue  the  cities  ot  Komagna.     rSy  his  attempt* 
the  assistance  of  the  French  troops,  he  soon  pos-  °""^=  "»>'»» 
sessed  himself  of  Pesaro,  the  patrimony  of  Gio- 
vaimi   Sforza;    and  of  Rimini,    then  subject  to 
Pandolfo  Malatesti.     The  conquest  of  Faenza  \vas 
an  undertaking  of  greater  difficulty.     Such  was 
the  attachment  of  the  inhabitants  to  their  young  so- 
vereign, Astorre  Manfredi,    then  only  se^•enteen 
years  of  age,  that  the  utmost  efforts  of  the  assail- 
ants were  unable  to  reduce  the  place  until  the  fol- 
lowing year,    when  tlie    city  surrendered  to  the 
French  and  papal  arms.    Even  dien  the  possession 
was  only  obtained  under  the  sanction  of  an  honour- 
able 


states. 


>■  A^ardi^  Hist.  Fiorent.  lib.  iv  /.'.  67. 


424  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  able  capitulation,  by  which  the  young  prince,  who 

^^-      had  already  distinguished  himself  by  his  military 

1501.    talents,  was  to  hold  a  respectable  rank  in  the  ser- 

JEt.  26.  Yjj,g  Qf  Cesar  Borgia.  No  sooner,  however,  had 
that  implacable  tyrant  secured  his  person,  than 
he  sent  him,  accompanied  by  his  natural  brother, 
to  Rome ;  where  they  were  both  put  to  death. ' 
He  then  turned  his  arms  against  Bologna,  where 
he  had  already  a  secret  communication  with  some 
of  the  principal  citizens,  whom  he  had  seduced 
to  espouse  his  cause;  but  Giovanni  Bentivoglio, 
who  then  held  the  supreme  authority,  having  dis- 
covered the  intrigue,  seized  upon  several  of  the 
conspirators,  who  were  immediately  slaughtered  by 
his  adherents ;  and,  having  diligently  attended  to 
die  defence  of  the  city,  prevented,  for  a  time,  the 
further  progress  of  the  usurper,  who  had  intended 
to  constitute  Bologna  the  capital  of  his  new  go- 
vernment ;  of  which  the  pope  had  already  granted 
him  the  investiture,  by  the  title  of  duke  of  Ro- 
magna.  ^ 

The  Medici        Wliilst  Ccsar  Borgia,  thus  checked  in  his  career, 

attempt  a  i         •        •  •  i  i 

fourth  time   was  hcsitatmg  agamst  whom  he  should  next  lead 

retarotorS  thc  formidable  body  of  troops,  of  which  he  had 

obtained  the  command,  the  Medici  conceived  that 

a  favourable 


'   Guicciard.  lib.  v.  vol.  i.  fi.  262. 
^  Jovii,   Vita  Leonis  x.  lib,  i.  p..  24. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  425 

a  favourable  opportunity  was  once  more  afforded  chap. 
them,  of  regaining  their  former  authority  in  the      VJ- 
city  of  Florence.    The  want  of  ability  and  energy     1501. 
in  tlie  government  of  that  place  became  daily  more  ^t.  26. 
conspicuous.     The  city,  exhausted  of  its  wealth, 
was  distracted  by  tumults;   whilst  the  Tuscan  ter- 
ritories were  disgraced  by  dissensions  and  feuds 
among  the  principal  families.     In  tliis  situation  of 
affairs,  Piero  de'  Medici,  encouraged  by  the  Ve- 
netians,   and  supported  by   the  Orsini,    and  by 
Vitellozzo  Vitelli,   whose  animosity  to  the  Floren- 
tines on  account  of  the  death  of  his  brother  Paolo, 
was  unextinguishable,    hastened  to  the   camp  of 
Cesar  Borgia,  and  endeavoured  to  convince  him  of 
the  advantages  which  he  would  deri^'e  from  march- 
ing his  troops  into  the  Florentine  territory,    and 
effecting  a  change  in  the  government. "     At  the 
same  time  Giuliano  de'  Medici  suddenly  presented 
himself  at  the  court  of  Louis  XII.  who  was  then 
highly  displeased    with   tlie  Florentines,  and,  by 
the  promise  of  a  large  subsidy  for  the  support  of 
the  expedition  against  Naples,  and  the  assurances 
of  a  constant  devotion  to  the  French  government, 

obtained 


^  "  Dux  ^^alentinus  fecit  mirabilia  magna  solus  in  Fla- 
"  minia,  jactaturque  vulgo,  et  run\or  increbrescit,  quod 
"  ubi  Faventiam,  Bononiamque  expugnaveril,  velit  ferro 
''  aperire  iter  Petro  Medici,  ut  hie  plusquam  civis  (facinus 
"  magnum)  tanta  civitati  imperitet."  Jug.  Fesjiucci  E/i. 
«  ad  AVc.  Macch.  ap.  Band.  Coll.  Vet.  Mon.  fi.  52. 

VOL.    I.  3  H 


426  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  obtained  from  the  king,  the  promise  of  his  support  in 
VI'      the  intended  enterprise. ""  But  Cesar  Borgia  although 
1501.     he  received  Piero  de'  Medici  with  apparent  kind- 
Mt.  26.   j-iess,  and  even  promised  to  promote  his  cause,  had 
no  object  less  at  heart  than  the  restoration  of  the 
Medici  to  Florence  ;  ''  having  already  formed  de- 
signs more  conducive  to  his  own  interest.     He 
considered,  however,  that  in  the  deranged  state  of 
the  affiiirs  of  Florence,  he  could  not  fail,  either  of 
occupying  some  desirable  part  of  their  territory,  or 
of  obtahiing  such  terms  as  might  be  favourable  to 
the  prosecution  of  his  favourite  project,  the  esta- 
blishment of  the  dutchy  of  Romagna.     Nor  is  it 
improbable  that  he  had  indulged  the  hope  of  avail- 
ing 


"   Guicciard.  lid.  v.  1.263. 

""  Guicciardini,  on  the  authority  of  particular  and  pri- 
vate information,  relates,  that  Cesar  had  long  born  a  secret 
enmity  against  Piero  de'  Medici,  on  account  of  a  circum- 
stance which  occurred  whilst  Cesar  was  pursuing  his  stu- 
dies at  Pisa,  before  his  father  was  raised  to  the  pontificate  ; 
when,  having  occasion  to  resort  to  the  assistance  of  Piero 
on  behalf  of  one  of  his  friends,  who  was  implicated  in  some 
criminal  transaction,  he  had  hastened  from  Pisa  to  Florence; 
but  after  waiting  some  houi-s  for  an  audience,  whilst  Piero 
was  engaged  in  business  or  amusement,  he  had  returned, 
not  only  without  effecting  his  purpose,  but  without  having 
obtained  an  interview.  Trivial  as  this  incident  may  appear, 
it  must  be  remembered,  that  the  resentment  of  wounded 
pride  is  of  all  others  the  most  violent,  and  that  the  soul  of 
Borgia  knew  not  how  to  forgive,  v.  Guicciard.  lid.  v.  1.  264. 


Alcxajidcv 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  427 

ing   himself    of   some  fortunate   concurrence    of  c  h  a  p. 
circumstances  to  subjugate  to  his  own  authority      v^- 
the  whole  of  the  Tuscan  state.  i^oi. 

Ait.  26. 

About  the  beginning  of  the  Month  of  May,  ces.r  Borgia 
1501,  Cesar  descended  with  his  army,  consisting '"|"' .''^^„^^ 
of  seven  thousand  foot,  and  eiu^ht  hundred  horse, "  n^^ence  i.nt 

'  '  is  oalcred  'O 

from  Romagna,  into  the  district  of  Mugello,  and  ae^  t  by 
pitched  his  camp  in  the  vicinity  of  Barbcrino.     He  vi. 
was  here  joined  by  a  body  of  troops  from  Bologna, 
which  had  been  sent  to  his  assistance  by  Bentivog- 
lio,  in  pursuance   of  a  treaty  concluded  between 
them. '      From   Barbcrino,  Cesiir  despatched  his 
envoys  to  Florence,  to  acquaint  the  citizens  ^\  ith 
the  purpose  of  his  approach,  and  to  prescribe  to 
them  the  terms  on  \\  hich  alone  he  would  \\'ithdraw 
his  troops.     Of  these  proposals,  as  preserved  by 
Nardi,  ^  the  principal  were,  that  the  Florentines 
should  pay  him  a  considerable   stipend,  as  their 
Condotdero;  that  they  should  not  interfere   with 
him  in  his  meditated  attack  upon  the  otlier  states 
of  Italy,  and  paiticularly  that  of  Piombino,  then 
under  the  protection  of  Florence ;  that  they  should 
deliver  up  to  him  six  of  the  principal  citizens  as 
hostages,  to  be  named  by  \'itellozzo;  and  lastly, 

that 


*   Guicciard.  lib.  v.  1.  264. 

y   A''ardi,  Hist.  Fi^r.  lib.  iv.  //.  71 

2  Mirdi,  Hist.  Fior.  lib.  iv.  fi   72. 


428  LIFE  AND   PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  that  they  should  restore  Piero  de'  Medici  to  his 
VI.      former  honours,  or  should  otherwise  make  such 
J5QJ      an  alteration  in  the  government,  as  might  secure 
vEt.  26.   on  their  part  the  performance  of  the  proposed  treaty. 
No  sooner  were  these  propositions  heard  in  the 
city,  than  they  excited  the  highest  indignation; 
insomuch,  that  the  magistrates,  whilst  deliberating 
on  the  measures  to  be  adopted,  could  scarcely  be 
secured  from  the  violence  of  the  people.     But, 
Avhilst  the  negotiation  was  depending,  and  the  re- 
sult was  yet  uncertain,  Cesar  received  peremptory 
orders  from  the  pope,  to  abstain  from  any  further 
proceedings  against  the  Florentines.      In  conse- 
quence of  this  mandate,  he  unwillingly  withdrew 
his  troops  ;  not,  however,  without  obtaining  the 
appointment  of  Condott'iero  to  the  republick,  with 
an  annual  income  of  thirty-six  thousand  ducats,  and 
a  stipulation  tliat  he  should  not  be  obliged  to  serve 
in  person.  ^     The  motives  that  induced  Alexander 
VI.  thus  to  interfere  in  the  designs  of  Cesar  Bor- 
gia, arose  from  the  representations  of  Louis  XII. 
who,  although  he  might  have  consented  to  the  re- 
storation of  the  family  of  Medici  to  their  former 
authority  in  Florence,  was  too  well  apprized  of  the 
character  of  Alexander  VI.  and  his  son,  to  permit 
them  to  obtain  such  an  ascendency  in  that  city,  as 
must  have  resulted  from  their  being  the  instruments 

of 


Guicciard.lib.  v.  1.  265. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  429 

of  such  restoration.  Nor  was  it  difficult  to  perceive,  chap. 
that  an  influence  so  extensive,  as  the  family  of  Bor-      vi- 
gia  would  then  have  acquired,  might,  in  case  of  a     1501. 
rupture  with  the  pope,  have  formed  an  effectual  j^t.  26. 
barrier  against  the  projected  invasion  of  the  king- 
dom of  Naples  ;  on  -v^hich  account  Louis  had  gi\en 
positive  directions  to  his  general  d'Aubigny,  that 
in  case  Cesar  did  not,  on  the  first  representation  to 
him,  evacuate  the  Florentine  dominions,  he  should 
employ  all  his  forces  to  compel  him  to  retreat. 

Whilst  Cesar  Borgia  was  thus  industriously  at-  Treacherous 
tempting  by  fraud  or  by  force,  to  establish  an  inde-  lTuIs  xu. 
pendent  authority  in  Italv,  another  event  took  place  ^"'^.''Vf". 

*  J  '   '  r  nanu  ot  Spain 

which  surpassed  his  crimes,  no  less  in  treachery  ^°^-^^d  ^ede. 

^  '     rigo  king  of 

and  injustice,  than  in  the  rank  of  the  perpetrators,  Navies. 
and  the  extent  of  the  theati^e  on  which  it  was  trans- 
acted. Federigo,  king  of  Naples,  had  commenced 
his  reign  with  the  affection  of  his  people  ;  and  his 
disposition  and  talents  were  well  calculated  to  pro- 
mote their  happiness.  Kven  those  who  had  re- 
volted, or  quitted  the  country,  under  the  reigns  of 
Ferdinand  I.  and  Alfonso  II.  had  returned  with 
confidence  to  their  allegiance ;  and  the  princes  of 
Salerno  and  Bisignano,  were  among  the  first  to 
salute  him  as  their  sovereign.  ^  Federigo,  on  his 
part,  lost  no  opportunity  of  confirming  the  favour- 
able 


^  Giannone,  Storia  di  jYafioli.  vol,  lii. /i.  591, 


430  LIFE  AND  PONTincATE 

CHAP,  able  opinion  already  entertained  of  him.  Instead 
VI'  of  persecuting  such  of  the  nobility  as  had  espoused 
1501.  the  cause  of  the  French,  he  restored  to  them  their 
jEt.  26.  domains  and  fortresses.  He  patronised  and  liberal- 
ly rewarded  the  many  eminent  scholars,  by  whom 
the  city  of  Naples  was  distinguished,  and  who  had 
been  injured  or  exiled  during  the  late  commotions ; 
and,  as  an  indication  of  the  tenour  of  conduct 
which  he  meant  to  adopt,  he  struck  a  medal  \vith  a 
device,  alluding  to  the  better  order  of  things  which 
he  meant  to  establish. "  But,  although  the  reign  of 
Federigo  commenced  under  the  happiest  auspices, 
it  was  not  destined  to  be  of  long  duration ;  and 
whilst  he  supposed  that  every  day  ga\'e  additional 
security  to  his  authority,  the  kings  of  France  and 
of  Spain,  had,  by  a  secret  treaty,  divided  bet\\een 
them  his  dominions,  and  formed  a  scheme  for 
carrying  their  purpose  into  effect.  This  plan, 
which  has  served  as  a  model  on  subsequent  occa- 
sions, was,  that  the  king  of  France  should  assert 
his  pretensions  to  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  as  re- 
presentative of  the  house  of  Anjou ;  the  infallible 

consequence 


'^  This  device  represented  a  book  in  the  flames,  sur^. 
mounted  by  the  crown  of  Naples,  with  the  motto,  rece- 
DANT  VETERA.  The  life,  character,  and  conduct  of  Fede- 
rigo, are  particularly  noticed  by  Sanazzaro,  in  a  Latin  elegy, 
wholly  devoted  to  that  purpose  ;  and  which  merits  perusah 
no  less  as  an  interesting  historical  monument,  than  as  a 
beautiful  poem.     v.  Sanaz.  Eleg.  lib.  iii.  El.   1. 


OF  LEO   THE  TENTH.  431 

consequence  of  which  would  l^e,    that  Federigo  chap. 
would  resort  for  assistance  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabel-       v^* 
la  of  Spain,  who  should  send  over  a  considerable     1501. 
military  force,  under  the  pretext  of  opposing  the   -^t.  26. 
French,  but  that,  as  soon  as  the  latter  arrived,  the 
Spanish  troops  should  unite  their  arms  with  their 
pretended  adversaries,  expel  the  family  of  Aragon, 
and  divide  the  kingdom  between  the  two  sove- 
reigns.    By  this  treaty  the  king  of  France  was  to 
possess  the  city  of  Naples,  the  provinces  called 
Terra  di  Lavoro  and  Abruzzo,  with  a  moiety  of 
the  income  arising  from  the  pastures  of  Apulia,  and 
was  to  assume,  in  addition  to  his  titles  of  king  of 
France  and  duke  of  Milan,  that  of  king  of  Naples 
and  Jerusalem.       The   districts  of   Calabria  and 
Apulia,  with  the  other  moiety  of  the  income,  were 
allotted  to  the  king  of  Spain,  who  was  to  style 
himself  duke  of  those    provinces.     This  treaty, 
which  bears  date  the  eleventh  day  of  November, 
1500,  is  yet  extant;'^  and  if  the  moral  sense  of 
mankind  be  not  extinguished  by  the  subsequent 
repetition  of  such  enormities,  Mill  consign  the  me- 
mory of  these  royal  plunderers  to  merited  execra- 
tion. 

Preliminaries  being  thus  adjusted,  Louis  XII. 
began  openly  to  prepare  for  tlie  intended  attack, 

the 


d  Du  j\Iont,  Corfis  JJiJilomatique.  t'o/.  iii. /^a*.  ii. /;.  444. 


432  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  the  direction  of  which,  he  confided  to  his  general 
vi«  d'Aubigny  ;  who  commenced  his  expedition,  at 
1501.  the  head  of  ten  thousand  foot,  and  a  thousand  horse. 
Mt.  26.  Federigo  was  no  sooner  apprized  of  this  measure 
Luck^lhe  ^^^  h^  despatched  information  of  it  to  Gonsalvo, 
territory  of  ^^g  Spanish  gcncral,  who  had  withdrawn  his  troops 
into  Sicily,  on  the  pretence  that  he  might  be  in 
readiness,  in  case  his  assistance  should  again  be  re- 
quired in  the  kingdom  of  Naples.  On  the  aiTival 
of  Gonsalvo,  the  king  confided  to  his  care  the 
fortified  places  in  Calabria,  which  the  Spanish  ge- 
neral pretended  Mere  necessary  for  the  security  of 
his  army.  Federigo  had  also  raised  a  considerable 
body  of  troops,  which  had  been  reenforced  by 
those  of  the  Colonna ;  with  which,  when  joined  by 
the  Spanish  army,  he  expected  to  be  enabled  to 
oppose  an  effectual  barrier  to  the  progress  of  the 
French.  All  Italy  was  in  suspense,  and  a  contest 
far  more  bloody  than  had  of  late  occurred,  was  ex- 
pected to  plunge  that  country  into  new  calamities. 
A  short  time,  however,  removed  all  apprehensions 
on  this  head.  No  sooner  had  the  French  troops 
made  their  appearance  in  the  Roman  territories, 
than  the  envoys  of  the  allied  monarchs  met  at  Rome ; 
where,  entering  together  into  the  consistory,  they 
notified  to  the  pope  and  cardmals,  the  treaty  already 
formed,  and  the  consequent  division  of  the  king- 
dom of  Naples.  The  convenient  pretext  of  the 
promotion  of  the  christian  faith,  by  a  war  against 
the  infidels,  for  the  preparations  necessary  to  M'hich, 
it  M  as  asserted,  that  kingdom  aftbrdcd  the  most 

convenient 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  433 

convenient  station,  was  the  mask  under  which  their  chap. 
most  cathoUck  and  most  christian  majesties  affected      vi« 
to  hide  from  the  world  the  deformity  of  their  crime,     i  so  i . 

Ex.  26. 
The  stipulations  thus  agreed  upon,  met  with 
no  opposition  from  Alexander  VI,  who  had  now 
an  opportunit\'  of  gratifying  the  resentment  which 
he  had  so  long  harboured  against  the  king  of  Naples. 
On  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  June,  1501,  a  pontifical 
bull  deprived  Federigo  of  his  dominions,  and 
divided  them  between  the  two  monarchs,  in  the 
shares  before  mentioned.'  The  intelligence  of  this 
alliance,  and  of  its  consequences,  struck  Federigo 
A\ith  terrour ;  but  Gonsalvo,  pretending  to  discre- 
dit it,  continued  to  give  him  the  most  positive 
assurances  of  his  assistance.  No  sooner,  however, 
had  the  French  army  entered  the  Neapolitan  tern- 
tory,  than  he  avo\\ed  his  insti'uctions,  and  imme- 
diately sent  off  from  Naples  to  Spain,  in  vessels 
already  provided  for  that  purpose,  the  two  dowager 
queens,  one  of  whom  was  the  sister,  and  the  other 
the  niece  of  the  Spanish  king.  Federigo  perseve- 
red in  the  defence  of  his  rights ;  and,  intrusting 
the  command  of  the  city  of  Naples  to  Prosper© 
Colonna,  determined  to  make  his  first  resistance 

at 


e  The  bull  of  Alexander  VI.  by  which  he  divides  the 
kingdom  of  Naples  between  the  French  and  Spanish  mo- 
narchs, is  published  by  Rousset,  in  his  supplement  to  the 
Corjis  Di/ilomatique  of  Du  Mont.  -vol.  iii. /i.  1. 

VOL.  I.  3    I 


434  LIFE   AND   PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  at  Capua/    D'Aubigny  had,    however,    already 
v^'      possesed  himself  of  the  adjacent  country  ;.  the  king 
1 50 1 .    was  obliged  to  return  with  his  army  from  Aversa 
A\t.  26,   to  Naples ;  and  Capua,  being  taken  by  assault  on 
the  twenty-fifth  day  of  July,  was   sacked  by  the 
French  with  circumstances   of  peculiar    cruelty, 
and  unexampled  licentiousness.^     The  loss  of  Ca- 
s  pua  was  speedily  followed  by  the  capitulation  of 

the  city  of  Naples,  which  purchased  an  exemption 
from  plunder  by  the  payment  of  seventy  thousand 
ducats  to  the  invaders.  Federigo  withdrew  him- 
self into  the  Castel-mio'uo^  which  he  refused  to  sur- 
render till  he  had  effected  a  treaty  with  d'Aubigny, 
'by  which  he  was  to  be  allowed  to  retire  to  the 
island  of  Ischia,  and  to  retain  it  for  six  months, 
and  was  also  to  be  at  liberty  to  remove  from  the 
Castel-iiuoiio  and  Cast  el  dell''  Uouo  whatever  he 
might  think  proper,  excepting  only  the  artillery. 
In  negotiating  for  his  own  safety,  he  did  not  forget 
that  of  his  subjects.  A  general  amnesty  was  to  be 
granted  of  all  transactions  since  Charles  VIII.  had 
quitted  the  city  of  Naples ;  and  the  cardinals  of 
Aragon  and  Colonna  were  to  enjoy  their  eccle- 
siastical revenues  arising  from  that  kingdom.     In 

the 


^  To  this  period  we  may  apply  the  sonnet  of  Cariteo 

"  Mentre  che  d'Aragona  il  sommo  honore 
"  Tra  Galli  e  Cimbri  il  sua  destrier  raggira.'* 

e  Guicciard.  lib.  y.   1.    268. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  435 

the  commencement  of  this  contest,  Federigo  had  c  h  a  po 
sent  his  infant  son  Ferdinand,  duke  of  Calabria,       vi- 
to  Tarentum,  under  the  care  of  the  count  of  Po-     I50i. 
tenza.     The  rest  of  the  wretched  family  of  Aratj;on   ^^-  ~^* 
were  now  assembled  on  the  biirren  rock  of  Ischia. 
This  family  consisted  of  his  queen,  Isabella,  and  a 
numerous  train   of  children;  his  sister  Beatrice, 
the  \\'idow  of  the  great  Mattia  Corvino,  king  of 
Hungary  ;  and  his  niece,  Isabella,  the  widow  of 
Gian-GaJeazzo,    duke  of   Milan ;    who,    already 
deprived  of  her  sovereign  rank,  her  husband,  and 
her  son,  now  saw  the  completion  of  her  ruin  in 
that  of  her  royal  relations.'' 

This 


^  The  poet  Cariteo  has  paid  the  last  tribute  of  duty  and 
affection  to  his  unfortunate  sovereign,  in  the  second  Can- 
tico  of  his  Meta7norJihosi,  in  which  he  introduces  the  city  of 
Naples,  the  lovely  Parthenope,  lamenting  her  lost  glory 
and  happiness,  and  contrasting  them  with  the  disgraceful 
state  of  servitude,  to  which  she  was  reduced  by  her  con- 
querors : 

"  Libera  fui  gran  tempo  ;  hor  son  captiva  ; 
"  In  man  di  feri  monstri,  horrendi  e  diri." 

A  considerable  part  of  the  poem  is  devoted  to  the  comme- 
moration of  the  female  part  of  the  family  ;  four  of  whom, 
then  living,  had  sat  upon  a  regal  throne,  and  the  filth  had 
enjoyed  sovereign  rank  as  dutchess  of  Milan  :  "bf '  hi 

"  Ove  siete,  O  Joanne,  ambe  regine, 

"  D'Ausonia,  e  d'Aragonia  ambe  ornamento, 
'•  Per  virtute  e  bellezze  ambe  divine  ? 

"  Ove 


436  LIFE   AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.        This  deeply  meditated  act  of   treachery,    to 

^^'      which  Federigo  had  fallen  a  victim,  whilst  it  exci- 

1501.    ted  in  him  the  highest  indignation  against  his  per- 

^t.  26.  fidious  relative,  Ferdinand  of  Spain,  inspired  him 

Retires  to     with  a  dissfust  of  the  cai-es  and  the  danarers  of  roy- 

France.  *^  _  i3  J 

alty,  and  induced  him  to  seek  for  repose  in  a  less 
invidious  station.  Having  therefore  obtained  a 
passport  from  Louis  XII.  he  left  his  family  at 
Ischia,  under  the  care  of  the  Marquis  del  Vasto, 
and  proceeding  directly  to  France,  endeavoured  to 
conciliate  the  favour  of  the  king,  so  far  as  to  afford 
him  the  means  of  fulfilling  his  wishes.     No  longer 

regarding 


"  Ove  e  Beatrice ;  ov'  il  grande  incremento 
"  Del  valor  d'Aragon  ?  di  re  sorella, 
"  Figlia,  e  consorte  ?  e  di  lor  gloria  augmento  ? 

"  Hor  per  te  cresce  il  duolo,  alma  Isabella; 
"  Di  Re  feconda  madre,  e  di  virtute, 

"  E  di  Re  guida,  orientale  stella. 

*     *     # 

"  Verace  ardente  amor,  constante  e  fiso, 

"  Vuol  ch'  in  1'  altra  Isabella  sempre  io  pensi, 
"  Che  i  thesauri  del  del  porta  nel  viso  ; 

"  Duchessa  di  Milan  ;  di  cui  gli  accensi 
"  Rai  di  bellezza  efflagran  si  nel  volto, 
"  Che  sveglian  di  ciascun  gli  ignavi  sensi,"  See. 

Boccalini  has  selected  the  example  of  this  last  accomplish- 
ed lady  as  the  most  unfortunate   on  historical  record 

"  unica  nelle  disgrazie"— on  which  account  he  represents 
her,  in  his  imaginary  Parnassus,  as  reduced  to  the  neces- 
sity of  supporting  herself  by  selling  matches  through  the 
streets.     Rag^uag.  di  Parnasso.  75. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  437 

regarding  him  as  a  rival,  but  as  a  suppliant,  Louis  chap. 
acceded  to  his  request,  and  an  annual  income  of      ^'^' 
thirty    thousand  ducats,    with    the    tide  of  duke     I50i. 
of  Anjou,  secured  to  him   opulence  and  repose   -fit.  25. 
during  the  remainder  of  his  days.    Historians  have 
accused  him  of  pusillanimity,  in  thus  relinquishing 
for  an  inferiour  title,  his  pretensions  to  a  croA\ii, 
\vhich,  in  the  dissensions  that  soon  afterwards  arose 
between  the  two  successful  monarchs,  he  might 
in  all  probability  have  recovered ;  but  Federigo 
had  sufficiently    experienced   the    treachery  and 
ingratitude  of  mankind ;  and,  having  in  vain  at- 
tempted to  promote  the  happines  of  others,  he 
perhaps  chose  a  wise  part  in  securing  his  own. 

The  regrets  of  the  muses,  whom  he  had  so 
generously  protected  during  his  prosperity,  fol- 
lowed him  to  his  retreat.  Sanazzaro,  who  accom- 
panied him  on  his  expedition  into  France,  seems 
to  consider  the  events  that  then  took  place,  to  be, 
as  indeed  they  afterwai'ds  proved,  the  final  destruc- 
tion of  the  Neapolitan  branch  of  the  house  of 
Aragon.' 

The 


'■  "  O  fatum  infelix  !  O  sors  malefida  !  quid  illic 
"  Egimus  ?  O  tristi  mersa  carina  loco  1" 

Sannaz.  EL  lib.  iii.  El.  2. 

Federigo  died  at  Tours  in  the  year  1504,  at  5  2  years  of 
age.  The  Neapolitan  historians  feelingly  regret  the  loss 
of  a  line  of  monarchs,  Avho  had  for  a  long  course  of  years 

rendered 


440  LItE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.       If  the  descent  of  Louis  XII.  into  Italy  inter- 

VI-      rupted  the  progress  of  Cesar  Borgia  in  effecting 

1501.    the  conquest  of  Romagna,  the  part  which  he  had 

^t.  26.  taken,    in  uniting  his  arms    with  those  of    the 

Cesar  Borgia  Frcnch  On  this  occasiou,  enabled  him  to  return 

nlte"  "f'pu  to  his  former  undertaking,  with  a  greater  prospect 

ombi.,o,ur-  Qf  success.     The  first  object  towards  which  he 

bino,    and  J 

camerino.  dircctcd  his  attcutiou,  was  the  city  of  Piombino, 
then  held  in  subjection  by  Jacopo  d'Appiano. 
To  the  attack  of  this  place  he  despatched  two  of 
his  generals,  Vitellozzo  Vitelli,  and  Gian-Paolo 
Baglione.  Jacopo  did  not,  however,  wait  their 
arrival;  but,  leaving  a  garrison  in  the  place,  pre- 
cipitately fled  into  France,  expecting  by  his  repre- 
sentations to  Louis  XII.  to  prevail  upon  that 
monarch  to  prohibit  the  further  progress  of  the 
papal  arms.  His  endeavours  were,  however,  in- 
effectual, and  Piombino  soon  afterwards  capitulated 
to  the  invaders.  The  territory  of  Urbino,  consist- 
ing of  four  cities  and  thirty  fortified  places,  next 
attracted  the  ambitious  views  of  the  conqueror; 
but  the  duke  Guidubaldo,  instead  of  affording 
any  pretext  for  hostilities  against  him,  had  frequently 

fought 


Amadeus,  duke  of  Savoy,  by  whom  he  left  a  daughter, 
Carlotta,  and  from  her  the  dukes  of  Tremouille  in  France^ 
have  claimed  their  descent ;  in  consequence  of  which, 
they  have  in  much  later  times,  asserted  their  rights  to  the 
crown  of  Naples,  v.  Giannone^  Storia  di  A^a/ioii.  lib.  xki\. 
cup.  iv.  V.  2.  p.  406. 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  441 

fought  the  battles  of  the  church.     His    courage  chap. 
was  indibputable ;  and  his  amiable  quaUties,  and      v^' 
excellent  endowments,  had  secured  the  affections     1502. 
of  his  people.     Desparing  of  effecting  his  purpose   -^t.  27. 
by  an  open  attack,  Cesar,   on  this  occasion,  resort- 
ed to  treachery.     He  marched,  at  the  head  of  a 
powerful  army,  to  Nocera,  avowing  his  intention 
of  attacking  the  state  of  Camerino.     Thence  he 
despatched  an  embassy  to  the  duke  of  Urbino, 
requesting  the  assistance  of  his  artillery,  and  as 
many  soldiers  as  he  could  furnish.     His  request 
was  instantly  complied  with ;  but  no  sooner  had 
Cesar  deprived  the  duke  of  the  means  of  defence, 
than  he  turned  his  own  arms  against  him ;  and, 
possessing  himself  of  Cagli,  proceeded  by  rapid 
marches  towards  Urbino.     Alarmed,  not  only  for 
his  dominions  but  his  life,  Guidubaldo,  with  his 
nephew   Francesco   Maria   della  Rovere,    hastily 
quitted  the  city  in  disguise,  and,  though  vigilantly 
pursued,  had  the  good  fortune  to  escape  to  Mantua, 
where  he  met  with  his  wife  Isabella;  who,  after 
having  accompanied  Lucretia  Borgia  to  Ferrara, 
on  the  recent  celebration  of  her  nuptials  with  Al- 
fonso d'Este,  son  of   the    duke,   had  passed  to 
Mantua  to  visit  the  Marquis  her  brother.     Having 
thus  obtained  the  dutchy  of  Urbino,  Cesar  at- 
tacked   the    states    of   Camerino;    and,    having, 
under  pretext  of  a  treaty,  gotten  into  his  power 
Giulio  da  Varano,    lord  of   that    country,    widi 
two  of  his  sons,    he  treacherously   put  them  to 

death 

VOL.   I.  2  k 


442  LIFE  AND   PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  death,  and  rendered  himself  master  of  their  domi- 
VI.      nions.  ^ 


for  life. 


The  success  which  attended  Cesar  Borgia  in  all 
Pietro  Socle-  his  Undertakings,    had    attracted  to  his  standard 
yiorencr''"  mauv  of  the  most  eminent  condottieri,  or  military 
tuX.J'Bot  adventurers  of  Italy.     Among  these  were  Vitel- 
gia,  and  is    Jq^zo  Vitclli  lord  of  Citta  di  Castello,   Francesco 
ionfahnkre    Orsluo  dukc  of  Gravlna,  Pandolfo  Petrucci  lord 
of  Siena,  Paolo  Orsino,  Gian-Paolo  Baglioni,  and 
Oliverotto  da  Fermo.     By  the  assistance  of  these 
leaders  and  the  exertion  of  his  own  unrivalled  ta- 
lents in  the  ail  of  dissimulation,  he  still  continued 
to  extend  his  conquests.   Encouraged  by  the  num- 
ber of  his  adherents,  and  the  favour  of  the  king 
of  France,  he  again  turned  his  views  to\^  ards  the 
territories  of  Florence,  which  were  suddenly  as- 
sailed on  all  sides  by  his  arms.     The  city  of  Cor- 
tona,  the  towns  of  Anghieri  and  Borgo  San-Sepol- 
cro,  and  even  the  city  of  Arezzo,  surrendered  to 
the  invaders.     As  the  difficulties  of  the  Florentines 
increased,  the  hopes  of  the  Medici  revived ;  and 
uniting  their  power  with  their  relations  and  auxilia- 
ries, the  Orsini,  they  joined  the  forces  of  Borgia, 
whose  rapid  progress  left  no  reason  to  doubt  that 
the  Florentines  would  soon  be  obliged  to  surrender 
up  their  city  at  the  discretion  of  the  conquerors. 

In 


•'  Murat07-i,  Anjudi  d'ltalia,  vol.  x.  //.  9. 


OF  LEO   THE    TENTH.  443 

In  this  alarming  emergency  the  principal  inhabit-  c  n  a  i'. 
ants  met  together,  to  deliberate  on  the  most  efiec-  vi- 
tual  measures  for  averting  the  clangers  with  which  1502. 
they  were  threatened ;  when  Pietro  Soderini  had  ^t.  27. 
the  good  sense,  to  point  out  the  only  expedient 
that  could  preserve  them  from  ruin.  After  expa- 
tiating on  the  deplorable  state  of  the  republick,  and 
the  impracticability  of  obtaining  assistance  from 
any  other  quarter,  he  recommended,  that  an  em- 
bassy should  be  despatched  to  Louis  XII.  to  request 
his  interference  on  their  behalf,  in  pursuance  of  a 
treaty  lately  formed  bet\\een  him  and  the  Floren- 
tines. '  He  did  yet  more ;  he  took  upon  himself 
the  office  of  ambassadour,  and,  hastening  to  the 
king,  laid  before  him  such  cogent  reasons  for 
granting  his  aid  to  the  republick,  as  induced  that 
monarch  to  comply  with  his  request.  ""  Messen- 
gers were  immediately  despatched  to  the  pope  and 
his  son,  to  admonish  them  against  further  proceed- 
ings ;  and,  lest  these  should  be  ineffectual,  a  con- 
siderable body  of  troops  was  directed  to  enter  the 
Tuscan  territories,  and  not  only  to  repel  those  in 
the  service  of  Borgia,  then  under  the  command  of 
Vitellozzo,    but  to  obtain  the  restitution  of  tlie 

places 


'  The  treaty  for  protecting  the  republick,  is  dated  the 
nineteenth  day  of  November,  1501,  at  Blois. — v.  Liinig. 
1.   1142. 

^  Amniirato  Hist.  Fior,  lib,  xxvii.  3.  267.  Aardi  Hist. 
Fior.  lib.  iv.  //.  8I1 


444  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  places  which  had  submitted  to  his  arms. "     Mea- 

'^^-      sures  so  decisive,  from  a  quarter  so  powerful,  ad- 

1502.    mitted  of  no  opposition.     Vitellozzo  and  the  Flo- 

^t.  27.  j-ei^tij^e  exiles  relunctantly  drew  off  their  troops ; 

Soderini  was  regarded  as  the  saviour  of  the  repub- 

lick,  and  was  soon  after waids  honoured  with  a  more 

extensive  and  durable  authority  than  any  citizen 

had  before  enjoyed,  under  the  novel  title  of  Go?i- 

faloniere  for  life. 


Alliance  be-        As  thc  liopcs  of  Ccsar  Borgia  were  principally 
Borgia  and    fouudcd  ou  thc  favour  of  Louis  XII.  he  was  great- 
ly alarmed  at  this  unexpected  opposition  to  his  pro- 
jects ;  and  hastening  in  person  to  the  king  at  Asti,° 
he  endeavoured  to  remove  the  unfavourable  suspi- 
cions 


"  These  events  are  comnaemorated  by  Machiavelli,  in 
his  Decennale  : 

"  E  perche  Valentin  havea  fatto  alto 

"  Con  le  sue  genti  a  Nocera,  e  quindi  preso 
"  II  ducato  d'Urbin,  sol  con  un  salto, 

"  Stavi  co'l  cuor,  e  con  I'alma  sospeso, 
"  Che  co'l  Vitello  e'  non  si  raccozzassi, 
"  E  con  quel  fusse  a'  vostri  danni  sceso, 

"  Quando  a  I'un  commando  che  si  fermassi 
"  Pe'  vostri  prieghi  il  Re  di  San  Dionigi 
"  A  I'altro  furo  i  suoi  disegni  cassi." 

Dec  en.  lib.  i.  65. 

°  "  E'l  Duca  in  Asti  si  fu  presentato 
"  Per  giustificar  se  col  re  Luigi." 

lb.  lib.  i.  ft,  65. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  445 

cions  entertained  respecting  him,  by  representing  chap, 
the   prompt  obedience  which  he  had  paid  to  liis      "^'^- 
orders,  imputing  the  attempt  upon  Florence  wholly     io02, 
to  tlie   animosity  of   Vitellozzo  and  the    Orsini   Alt.  27. 
against  that  republick,  and  to  the  desire  of  the 
Medici  to  be  again  admitted  as  chiefs  of  the  city. 
Satisfied  by  his  protestations,  and  desirous  of  con- 
ciliating the  favour  of  the   pope,  in  the  disputes 
which  had  already  arisen  respecting  the  partition  of 
the  kingdom  of  Naples,  Louis  not  only  received 
him  into  favour,  but  formed  with  him  a  treaty  of 
alliance,  by  \\hich  the  parties  stipulated  to  afibrd 
to  each  other  mutual  assistance  ;  and  it  was  parti- 
cularl}-  agreed,  that  Cesar  should  be  furnished  \vith 
a  troop  of  French  horse,  to  enable  him  to  enforce 
his  claims  against  the  feudatories  of  the  church.  ^ 

The  event  of  this  interview  occasioned  great  Foimidibif 
alarm  to  many  of  the  pi-incipal  commanders,  who  °,'n".'cced-* 
were  engaged  in  the  service  of  Borgia,  and  who  '"^^ "'"  ^""^^ 
held  the   supreme  authority  in  different  cities  of 
Italy.     A  diet  was  convoked  in  Perugia,  at  \\  hich 
the  cardinal,  and  Paolo  Orsino,  the  duke  of  Gra- 
vina,  Vitellozzo  Vitelli,  Gianpaolo  Baglioni,  Oli- 
verotto  da  Fermo,  and  others  were  present ;  when 
the  conduct  of  Cesar  Borgia  was  fully  discussed, 
and  it  \\as  resolved,  that  decisive  measures  should 

be 


»•  Guicciard.  lib.  v.    1.  283. 


446  LIFE   AND   PONTIFICATE 

c  H  A  P.  be  taken  for  restraining  his  further  progress.  "^     As 

^^'      the  intelligence  of  this  alliance  became  publick, 

1502.     the  different  states  which  had  before  submitted  to 

jEt.  27  the  dominion  of  Borgia,  began  to  oppose  his  au- 
thority;  and  in  particular  the  inliabitants  of  Urbino, 
having  seized  upon  the  fortress  of  that  place,  dis- 
claimed their  dependence  on  him,  and  recalled  their 
former  prince.  Deprived  at  once  of  the  assistance 
of  his  principal  commanders,  who  had  suddenly- 
avowed  themselves  his  enemies,  and  of  the  greater 
part  of  his  troops,  Borgia  retreated  for  safety  to 
Imola,  where  his  hopes  were  unexpectedly  revived 
by  an  embassy  from  the  Florentines ;  who  having 
been  solicited  to  unite  in  the  league  against  him, 
had  not  only  rejected  the  proposal,  but  despatched 
to  him  their  secretary,  Niccolo  Machiavelli,  to  as- 
sure him  of  their  assistance  against  his  revolted 
commanders.  The  joint  efforts  of  these  two  ac- 
complished proficients  in  mischief,  could  not  fail  of 

producing 


*!  Machiavelli,  the  constant  apologist  of  Cesar  Borgia, 
thus  characterizes  the  members  of  this  diet,  in  his  first  De- 
cennale : 

"  E  rivolti  fra  lor  questi  serpenti 

"  Di  velen  pien,  comminciaro  a  ghermirsi,  : 
"  E  con  li  ugnoni  a  straciarsi  e  co'  denti. 

"  E  mal  potendo  il  Valentin  fuggirsi, 
"  Gli  bisogno  per  ischifare  il  rischio, 
"  Con  lo  scudo  di  Francia  ricoprirsi." 

Dec.  lib.  i.fi.  66. 


OF  LEO   THE   TENTH.  447 

producing  some  extraordinary  result,  and  accord-  chap. 
ingly  a  plan  was  adopted  for  the  destruction  of      vi- 
their  adversaries,  to  which,  in  the  annals  of  treache-    ;  1 502. 
ry,  it  \\ill  be  difficult  to  find  a  parallel.     This   ^t.  27. 
transaction  the  Florentine  historian  has  thought  de- 
serving of  a  particular  narrati\  e,  in  which  he  afiects 
not  to  conceal  the  features  of  guilt  under  the  slight- 
est covering  of  decency.  "■ 

From  this  narrative  we  learn,  that  the  troops  of 
Borgia,  having  been  attacked  by  those  of  die  Vi-  Sll^'ltl 
telli  and  Orsini,  near  Fossombrone,  were  put  to  ""'^'""""^'j' 

'  '  -T  put  to  death 

the  rout ;  in  consequence  of  ^vhich,  Borgia  per-  ^y  ^""^e'a  at 
ceivmg  no  possibility  or  resisting  his  enemies  by 
force,  endeavoured  to  engage  them  in  a  negotiation. 
As  he  was  a  most  accomplished  dissembler,  he 
represented  to  them,  that  the  efforts  which  he  had 
made  in  subjugating  the  different  states  of  Romagna 
were  intended  no  less  for  their  interest  than  his 
own,  and  that,  provided  they  would  allow  him  the 
title  of  sovereign,  the  sovereignty  itself  should  re- 
main at  their  direction.  These  blandishments  were 
not  ^\•ithout  their  effect,  and  Paolo  Orsmo  was  de- 
puted by  his  colleagues  to  carry  on  the  treaty ;  but 
Cesai*,  instead  of  relaxing  in  his  preparations,  con- 
tinued by  every  possible  means,  to  increase  the 

number 


'"  Descrittione  del  modo  tenvto  dal  Duca  Valentino  nello 
ammazzare  Vitelozzi  Vitelli^  Oliverotto  da  Fermr.\  il  SifirnDr 
Pagolo  ed  il  duca  di  Gravina  Orsini. 


448  LIFE   AND   PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  number  of  his  adherents,  distributing  his  new  le- 
v^°  vies,  both  of  horse  and  foot,  in  separate  detach- 
1502.    nients  throughout  Romagna,  so  as  to  avoid  all 

Mt.  27.   Q^^^se  of  suspicion.     The  arrival  of  five  hundred 
horsemen  from  the  king  of  France  u  as  a  most  sea- 
sonable reenforcement ;    but  although  he  might 
now  have  contended  with  his  adversaries  in  the 
field,  he  judged  it  more  expedient  to  proceed  in  the 
execution  of  his  plan,  and  to  continue  the  nego- 
tiation already  entered  into.     The  terms  of  amity 
were  at  length  agreed  upon;   in  consequence  of 
which,  he  received  his  former  commanders  again 
into  his  employ,  and  agieed  to  pay,   to  each  of 
them,  four  thousand  ducats  in  advance.     He  also 
engaged  not  to  molest  Giovanni  Bentivoglio,  who 
had  joined  in  the  league ;  nor  to  require  the  per- 
sonal attendance  oT  his  new  allies,  in  case  it  might 
not  be  aggreeable  to  them.     On  their  part  they 
promised  to  restore  to  him  the  dutchy  of  Urbino, 
\\  ith  all  the  other  places  which  they  had  occupied  ; 
to  serve  him  in  all  his  expeditions ;  and  not  to  en- 
gage in  any  undertaking,  or  afford  their  assistance 
to  any  other  power,  without  his  assent. 

On  the  conclusion  of  this  league,  the  duke  of 
Urbino  again  deserted  his  capital,  and  took  shelter 
at  Venice,  having  first  dismantled  the  fortresses 
within  his  states,  to  the  end  that  they  might  not  be 
gaiTisoned  by  his  enemies,  for  the  purpose  of  keep- 
ing in  subjection  a  people  ai^dently  devoted  to  the 
cause  of  their  sovereign. 

'This 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH. 


449 


This  arrangement  being  completed,  and  his  own  chap. 
troops,    with  his  French    auxiharies    distributed      ^^' 
throughout  Romagna,  Cesar  left  Imola  and  pro-     1502. 
ceeded  to  Cesena ;  where  he  met  the  envoys  of  his  ■^*-  ^'^' 
new  allies,  and  deliberated  with  them  towards  what 
part  of  Italy  they  should  next  turn  their  arms.   No 
decisive  measures  being  concluded  on,  Oliverotto 
da  Fermo  was  deputed  by  these  depredators  to  pro- 
pose to  Borgia  another  attack  upon  the  Tuscan 
states ;  or,  if  he  should  not  approve  of  this  project, 
to  offer  their  concurrence  in  attacking  the  city  of 
Sinigaglia,  then  held  by  Francesco  Maria  della  Ro- 
vere,  nephew  of  the  duke  of  Urbino.     With  the 
former  of  these  proposals  Borgia  refused  to  comply, 
alleging,  that  the  Florentines  ^-ere  his  friends  ;  but 
the  attack  on  Sinigaglia  met  \iith  his  entire  appro- 
bation.    That  place  was  accordingly  soon  invested 
and  captured ;  but  the  forti^ess  held  out  for  some 
time,  the  commander  being  unwilling  to  surrender 
it  to  any  one  but  to  Borgia  himself;  for  which  reason 
his  allies  entreated  that  he  would  hasten  to  the  place. 
This  circumstance  seemed  to  Cesar,    to  offer  a 
favourable  opportunity  for  executing  his  purpose, 
without  giving  rise  to  suspicion ;  his  visit  to  Sini- 
gaglia appearing  to  be  at  the  request  of  his  allies, 
and  not  from  his  own  choice.    Still  further  to  avoid 
all  cause  of  offence,  he  dismissed  his  French  auxilia- 
ries.    Reserving  only  one  hundred  horse,  under 
the  command  of  one  of  his  relations,  and  quitting 
Cesena  about  the  end  of  December,  he  proceeded 
to  Fano,  where  he  employed  all  his  artifice  and 

VOL.  I.  3  L  sagacity 


450  LIFE   AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  sagacity  to  prevail  upon  the  Vitelli  and  the  Orsini 
VI-      to  wait  his  arrival  in  Sinigaglia. 

1502. 

iEt.  27.  Vitellozzo,  who  had  learnt  from  the  fate  of  his 
brother,  the  danger  of  confiding  in  those  to  whom 
he  had  once  given  cause  of  offence,  was  extremely 
averse  to  this  interview  ;  but,  being  prevailed  upon 
by  Paolo  Orsino,  who  had  engaged  more  deeply 
in  the  interests  of  Borgia,  he  at  length  consented  to 
wait  his  approach. 

On  the  thirtieth  of  December,  1502,  the  day 
fixed  upon  for  his  departure  from  Fano,  Cesar 
communicated  his  project  to  eight  of  his  principal 
adherents,  in  which  number  were  Don  Michele 
and  Monsignor  d'Euna,  with  instructions  to  this 
effect ;  that  as  soon  as  the  meeting  should  take 
place  betwixt  himself  and  Vitellozzo,  Paolo  Orsi- 
no, the  duke  of  Gravina,  and  OUverotto,  who 
would  come  out  to  meet  and  conduct  him  into  the 
city,  they  should  divide  their  number  into  pairs, 
and  that  each  pair  should  single  out  his  man,  and 
take  their  stations  respectively  on  each  side  of  him, 
occupying  his  attention  till  they  reached  Sinigag- 
lia, when  they  were  not  to  quit  them,  till  they 
had  deliverd  them  into  safe  custod}'  at  the  apart- 
ments prepared  for  the  duke.  At  the  same  time 
he  ordered  his  whole  force,  wliich  consisted  of  ten 
thousand  foot,  and  t\\'o  thousand  horse,  to  take 
their  station  at  day  break  on  the  banks  of  the  Me- 
tauro,  a  river  about  five  miles  fi'om  Fano,  where 

thev 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  451 

they  should  wait  his  further  orders.  All  things  chap. 
being  thus  arranged,  Borgia  ad\anced  ^\ ith  the  __Z£l_ 
whole  force  to\Aards  Sinigaglia,  where  Vitellozzo  1502. 
Vitelli,  Paolo  Orsino,  and  the  duke  of  Gravina,  ^^t.  27. 
mounted  upon  mules,  and  accompanied  by  a  few 
horse,  came  forwards  to  meet  him.  Vitellozzo 
was  unarmed,  and  appeared  so  deeply  dejected,  as 
to  excite  the  admiration  of  tliose  who  were  ac- 
quainted with  his  courage  and  past  achievements. 
We  are  also  told,  that  when  he  left  his  dependants 
to  come  to  Sinigaglia  for  the  purpose  of  meeting 
the  duke,  he  took  a  kind  of  last  farewell  of  them  ; 
recommending  to  his  chief  officers,  the  fortunes 
of  his  house,  and  admonishing  his  nephews,  not 
to  remember  the  calamities  of  their  family,  but  the 
courage  of  their  ancestors.  Arriving  in  the  pre- 
sence of  Borgia,  they  respectfully  saluted  him,  and 
were  received  by  him  with  apparent  kindness, 
whilst  the  persons,  to  whom  the  charge  of  them 
had  been  confided,  took  the  stations  assigned  to 
them.  Borgia,  perceiving  that  they  were  not  ac- 
companied by  Oliverotto,  who  had  remained  with 
his  troops  at  Sinigaglia,  w  here  he  had  drawn  them 
up  in  the  square,  made  a  signal  to  Don  Michele,  to 
whom  the  care  of  Oliverotto  had  been  committed, 
to  take  measures  for  preventing  his  escape.  In 
consequence  of  which,  that  officer  rode  forwards, 
and  coming  up  with  Oliverotto,  told  him  it  was  not 
a  proper  time  to  keep  his  men  from  their  quarters, 
as  they  would,  perhaps,  be  occupied  by  the  sol- 
diers of  Borgia,  and  he  therefore  advised  him  to 

dismiss 


452  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  dismiss  them,  and  to  accompany  him  to  meet  the 
VI-      general.     These  directions  having  been  compUed 
1502.     with,  Borgia  arrived,  and  accosted  Oliverotto,  who 
jEt.  27.  approached  and  paid  his  respects  to  him.     Pro- 
ceeding thus  to  Sinigaglia,  they  dismounted  at  the 
lodgings  of  Borgia,  and  were  led  into  a  secret 
apartment,  where  the  unsuspectijng  victims  were 
all  made  prisoners. 

Borgia   immediately  mounted  his  horse,  and 
gave  orders  for  disarming  the  troops  of  Oliverotto 
and    the  Orsini.     Those    of  Oliverotto  were  all 
plundered;  but  those   of  the   Orsini  and  Vitelli, 
being  at  a  distance,  and  having  received  informa- 
tion of  the  ruin  of  their  leaders,  had  time  to  collect 
themselves  together,  and  in  a  firm  body  effected 
their  escape,    notwithstanding  the    opposition  of 
their  enemies,  and  of  the  surrounding  inhabitants. 
The  soldiers  of  the  duke,  not  satisfied  with  the 
plunder  of  those  of  Oliverotto,  began  to  sack  the 
city ;  and,  if  Borgia  had  not  repressed  their  licen- 
tiousness, by  putting  many  of  them  to  death,  they 
would  have  effected  their  purpose.  Night  approach- 
ing, and  the  tumult  having  subsided,  he  thought 
it  expedient  to  despatch   Vitellozzo  and  Olive- 
rotto ;  and,  bringing  them  together  into  the  same 
place,  he  caused  them  to  be  strangled.*     On  this 

occasion 


*  Ant.  Franc.  Raineri  has  commemorated  the  death  of 

Vitellozzo 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  453 

occasion  neither  of  them,  we  are  told,  expressed  chap. 
themselves  in  a  manner  worthy  of  their  past  lives ;      vi- 
for  Vitellozzo  entreated  that  the  pope  might  be     1502 
applied  to  for  a  plenary  indulgence  of  his  sins,  and   -^^-  27. 
Oliverotto,    weeping,    attributed  all  his  offences 
against  Borgia,    to  the  influence    of  Vitellozzo. 
Paolo  Orsino  and  the  duke  of  Gravina  were  suf- 
fered to  live  initil  Cesar  received  information  that 
the  pope  had  secured  the  persons  of  the  cardi- 
nal Orsino,  the  archbishop  of  Florence,  and  Jacopo     1503. 
di  Santa  Croce,  after  which,  on  the  eighteenth  day 
of  Januar}%  they  were  put  to  the  same  kind  of 
death,  as  had  been  already  inflicted  on  their  unfor- 
tunate associates.'' 

Such 


Vitellozzo  in  a  copy  of  Latin  verses,  the  substance  of  which 
he  has  compressed  in  the  two  following  lines  : 

"  Non  mare  me,  non  Mars,  sxva  aut  mors  perdidit ; 

"  at  me 
"  Perdidit  omnibus  his  Borgius  asperior." 

Carm.  illust.  Poet,  Ital,  viii.  59. 

And  the  same  event  has  also  afforded  a  subject  for  repro- 
bation to  Paulo  Giovio  ;  who  justly  denominates  Borgia 

" Rabidus,  barbarus,  impotens, 


"  Humani  generis  pernicies,  atque  hominum  lues." 
Carm.  illust.  Poet.  Ital,  v.  433. 

*  The  cardinal  Giambattista  Orsino  was  detained  by  the 
pope  in  the  Torre  Borgia  till  the  month  of  February  follow- 
ing, when  he  died  by  poison,  as  it  is  supposed,  admini- 
stered to  him  by  the  direction  of  the  pope  ;  who  caused 

him 


454  LIFE   AND   PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.     ,  Such  is  the  account  given  of  this  extraordinary 

v^-      transaction  by  the  Florentine  secretary  ;  a  transac- 

1 503.     tJon  upon  which  he  has  forborn  to  make  the  sUghtest 

JEjt.  28.    observation,  either  of  praise  or  of  blame,  and  which 

he  seems  to  have  considered  merely  as  an  instance 

of  superiour  talents  and  successful  policy."  Having 

thus 


him  to  be  carried  to  the  grave  uncovered,  that  it  might 
appear  he  had  died  a  natural  death.  Muratori,  Jnnaliy..  13. 
Besides  the  individuals  of  the  family  of  Orsini,  mentioned 
by  Machiavelli,  the  pope  also  seized  upon  Carlo  Orsino, 
and  the  Abate  d'Alveano,  brother  of  the  celebrated  general 
Bartolomm^iO  d'Alveano ;  but  they  were  soon  afterguards 
liberated.     Aardi,  Hist.  Fior.Ji.  88. 

^  The  presumption  that  Machiavelli  had  a  principal 
part  in  the  contrivance  of  this  most  iniquitous  stratagem, 
is  indeed  extremely  strong.  The  Florentines  dreaded  and 
abhorred  both  the  Orsini  and  tlie  Vitelli ;  the  former  as 
relations  and  adherents  to  the  Medici,  the  latter  for  exert- 
ing themselves  to  avenge  the  unmerited  fate  of  Paolo  Vitelli, 
so  cruelly  put  to  death  at  Florence.  Borgia  had  retreated 
to  Imola,  where  Machiavelli  found  him  in  a  state  of  great 
dejection,  "  pieno  di  paura."  No  sooner,  however,  did 
the  Florentine  envoy  appear,  than  he  took  fresh  courage, 
and  the  plan  for  the  destruction  of  their  adversaries  seems 
to  have  been  agreed  on.  It  is  certain,  also,  that  Machia- 
velli accompanied  Cesar  to  Sinigaglia,  and  was  present  at 
the  perpetration  of  the  deed  ;  after  which  Borgia  remarked 
to  him,  that  "  he  knew  the  government  of  Florence  would 
"  be  gratified  by  this  transaction."  v.  JVardi,^  Hist.  Fior. 
lib.  iv.  fi.  85.  The  Florentine  writers  acknowledge,  that 
the  intelligence  of  it  gave  great  satisfaction  in  the  city. 
*'  Resto  allora  la  citta,  morti  costoro,  niolto  sicura  da  quelli 

"  suoi 


OF  LEO   THE   TENTH.  455 

thus  freed  himself  from  all  apprehensions  from  his  c  h  a  p. 
doubtful  allies,  Cesar  lost  no  time  in  proceeding      ^^- 
to  Citta  di  Castello,  of  which  place  he  took  pos-      1503. 
session ;    the  remainder  of  the  family  of  Vitelli    ^^'  ^8 
having    betaken  themselves  to  flight.     He   then  t^eirteJrito"! 
entered  Perugia,  which  had  been  in  like  manner  ""• 
abandoned    by    Gian-Paolo  Baglione,    who  had, 
however,    the   good  fortune  to  escape  from  the 
snare  laid  for  him  at  Sinigaglia.     Siena  was  the 
next  place  towards  which  he  bent  his  course  ;  but 
whilst  he  was  hovering  round  the  city,  and  had 
already   compelled  Pandolfo  Petrucci,    who  then 
enjoyed  the    chief  authority,  to  quit  the   place, 
he  received  intelligence  from  the  pope,  that  the 
duke  of  Bracciano,  with  others  of  the  Orsini  family, 
as  well  as  the  nobles  of  the  Savelli,  had  again  taken 
up  arms.    He  was  therefore  obliged  to  quit  Siena ; 
and,    hastening  into  the    papal  territories,    again 
reduced  them  to  obedience.     This  was  the  period 
of  the  highest  power  of  Cesar  Borgia.     In  full 
possession  of  the  extensive  teiritory  of  Romagna, 
he  regarded  with  eager  avidity  the  domains  of  Pisa 
and  of  Siena ;  nor  were  the  citizens  of  Florence 
without  constant  apprehensions  from  his  increasing 
pou-er ;   whilst  the  pope,   equally  earnest   in  the 

aggran- 


"  suoi  nemici,  che  tanto  e  si  spessolatravagliavano."  JYerliy 
Commtntar.  lib.  v.  fi.  94.  The  Florentines  also  sent  Jacopo 
Salviati  as  their  ambassadour,  to  congratulate  Cesar  on  the 
success  of  his  treachery.  Kazzi,  vita  di  Fietro  Soclciini, 
ft.  7.  Padoua,    1737. 


Alexander 
VI. 


456  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  agrandizement  of  his  son,  had  proposed  to  the 
VI'      college  of  cardinals  to  bestow  upon  him  the  title 

1503.    of  king  of  Romagna  and  Umbria. 

.Et.  28. 

Death  of  But  whilst  every  circumstance  thus  seemed  to 

conspire  in  his  favour,  an  unexpected  reverse  of 
fortune  suddenly  overturned  the  fabrick  of  his 
greatness.  This  was  the  death  of  Alexander  VI. 
which  happened  on  the  eighteenth  day  of  August, 
1503.  And  this  misfortune  was  increased  by  tlie 
effects  of  a  dangerous  malady,  under  which  Cesar 
himself  at  the  same  time  laboured,  and  which 
prevented  him  from  taking  those  measures  for 
securing  his  authority  which  he  might  otherwise 
have  adopted.  The  historians  of  this  period, 
eager  to  represent  both  Alexander  and  his  son  in 
the  most  odious  colours,  have  asserted  that  the 
death  of  the  one  and  the  disorder  of  the  other, 
were  occasioned  by  poison,  prepared  by  them  for 
the  destruction  of  several  cardinals,  of  whose  wealth 
they  intended  to  possess  themselves ;  but  which, 
by  the  errour  of  an  attendant,  was  incautiously 
administered  to  themselves.  That  the  horrid  and 
detestable  practice  of  destroying  persons  by  poison 
was  frequently  resorted  to  in  these  profligate  times, 
is  certain ;  and  that  Alexander  and  his  son  had 
employed  these  measures  for  the  gratification  of 
their  avarice,  their  ambition,  or  their  revenge,  is 
positively  asserted  by  many  historians ;  but  it  by 
no  means  accords  with  the  acknowledged  ability, 
caution,  and  penetration  of  these  men,  that  they 

would 


^- 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  457 

would  risk  their  lives    upon  the  negligence,    or  c  h  a  p. 
fidelity  of  a  servant,  or  place  it  in  the  power  of     vi- 
accident  to  render  them  the  victims  of  their  own     1503. 
crime.     If,  therefore,  the  death  of  Alexander  is   -^^t.  28 
to  be  attributed  to  poison,  it  was  most  probably 
administered  to  him  by  some  of  those  numerous 
enemies  whom  his  rapacity  and  violence  had  incited 
to  this  deed  of  revenge ;  but  documents  recently 
produced,  and  a  more  dispassionate  inquiry,  aiford 
sufficient   reason  to   conclude,  that  the  death  of 
the  pontiff  was  not  occasioned  by  poison,  but  was 
the  effect  of  a  fever,  \\  hich  in  a  few  days  hurried 
him  to  the  grave/ 

Were 


^  Burchard  informs  us,  that  the  pope  was  attacked  by 
a  fever  on  the  12th  day  of  August,   1503;  that  on  the  six-, 
teenth   he  was  bled,  and  the  disorder  seemed  to  become 
tertian.     On  the  seventeenth  he  took  medicine  ;  but  on  the 
eighteenth  he  became  so  ill  that  his  life  was  despaired  of. 
He  then  received  the  Viaticum,  during  mass  ;  which  was 
celebrated  in   his   chamber,    and   at  which  five   cardinals 
assisted.     In  the  evening  extreme  unction   was  adminis- 
tered to   liim,  and  in  a  few  minutes  afterwards  he  died. 
Burchard.  Diar.  afi.  A'otkes  de  la  bibliotheque  du  Roi^  -vol.  i. 
p.  118.     Muratori  has  produced  many  authorities  to  show, 
that  the  death  of  Alexander  was  not  occasioned  by  poison  ; 
among  which,  that  of  Beltrando  Costabile,  then  ambassa- 
dour  of  the  duke  of  Feri'ara,  at  Rome,  seems  the  most 
decisive.     "  The  court  of  Ferrara,"  adds  Muratori,  "  which 
"  was  then  the  residence  of  the  daughter  of  Alexander, 
"  may  be  presumed  to  have  been  well  informed  of  the  cause 
«  of  his  death."  That 

VOL.  I.  3  M 


ten 


458  LIFE   AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP.       "Were  we  to  place  implicit  confidence  in  the 

VI-      Italian  historians,  no  period  of  society  has  exhibited 

1503.    a  chafactcr  of  darker  deformity  than  that  of  Alex- 

JS:t.  28.  der  VI.     Inordinate  in  his  ambition,  insatiable  in 

Remarks  on  j^'g  ayji^ric^^  j^j-^^j  j^jg  \^^i    incxorablc  in  his  cruelty, 

Ins  conduct  '  ^ 

andcharac-  ^^^-^^  boundlcss  in  his  rapacity ;  almost  every  crime 
that  c^n  disgrace  humanity  is  attributed  to  him 
without  hesitation,  by  writers  whose  works  are 
publ  idled  under  the  sanction  of  the  Roman  church. 
He  is  also  accused  of  having  introduced  into  his 
territories,  the  detestable  practice  of  searching  for 
state  ofiences  by  means  of  secret  informers;  a 
system  fatal  to  the  liberty  and  happiness  of  every 
country  that  has  submitted  to  such  a  degradation. 
As  a  pontiff  he  perverted  his  high  office,  by  making 

his 


That  it  was,  however,  the  general  opinion  at  the  time 
of  his  death,  that  Alexander  perished  by  poison,  appears 
from  numerous  contempoi-ary  authorities.  Thus  Guide 
Postumo,  in  Twnulum  Sexti : 

*'  Quis  situs  hie?  Sextits.  Quis  pectora  plangit?  Erynnis. 

"  Quis  comes  in  tan  to  funere  obit  ?   Vitiuvi. 
"  Unde  pyra?  Ex  criicibus,  quibus  Italapectoi'a  torsit. 

"  Qujc  laniata  genas  prxfica  ?  Avaricies. 
"  Quis  tulit  ossa  ?  JVefas.  Quis  longo  murmure  dixit 

"  Nate,  vale  ?  Mater  Rixa,  paterque  Odium. 
"  Qui  pressere  oculos  ?  Jncendia,  Stupra,  Rapinx. 

"  Quis  moriar  dixit,  hoc  moriente  ?  Dolus. 
"  Sed  qux  causa  necis  ?   Virus.     Proh  numina  !  virus 

"  Ilumano  generi  vita,  salusque  fuit." 

Guid.  Post.  Elcg.p.  36. 


OF  LEO  THE  TENTH.  459 

his  spiritual  power  on  every  occasion  subservient  to  c  h  AiP-' 
his  temporal  interests  ;  and  he  might  have  adopted  __Xil_. 
as  his  emblem,  that  of  the  ancient  Jupiter,  which     15Q3. 
exhibits  the  lightning  in  the  grasp  of  a  ferocious  iEt.  29. 
eagle. '"     His  vices  as  an  individual,  although  not 
so  injurious  to  the  world,  are  represented  as  yet 
more  disgusting  ;  and  the  records  of  his  court  af- 
ford repeated  instances  of  a  depravity  of  morals, 
inexcusable  in  any  station,  but  abominable  in  one 
of  his  high  rank  and  sacred  office.     Yet,  with  all 

these  lamentable  defects,  justice  requires  that  two 

particulars 


^  To  tliis  period,  when  truth  became  a  crime,  we  may 
refer  the  origin  of  the  Roman  Pasquinades  ;  of  which  the 
following  lines  afford  one  of  the  earliest  instances. 

"  Vendit  Alexander  claves,  altaria,  Christum. 

"  Emerat  ille  prius  ;  vendere  jure  potest. 
"  De  vitio  in  vitium,  de  flamma  transit  in  ignem  ; 

"  Roma  sub  Hispano  deperit  imperio. 
"  Sextus  Tarquinius,  Sextus  Nero,  Sextus  et  iste  ; 

"  Semper  sub  Sextis  perdita  Roma  fuit." 

Machiavelli,  although  more  favourable  to  the  family  of 
Borgia  than  most  other  writers,  accuses  him  of  lust,  simo- 
ny, and  cruelty : 


per  aver  riposo, 


"  Portato  fu  fra  I'anime  beate 
"  Lo  spirto  di  Alessandro  glorioso. 
"  Del  qual  seguiro  le  sante  pedate 
"  Tre  sue  familiari  e  care  ancille, 
"  Lussuria,  Simonia,  e  crudeltate." 

Decentiale  i,/i.  68. 


460  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  particulars  in  his  favour  should  be  noticed.  In  the 
VI'  first  place,  whatever  have  been  his  crimes,  there 
1503.     can  be  no  doubt  but  they  have  been  highly  over- 

Mt.  28.  charged.  That  he  was  devoted  to  the  aggrandize- 
ment of  his  family,  and  that  he  employed  the 
authority  of  his  elevated  station  to  establish  a  per- 
manent dominion  in  Italy  in  the  person  of  his  ^on, 
cannot  be  doubted ;  but  when  almost  all  the  sove- 
reigns of  Europe  were  attempting  to  gratify  their 
ambition  by  means  equally  criminal,  it  seems  un- 
just to  brand  the  character  of  Alexander  with  any 
peculiar  and  extraordinary  share  of  infamy  in  this 
respect.  Whilst  Louis  of  France  and  Ferdinand 
of  Spain  conspired  together,  to  seize  upon  and 
divide  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  by  an  example  of 
treacheiy  that  never  can  be  sufficiently  execrated, 
Alexander  might  surely  think  himself  justified  in 
suppressing  the  turbulent  barons,  who  had  for  ages 
rent  the  dominions  of  the  church  with  intestine 
wars,  and  in  subjugating  the  petty  sovereigns  of 
Romagna,  over  whom  he  had  an  acknowledged 
supremacy,  and  who  had  in  general  acquired  their 
dominions  by  means  as  unjustifiable  as  those  which 
he  adopted  against  them.  "     With  respect  to  the 

accusation 


^  Oliverotto  da  Fermo  had  obtained  the  chief  authority 
in  the  city  from  which  he  derived  his  name,  by  the  treache- 
rous murder  of  his  uncle,  and  several  of  the  principal 
inhabitants,  whom  lie  had  invited  to  an  entertainment. 
This  atrocious  deed  was  perpetrated  on  the  same  day  in 

the 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  461 

accusation  so  generally  believed,  of  a  criminal  in-  chap. 
tercourse  between  him  and    his   own  daughter,      "^'i- 
which  has  caused  him  to  be  regarded  with  a  pccu-     1503. 
liar  degree  of  horrour  and  disgust,  it  might  not  yEt.  28. 
be  difficult  to  show  its  improbability,  and  to  inva- 
lidate an  imputation  which  disgraces  human  nature 
itself. 

In  the  second  place  it  may  justly  be  observed, 
that  the  vices  of  Alexander  were  in  some  de2:ree 
counterbalanced  by  many  great  qualities,  which, 
in  the  consideration  of  his  character,  ought  not  to 
be  passed  over  in  silence.^     Nor,  if  this  were  not 

the 


the  preceding  year,  on  which  he  afterwards  fell  into  the 
snare  of  Cesar  Borgia.  The  other  persons  put  to  death 
by  Borgia,  had  also  supported  themselves  by  rapine,  and 
were  the  terrour  of  all  Italy.  The  contests  of  this  period 
may  in  fact  be  regarded  by  posterity,  as  a  combat  of  wild 
beasts,  in  which  the  strongest  and  most  ferocious  animal 
destroys  the  rest. 

V.  Macch.  lib.  del Pmicijie.  cafi.  viii.  /;.  21,  22. 

y  "  '  in   Alexandro,    ut   de   Annibale  Livius 

"  scribit,  xquabant  vitia  virtutes.  Inerant  namque  inge- 
"  nium,  ratio,  cognitio,  memoria,  diligentia,  eloquentia 
'*  vero  qusdam  naturalis,  et  ad  persuadendum  apta,  ut 
"  nemo  rem  cautius  proponeret  aut  acrius  defensitaret," 
&c.  Rafih,  Volater.  Anthropol.  lib.  xxii. //.  683.  "  Fu  mag- 
"  nanimo,  et  generoso,  et  prudente,  se  non  che  si  lascio 
"  vincere  dall'amore  di  figliuoli  che  haveva,  et  da  troppo 
"  cupidita"     Monaldeschi^  Co7n?n.  Istor,/i.  148. 


462  LIFE  AND  PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  the  fact,  would  it  be  possible  to  account  for  the 
VI'  peculiar  good  fortune,  which  attended  him  to  the 
1503.     latest  period  of  his  life,  or  for  the  singulai'  circum- 

•^t.  28.  stances  recorded  of  him  that,  during  his  whole 
pontificate,  no  popular  tumult  ever  endangered  his 
authority,  or  disturbed  his  repose.^  Even  by  his 
severest  adversaries,  he  is  allowed  to  have  been  a 
man  of  an  elevated  genius,  of  a  wonderful  memory, 
eloquent,  vigilant,  and  dexterous  in  the  manage- 
ment of  all  his  concerns.  The  proper  supply  of 
the  city  of  Rome  with  all  the  necessaries  of  life, 
was  an  object  of  his  unceasing  attention ;  and, 
during  his  pontificate,  his  dominions  were  exempt 
from  that  famine,  which  devastated  the  rest  of 
Italy.  In  his  diet  he  was  peculiarly  temperate, 
and  he  accustomed  himself  to  but  little  sleep.  In 
those  hours  which  he  devoted  to  amusement,  he 
seemed  Avholly  to  forget  the  affairs  of  state  ;  but 
he  never  suffered  those  amusements  to  diminish 
the  vigour  of  his  faculties,  which  remained  unim- 
paired to  the  last.  Though  not  addicted  to  the 
study  of  literature,  Alexander  was  munificent  to- 
wards its  professors ;  to  whom  he  not  only  granted 
liberal  salaries,  but,  with  a  punctuality  very  uncom- 
mon among  the  princes  of  that  period,  he  took 
care  that  those  salaries  were  duly  paid."     That  he 

at 


'•  Rafih.  Volater.  Anthrojiol  lib.  xxii./!.  682. 

a  The  cardinal  Giovanni  Borgia,  nephew  of  the  pontiff 

was 


OF  LEO  THE   TENTH.  463 

at  some  times  attended  the  representations  of  the  chap. 
comedies  of  Piautus,  has  been  placed  in  the  black  vi- 
catalogue  of  his  defects ;''  but  if  his  mind  had  1503. 
been  more  humanized  by  the  cultivation  of  polite  ^t.  28. 
letters,  he  might,  instead  of  being  degraded  almost 
l^elow  humanit}^,  have  stood  high  in  the  scale  of 
positive  excellence.  To  tlie  encouragement  of  the 
arts,  he  paid  a  mere  particular  attention.  The 
palace  of  the  Vatican  was  enlarged  by  him,  and 
many  of  the  apartments  were  ornamented  with  the 
works  of  the  most  eminent  painters  of  the  time ; 
among  whom  may  be  particularized  Torrigiano, 
Baldassare  Peruzzi,  and  Bernardino  Pinturicchio. 
As  an  aixhitect,  his  chief  iavourites  were  Giuliano 
and  Antonio  da  San-Gallo ;  nor  does  his  choice  in 
this  respect  detract  from  his  judgment.  By  their 
assistance,  the  mole  of  Hadrian,  now  called  the 
castle  of  S.  Angelo,  was  fortified  in  the  manner  in 
which  it  yet  remains.  In  one  circumstance  his 
encouragement  of  the  arts  is  connected  with  a  sin- 
gular 


was  also  an  encourager  of  literature,  and  condescended  to 
receive  instructions  from  Mariano  Probo,  of  Sulmona, 
who  distingiushed  himself  as  a  Latin  poet,  and  died  at 
Rome  in  the  year  1499,  His  Partheniaa,  or  Life  of  the 
Virgin,  in  six  books,  was  printed  at  Naples,  in  1524.  The 
preface  to  this  rare  volume  by  Nic.  Scsevola,  contains 
some  curious  particulars  of  the  state  of  learning  at  Roraej 
during  the  pontificate  of  Alexander  VL 

f,  Quapropter  Comoedias  Plautinas  ceteraque  ludicra, 
"  libcnter  spectavit."     Raph,  Volater.  lib.  xxii. //.  685. 


464  LIFE  AND   PONTIFICATE 

CHAP,  gular  instance  of  profaneness,  -which  it  is  surprising 
VI.      has  not  hitherto  been  enumerated  among  his  many 
1503,    offences.     In  a  picture  painted  for  him  by  Pintu- 
^t.  28.   ricchio,  the  beautiful  Julia  Farnese  is  represented 
in  the  sacred  character  of  the  Virgin,  whilst  Alex- 
ander himself  appears    in  the   same  picture,    as 
supreme  pontiff,  paying  to  her  the  tribute  of  his 
adoration. 


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